DOCSLIB.ORG

Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria Artical Name : Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria Artical Subject : Significance of the New Kurdish Arrangements in Northern Syria Publish Date: 21/08/2017 Auther Name: Future for Advanced Research and Studies Subject : The Kurdistan Democratic Union party (PYD) led by Saleh Musallam continues its efforts and takes new executive actions with the aim of turning the federal system, announced on 17 March 2016 in areas under its control in northern Syria (Rojava regions) into reality. The previous step taken by PYD was preparing a draft Federal Constitution composed of 85 articles stipulating that the constitution is a social contract for the democratic federal Rojava, and considering the city of Qamishli as the capital and center of the federation.Practical StepsThe constituent Assembly for the Union of northern Syria, on July 29, set dates for conducting the first local and legislative elections in northern Syria, after ratifying legal administrative divisions and elections, including the following: 1- September 22, is the date for elections of municipal institutions or the so-called communes, the first level of local administration in northern Syria, the smallest electoral unit across alleys and neighborhoods. 2- November 23 is the date for local and provincial governing bodies elections, the second level of local administration in northern Syria. 3- January 19, 2018 is the date for the Peoples¶Congress elections in northern Syria, and the Democratic Peoples¶Conference elections, a pan-Federal Parliament for northern Syria. It should be noted here that the Constituent Assembly of the federal system consists of 31 persons and has two co- chairs, Hadyah Yusuf, a Kurdish figure, and Mansour Alsalloomi, an Arab figure.Participatory federationThe concept of governance adopted by the Kurds in northern Syria is based on participatory federalism, which includes the following: 1- Broad decentralized administration, where different provinces in northern Syria elect local legislative and executive councils, preceded by the election of the councils of alleys and neighborhoods. 2- Bottom-up democracy, so that each county and region has its special council, legislative and executive arms, where the Democratic Peoples Conference will be elected, which constitutes the general umbrella and governing body of the different regions. According to the new divisions, the north will be divided into three regions, namely the island region, consisting of of Hassakeh and Qamishli, Euphrates region consisting of Kobani and Gire Spi, Afrin region consisting of Afrin and Alshahbaa.Main motivesThere are several accumulative factors, internal and external, that led northern Syrian Kurds to set dates for the first local and legislative elections in their areas, as follows: 1- Self-motives A- Strong military support for the Kurds, as represented in the Kurdish People Protection units, which is considered the military wing of the Democratic Union party, around 500,000 fighters, as well as the Syrian Democratic Forces, military factions from both Arabs and Kurds, and Kurdish Asayish forces (Kurdish police). These forces were instrumental in establishing a self-administration system in the island in Hassakeh and Kobani in the countryside of northern Aleppo, Afrin in the countryside of north-western Aleppo, and Tal Abyad in Raqqa. They have also played a key role in fighting ³ISIS´in northern Syria, especially the ongoing battle for Raqqa.B- Availability of economic resources, represented in the Kurds¶control of many oil fields, gas plants and cotton gins in northern Syria, in addition to tax revenues and customs duties that are imposed in the north, as well as the revenues from the Kurdish service institutions. C- Establishing institutions and administrative bodies similar to those in states, particularly in main counties (Kobani, the island, Afrin and Tal Abyad). Most prominent institutions are: education department, People¶s Protection units (Ministry of Defence) and Asayish forces (Ministry of Interior). D- Establishing cultural foundations and an educational system to support the Kurdish identity in northern Syria, mainly through the education department of Kurdish to change most of the curricula to include the Kurdish language at the schools in the autonomous administration.E- Kurds¶success in implementing the policies of demographic change, ethnic cleansing and displacement of Arab and Turkmen population in northern Syria, which led to changing the demographics of this region. International organizations confirm this change, particularly Amnesty International reports.2- External motives A- A desire to invest in Iraq Kurdistan¶s determination on separation from the Central Government, in the light of President Massoud Barzani¶s repeated announcements that he is