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Arabization and Linguistic Domination: Berber and Arabic in the North of Africa Mohand Tilmatine
Arabization and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the North of Africa Mohand Tilmatine To cite this version: Mohand Tilmatine. Arabization and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the North of Africa. Language Empires in Comparative Perspective, DE GRUYTER, pp.1-16, 2015, Koloniale und Postkoloniale Linguistik / Colonial and Postcolonial Linguistics, 978-3-11-040836-2. hal-02182976 HAL Id: hal-02182976 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02182976 Submitted on 14 Jul 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Arabization and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the North of Africa Mohand Tilmatine To cite this version: Mohand Tilmatine. Arabization and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the North of Africa. Language Empires in Comparative Perspective, DE GRUYTER, pp.1-16, 2015, Koloniale und Postkoloniale Linguistik / Colonial and Postcolonial Linguistics 978-3-11-040836-2. hal-02182976 HAL Id: hal-02182976 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02182976 Submitted on 14 Jul 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. -
45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro
THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds. -
Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol. -
Uitgelokte Aanval Op Haar Burgers.S Wij Roepen Alle Democratische
STOP TURKIJE'S OORLOG TEGEN DE KOERDEN De luchtaanvallen van Turkije hebben Afrin geraakt, een Koerdische stad in Noord-Syrie, waarbij verschillende burgers zijn gedood en verwondNiet alleen de Koerden, maar ook christenen, Arabieren en alle andere entiteiten in Afrin liggen onder zware aanvallen van TurkijeDe agressie van Turkije tegen de bewoners van Afrin is een overduidelijke misdaad tegen de mensheid; het is niet anders dan de misdaden gepleegd door ISIS. Het initiëren van een militaire aanval op een land die jou niet heeft aangevallen is een oorlogsmisdaad. Turkse jets hebben 100 plekken in Afrin als doelwit genomen, inclusief vele civiele gebieden. Ten minste 6 burgers zijn gedood en I YPG (Volksbeschermingseenheden) en 2 YPJ (Vrouwelijke Volksbeschermingseenheden) -strijders zijn gemarteld tijdens de Turkse aanvallen van afgelopen zaterdag. Ook zijn als gevolg van de aanval een aantal burgers gewond geraakt.Het binnenvallende Turkse leger voerde zaterdagmiddag omstreeks 16:00 uur luchtaanvallen uit op Afrin met de goedkeuring van Rusland. De aanvallen die door 72 straaljagers werden uitgevoerd raakten het centrum van Afrin, de districten Cindirêsê, Reco, Shera, Shêrawa en Mabeta. Ook werd het vluchtelingenkamp Rubar geraakt. Het kamp wordt bewoond door meer dan 20.000 vluchtelingen uit Syrië. Het bezettende Turkse leger en zijn terroristen probeerden eerst middels aanvallen via de grond Afrin binnen te dringen, maar zij faalden. Daarom probeerden ze de bewoners van Afrin bang te maken en ze te verdringen naar vrije gebieden van het Syrische leger / gebieden die door Turkije worden beheerd. Het inmiddels zeven jaar durende interne conflict in Syrië is veranderd in een internationale oorlog. -
Writing Arabizi: Orthographic Variation in Romanized
WRITING ARABIZI: ORTHOGRAPHIC VARIATION IN ROMANIZED LEBANESE ARABIC ON TWITTER ! ! ! ! Natalie!Sullivan! ! ! ! TC!660H!! Plan!II!Honors!Program! The!University!of!Texas!at!Austin! ! ! ! ! May!4,!2017! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! _______________________________________________________! Barbara!Bullock,!Ph.D.! Department!of!French!&!Italian! Supervising!Professor! ! ! ! ! _______________________________________________________! John!Huehnergard,!Ph.D.! Department!of!Middle!Eastern!Studies! Second!Reader!! ii ABSTRACT Author: Natalie Sullivan Title: Writing Arabizi: Orthographic Variation in Romanized Lebanese Arabic on Twitter Supervising Professors: Dr. Barbara Bullock, Dr. John Huehnergard How does technology influence the script in which a language is written? Over the past few decades, a new form of writing has emerged across the Arab world. Known as Arabizi, it is a type of Romanized Arabic that uses Latin characters instead of Arabic script. It is mainly used by youth in technology-related contexts such as social media and texting, and has made many older Arabic speakers fear that more standard forms of Arabic may be in danger because of its use. Prior work on Arabizi suggests that although it is used frequently on social media, its orthography is not yet standardized (Palfreyman and Khalil, 2003; Abdel-Ghaffar et al., 2011). Therefore, this thesis aimed to examine orthographic variation in Romanized Lebanese Arabic, which has rarely been studied as a Romanized dialect. It was interested in how often Arabizi is used on Twitter in Lebanon and the extent of its orthographic variation. Using Twitter data collected from Beirut, tweets were analyzed to discover the most common orthographic variants in Arabizi for each Arabic letter, as well as the overall rate of Arabizi use. Results show that Arabizi was not used as frequently as hypothesized on Twitter, probably because of its low prestige and increased globalization. -
Pyd-Ypg Can Acun, Bünyamin Keskin Branch In