determined to conduct the referendum on independence on 25 September. Hence, Syrian Kurds seek to exploit the international momentum of the expected referendum. B- Exploit the international support for the Kurds, mainly from the American side, in light of Washington¶s realization that Kurdish forces are the most eligible party to achieve success on the ground if supported by air cover. In this context, the international coalition led by the U.S. continues to focus on helping the Syrian Democratic Forces to restore the areas controlled by ³ISIS´as demonstrated by the ongoing battle for Raqqa. The Turkish Yeni Safak newspaper confirmed that the Constituent Assembly meeting, which approved the legal administrative divisions and elections, was held in the U.S. Rumailan military base in Hassakeh.Significance of the Move The move by Syrian Kurds, to declare the schedule of local and legislative elections in northern Syria, has several significances, most notably the following: 1- Setting dates for the local and legislative elections reflects the seriousness of Syria¶s Kurds to consolidate their previous declaration regarding the federation, and demonstrates their confidence in establishing a Kurdish region in Syria, and laying the ground for imposing the federal system as a fait accompli on other parties, and making it a general framework that will shape the Syrian State in the future. 2- By these moves, Syria¶s Kurds aim to introduce themselves as a key party in any future equation related to Syria, and send a message to the rest of the parties to the conflict and regional and international powers that it was wrong to insist on excluding them from participating in the political solution and related conferences.3- The new Kurdish arrangements came ahead of the results of the new Turkish approach towards the Syrian crisis, which became associated with the Kurdish issue, not its old strategy that aimed to 9/30/2021 10:00:50 PM 1 / 2 topple the Syrian regime. Currently, the priority of the Turkish approach is how to outflank the growing Kurdish threat and protect Turkey from the rising Kurds, as a proactive attempt to prevent the establishment of a Kurdish entity in Turkey in the future. Hindering IssuesHowever, the Kurdish moves to establish a federation face numerous obstacles, notably as follows:1- Objections by Syrian parties and neighboring countries, especially Turkey and Iran, which seek to block the Kurdish attempts toward secession, considering this move will fuel separatist ambitions of the Kurdish minorities in the two countries. 2- Some Kurds in Syria oppose the moves taken by the Kurdistan Democratic Union towards federalism, particularly the Kurdish National Council, which is perceived as associated to Turkey, and has its own forces, the ³Rojava Peshmerga´Refusal by some quarters in the Arab component in northern Syria, as demonstrated in the announcement of Raqqa governorate council, on July 30, that it rejects the annexation of Tal Abyad to Kurdish autonomy zones, especially that the Kurds do not exceed 15% in Raqqa. Moreover, Raqqa council stressed that it would seek the support of the international coalition and the United Nations, pointing out that in the event of failed political endeavors, they will have to take up arms and defend their towns.Mounting MomentumThe moves taken by Syria¶s Kurds demonstrates their seriousness, given the existence of strong economic, military and cultural structure in northern Syria, which may contribute to the success of their moves to impose federalism as a new form of state, anticipating the outcome of political negotiations between al-Assad regime and the opposition, which is supposed to determine the shape of the new state. Obviously, the recent Iraq Kurdish moves towards independence from the Iraqi government gave a boost to Syria¶s Kurds to discuss separation at the same time of Iraq Kurdistan referendum, and attempt to promote it regionally and internationally. Turkey is the most affected by this move, given the direct geographic contact of Syria¶s Kurds with the Turkish border, which will further exacerbate violence between the Turkish government and Kurds, and by extension increase instability inside Turkey. Ankara is expected to ramp up its efforts during the coming period to undermine the Kurdish quest for establishing a federal system, because it considers this a red line. This may develop to push Turkey toward military intervention in Syria to block this move.Undoubtedly, the strong move by Syria¶s Kurds towards federalism will have direct impact on Kurds in the region, and will give mounting momentum for the Kurdish project in Turkey, Iraq and Iran, posing a clear threat to the unity and stability of those countries. 9/30/2021 10:00:50 PM 2 / 2.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro
    THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds.
    [Show full text]
  • Uitgelokte Aanval Op Haar Burgers.S Wij Roepen Alle Democratische
    STOP TURKIJE'S OORLOG TEGEN DE KOERDEN De luchtaanvallen van Turkije hebben Afrin geraakt, een Koerdische stad in Noord-Syrie, waarbij verschillende burgers zijn gedood en verwondNiet alleen de Koerden, maar ook christenen, Arabieren en alle andere entiteiten in Afrin liggen onder zware aanvallen van TurkijeDe agressie van Turkije tegen de bewoners van Afrin is een overduidelijke misdaad tegen de mensheid; het is niet anders dan de misdaden gepleegd door ISIS. Het initiëren van een militaire aanval op een land die jou niet heeft aangevallen is een oorlogsmisdaad. Turkse jets hebben 100 plekken in Afrin als doelwit genomen, inclusief vele civiele gebieden. Ten minste 6 burgers zijn gedood en I YPG (Volksbeschermingseenheden) en 2 YPJ (Vrouwelijke Volksbeschermingseenheden) -strijders zijn gemarteld tijdens de Turkse aanvallen van afgelopen zaterdag. Ook zijn als gevolg van de aanval een aantal burgers gewond geraakt.Het binnenvallende Turkse leger voerde zaterdagmiddag omstreeks 16:00 uur luchtaanvallen uit op Afrin met de goedkeuring van Rusland. De aanvallen die door 72 straaljagers werden uitgevoerd raakten het centrum van Afrin, de districten Cindirêsê, Reco, Shera, Shêrawa en Mabeta. Ook werd het vluchtelingenkamp Rubar geraakt. Het kamp wordt bewoond door meer dan 20.000 vluchtelingen uit Syrië. Het bezettende Turkse leger en zijn terroristen probeerden eerst middels aanvallen via de grond Afrin binnen te dringen, maar zij faalden. Daarom probeerden ze de bewoners van Afrin bang te maken en ze te verdringen naar vrije gebieden van het Syrische leger / gebieden die door Turkije worden beheerd. Het inmiddels zeven jaar durende interne conflict in Syrië is veranderd in een internationale oorlog.
    [Show full text]
  • Pyd-Ypg Can Acun, Bünyamin Keskin Branch In
    REPORT REPORT THE PKK’S BRANCH IN NORTHERN SYRIA THE PKK’S PYD-YPG CAN ACUN, BÜNYAMIN KESKIN BRANCH IN The PYD, conducting activities as the PKK’s Syrian branch, contem- NORTHERN SYRIA plated exploiting the Syrian revolution which broke out in 2011 for its own ends and has since acted together with the Assad regime on the basis of their common interests. The PYD formed a military-wing owing to its military engagement with the regime and the support provided by the PKK. Therefore, the PYD has managed to control the PYD-YPG Kurds who previously sided with the Syrian opposition, has declared self-ruled cantons, and formed a sphere of influence as an “armed-non- PYD-YPG SYRIA: NORTHERN IN BRANCH PKK’S THE state-actor” in the north of Syria. In fact, the PKK has started to imple- ment its self-administration model in the cantons, a model it plans to implement in Turkey as well. The PKK has adopted a policy based on CAN ACUN, BÜNYAMIN KESKIN absolute authority over even dissident Kurds; it offers no alternatives to those who do not support its causes. The PYD has presented itself as a useful actor in the U.S. fight against DAESH by taking advantage of DAESH’s presence in Syria; and has exerted efforts to connect the can- tons under its control. After the Russian involvement in the Syrian civil war, the PYD has taken Machiavellist steps to establish a relationship with Russia similar to the one it enjoys with the United States. To realize its aspirations over the region, the PYD has developed tacti- cal relations with the Assad regime, the USA and Russia, and has been trying hard to capture the regions populated in majority by Arabs and Turkmens in Northern Syria.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Strategic Reasoning Behind Operation Olive Branch
    NO: 34 PERSPECTIVE JANUARY 2018 Turkey’s Strategic Reasoning behind Operation Olive Branch MURAT YEŞİLTAŞ • What is the strategic reasoning behind Turkey’s military operation against the PKK in the Afrin region? • What does Turkey’s game plan mean for the region? • What are the implications of Turkey’s military operation for the future of the Turkey-U.S.-Russia triangle? Following Operation Euphrates Shield (OES), Tur- has been designated as a terrorist organization by key added a new dimension to its ongoing military NATO, the EU and the U.S., the YPG controls 65% activity in Syria in order to curb the PKK’s influence of the Turkey-Syria border and uses its position to at- in northern Syria and to “de-territorialize” it in the tack Turkey. More importantly, the YPG is playing a medium term in the rest of the Syrian territory. With vital role in the PKK’s ongoing terrorist attacks inside the advent of the Afrin operation, Turkey’s military Turkey.1 It is also well-known that the YPG is tactical- activity has spread to a wider geographical area in the ly used by the PKK as an integral part of its irregular western bank of the Euphrates. The operation, which warfare strategy both in terms of manpower and mili- had been in the preparation phase for a long time, tary equipment in the fight against the Turkish Armed started on October 20 with the offensive phase, Forces in the southeastern part of Turkey.2 Therefore, shortly after President Erdoğan’s statement with first and foremost, Operation Olive Branch (OOB) is strong references to the UNSC’s decisions with re- an integral part of Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategy, gards to war on terror and the ‘self-defense’ element which Turkish security forces have adopted against in Article 51 of the UN Charter.