REPORT REPORT THE PKK’S BRANCH IN NORTHERN SYRIA THE PKK’S PYD-YPG CAN ACUN, BÜNYAMIN KESKIN BRANCH IN The PYD, conducting activities as the PKK’s Syrian branch, contem- NORTHERN SYRIA plated exploiting the Syrian revolution which broke out in 2011 for its own ends and has since acted together with the Assad regime on the basis of their common interests. The PYD formed a military-wing owing to its military engagement with the regime and the support provided by the PKK. Therefore, the PYD has managed to control the PYD-YPG Kurds who previously sided with the Syrian opposition, has declared self-ruled cantons, and formed a sphere of influence as an “armed-non- PYD-YPG SYRIA: NORTHERN IN BRANCH PKK’S THE state-actor” in the north of Syria. In fact, the PKK has started to imple- ment its self-administration model in the cantons, a model it plans to implement in Turkey as well. The PKK has adopted a policy based on CAN ACUN, BÜNYAMIN KESKIN absolute authority over even dissident Kurds; it offers no alternatives to those who do not support its causes. The PYD has presented itself as a useful actor in the U.S. fight against DAESH by taking advantage of DAESH’s presence in Syria; and has exerted efforts to connect the can- tons under its control. After the Russian involvement in the Syrian civil war, the PYD has taken Machiavellist steps to establish a relationship with Russia similar to the one it enjoys with the United States. To realize its aspirations over the region, the PYD has developed tacti- cal relations with the Assad regime, the USA and Russia, and has been trying hard to capture the regions populated in majority by Arabs and Turkmens in Northern Syria. -
Iraq and the Kurds: the Brewing Battle Over Kirkuk
IRAQ AND THE KURDS: THE BREWING BATTLE OVER KIRKUK Middle East Report N°56 – 18 July 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. COMPETING CLAIMS AND POSITIONS................................................................ 2 A. THE KURDISH NARRATIVE....................................................................................................3 B. THE TURKOMAN NARRATIVE................................................................................................4 C. THE ARAB NARRATIVE .........................................................................................................5 D. THE CHRISTIAN NARRATIVE .................................................................................................6 III. IRAQ’S POLITICAL TRANSITION AND KIRKUK ............................................... 7 A. USES OF THE KURDS’ NEW POWER .......................................................................................7 B. THE PACE OF “NORMALISATION”........................................................................................11 IV. OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS................................................................ 16 A. THE KURDS.........................................................................................................................16 B. THE TURKOMANS ...............................................................................................................19 -
Turkey's Strategic Reasoning Behind Operation Olive Branch
NO: 34 PERSPECTIVE JANUARY 2018 Turkey’s Strategic Reasoning behind Operation Olive Branch MURAT YEŞİLTAŞ • What is the strategic reasoning behind Turkey’s military operation against the PKK in the Afrin region? • What does Turkey’s game plan mean for the region? • What are the implications of Turkey’s military operation for the future of the Turkey-U.S.-Russia triangle? Following Operation Euphrates Shield (OES), Tur- has been designated as a terrorist organization by key added a new dimension to its ongoing military NATO, the EU and the U.S., the YPG controls 65% activity in Syria in order to curb the PKK’s influence of the Turkey-Syria border and uses its position to at- in northern Syria and to “de-territorialize” it in the tack Turkey. More importantly, the YPG is playing a medium term in the rest of the Syrian territory. With vital role in the PKK’s ongoing terrorist attacks inside the advent of the Afrin operation, Turkey’s military Turkey.1 It is also well-known that the YPG is tactical- activity has spread to a wider geographical area in the ly used by the PKK as an integral part of its irregular western bank of the Euphrates. The operation, which warfare strategy both in terms of manpower and mili- had been in the preparation phase for a long time, tary equipment in the fight against the Turkish Armed started on October 20 with the offensive phase, Forces in the southeastern part of Turkey.2 Therefore, shortly after President Erdoğan’s statement with first and foremost, Operation Olive Branch (OOB) is strong references to the UNSC’s decisions with re- an integral part of Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy, gards to war on terror and the ‘self-defense’ element which Turkish security forces have adopted against in Article 51 of the UN Charter. -
Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan
ISSUE BRIEF 09.05.18 False Hopes? Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan Mustafa Gurbuz, Ph.D., Arab Center, Washington D.C. Among those deeply affected by the Arab i.e., unifying Kurdish cantons in northern Spring were the Kurds—the largest ethnic Syria under a new local governing body, is minority without a state in the Middle depicted as a dream for egalitarianism and East. The Syrian civil war put the Kurds at a liberal inclusive culture that counters the forefront in the war against the Islamic patriarchic structures in the Middle East.1 State (IS) and drastically changed the future U.S. policy toward the Kurds, however, prospects of Kurds in both Syria and Iraq. has become most puzzling since the 2017 This brief examines the challenges that defeat of IS in Syria. While the U.S.—to hinder development of a politically inclusive avoid alienating the Turks—did not object culture in Syrian Kurdistan—popularly to the Turkish troops’ invasion of the known as Rojava—and Iraqi Kurdistan. Kurdish canton of Afrin, the YPG began Political and economic instability in both forging closer ties to Damascus—which regions have shattered Kurdish dreams for led to complaints from some American political diversity and prosperity since the officials that the Kurdish group “has turned early days of the Arab Spring. into an insurgent organization.”2 In fact, from the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Syrian Kurds have been most careful to not THE RISING TIDE OF SYRIAN KURDS directly target the Assad regime, aside from some short-term clashes in certain places The civil war in Syria has thus far bolstered like Rojava, for two major reasons. -
Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria
Artical Name : Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria Artical Subject : Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria Publish Date: 21/08/2017 Auther Name: Future for Advanced Research and Studies Subject : The Kurdistan Democratic Union party (PYD) led by Saleh Musallam continues its efforts and takes new executive actions with the aim of turning the federal system, announced on 17 March 2016 in areas under its control in northern Syria (Rojava regions) into reality. The previous step taken by PYD was preparing a draft Federal Constitution composed of 85 articles stipulating that the constitution is a social contract for the democratic federal Rojava, and considering the city of Qamishli as the capital and center of the federation.Practical StepsThe constituent Assembly for the Union of northern Syria, on July 29, set dates for conducting the first local and legislative elections in northern Syria, after ratifying legal administrative divisions and elections, including the following: 1- September 22, is the date for elections of municipal institutions or the so-called communes, the first level of local administration in northern Syria, the smallest electoral unit across alleys and neighborhoods. 2- November 23 is the date for local and provincial governing bodies elections, the second level of local administration in northern Syria. 3- January 19, 2018 is the date for the Peoples¶Congress elections in northern Syria, and the Democratic Peoples¶Conference elections, a pan-Federal Parliament for -
Syrie : Situation De La Population Yézidie Dans La Région D'afrin
Syrie : situation de la population yézidie dans la région d’Afrin Recherche rapide de l’analyse-pays Berne, le 9 mai 2018 Impressum Editeur Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés OSAR Case postale, 3001 Berne Tél. 031 370 75 75 Fax 031 370 75 00 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: www.osar.ch CCP dons: 10-10000-5 Versions Allemand et français COPYRIGHT © 2018 Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés OSAR, Berne Copies et impressions autorisées sous réserve de la mention de la source. 1 Introduction Le présent document a été rédigé par l’analyse-pays de l’Organisation suisse d’aide aux ré- fugiés (OSAR) à la suite d’une demande qui lui a été adressée. Il se penche sur la question suivante : 1. Quelle est la situation actuelle des Yézidi-e-s dans la région d’Afrin ? Pour répondre à cette question, l’analyse-pays de l’OSAR s’est fondée sur des sources ac- cessibles publiquement et disponibles dans les délais impartis (recherche rapide) ainsi que sur des renseignements d’expert-e-s. 2 Situation de la population yézidie dans la région d’Afrin De 20’000 à 30’000 Yézidi-e-s dans la région d'Afrin. Selon un rapport encore à paraître de la Société pour les peuples menacés (SPM, 2018), quelque 20 000 à 30 000 Yézidis vivent dans la région d'Afrin. Depuis mars 2018, Afrin placée sous le contrôle de la Turquie et des groupes armés alliés à la Turquie. Le 20 janvier 2018, la Turquie a lancé une offensive militaire pour prendre le contrôle du district d'Afrin dans la province d'Alep. -
Is There a Turkish Islam? the Emergence of Convergence and Consensus
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 24, No. 2, October 2004 Is There a Turkish Islam? The Emergence of Convergence and Consensus M. HAKAN YAVUZ Abstract This paper attempts to demonstrate that it is not only the universal principles of Islam that ground our everyday actions, but also the practical and immediate issues which we confront. Although Islam provides a universal set of principles to make life meaningful, I shall argue that these principles are vernacularized and localized in specific narratives. By offering seven diverse zones of Islam, I seek to bring this critical and dynamic distance into the forefront to understand that there is no universal model or a single highway to salvation but, instead, there are multiple ways of being and becoming a Muslim. In the first part of the paper, I seek to disaggregate the concept of ‘Islamic or Muslim world’ by identifying seven diverse competing and conflicting ‘zones’ of political Islam, each characterized by their conversion pattern, colonial legacy, type of nationalism and by the state–society relations and political economy that factor into these evolving separate zones. At the same time and under certain political conditions, one also sees the emergence of consensus and similar ‘public opinion’ across zones on various issues. After identifying the features of three of the seven zones (Arab, Persian and Turkish), the paper focuses on Sufism, the frontier legacy of the Ottoman state, and on the tax-based economy and the expanding political opportunity spaces, to account for the construc- tion of Islamic knowledge and practices in the Turkish zone.