    [Show full text]
  • Syrie : Situation De La Population Yézidie Dans La Région D'afrin
    Syrie : situation de la population yézidie dans la région d’Afrin Recherche rapide de l’analyse-pays Berne, le 9 mai 2018 Impressum Editeur Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés OSAR Case postale, 3001 Berne Tél. 031 370 75 75 Fax 031 370 75 00 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: www.osar.ch CCP dons: 10-10000-5 Versions Allemand et français COPYRIGHT © 2018 Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés OSAR, Berne Copies et impressions autorisées sous réserve de la mention de la source. 1 Introduction Le présent document a été rédigé par l’analyse-pays de l’Organisation suisse d’aide aux ré- fugiés (OSAR) à la suite d’une demande qui lui a été adressée. Il se penche sur la question suivante : 1. Quelle est la situation actuelle des Yézidi-e-s dans la région d’Afrin ? Pour répondre à cette question, l’analyse-pays de l’OSAR s’est fondée sur des sources ac- cessibles publiquement et disponibles dans les délais impartis (recherche rapide) ainsi que sur des renseignements d’expert-e-s. 2 Situation de la population yézidie dans la région d’Afrin De 20’000 à 30’000 Yézidi-e-s dans la région d'Afrin. Selon un rapport encore à paraître de la Société pour les peuples menacés (SPM, 2018), quelque 20 000 à 30 000 Yézidis vivent dans la région d'Afrin. Depuis mars 2018, Afrin placée sous le contrôle de la Turquie et des groupes armés alliés à la Turquie. Le 20 janvier 2018, la Turquie a lancé une offensive militaire pour prendre le contrôle du district d'Afrin dans la province d'Alep.
    [Show full text]
  • In PDF Format, Please Click Here
    Deprivatio of Existence The use of Disguised Legalization as a Policy to Seize Property by Successive Governments of Syria A special report sheds light on discrimination projects aiming at radical demographic changes in areas historically populated by Kurds Acknowledgment and Gratitude The present report is the result of a joint cooperation that extended from 2018’s second half until August 2020, and it could not have been produced without the invaluable assistance of witnesses and victims who had the courage to provide us with official doc- uments proving ownership of their seized property. This report is to be added to researches, books, articles and efforts made to address the subject therein over the past decades, by Syrian/Kurdish human rights organizations, Deprivatio of Existence individuals, male and female researchers and parties of the Kurdish movement in Syria. Syrians for Truth and Justice (STJ) would like to thank all researchers who contributed to documenting and recording testimonies together with the editors who worked hard to produce this first edition, which is open for amendments and updates if new credible information is made available. To give feedback or send corrections or any additional documents supporting any part of this report, please contact us on [email protected] About Syrians for Truth and Justice (STJ) STJ started as a humble project to tell the stories of Syrians experiencing enforced disap- pearances and torture, it grew into an established organization committed to unveiling human rights violations of all sorts committed by all parties to the conflict. Convinced that the diversity that has historically defined Syria is a wealth, our team of researchers and volunteers works with dedication at uncovering human rights violations committed in Syria, regardless of their perpetrator and victims, in order to promote inclusiveness and ensure that all Syrians are represented, and their rights fulfilled.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly Security Council Seventy-Fifth Session Seventy-Fifth Year Agenda Items 34, 71, 114 and 135
    United Nations A/75/644–S/2020/1191 General Assembly Distr.: General 14 December 2020 Security Council Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-fifth session Seventy-fifth year Agenda items 34, 71, 114 and 135 Prevention of armed conflict Right of peoples to self-determination Measures to eliminate international terrorism The responsibility to protect and the prevention of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity Letter dated 10 December 2020 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Further to my letters dated 3 October (A/75/491-S/2020/976), 5 October (A/75/496-S/2020/984) and 31 October (A/75/566-S/2020/1073), I am enclosing herewith the Report on the involvement of foreign terrorist fighters and mercenaries by Azerbaijan in the aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) (see annex). I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda items 34, 71, 114 and 135 and of the Security Council. (Signed) Mher Margaryan Ambassador Permanent Representative 20-17210 (E) 221220 *2017210* A/75/644 S/2020/1191 Annex to the letter dated 10 December 2020 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General REPORT ON THE USE OF FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS (FTFs) BY AZERBAIJAN IN THE AGGRESSION TO SUPPRESS THE INALIENABLE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF ARTSAKH (NAGORNO-KARABAKH) TO SELF-DETERMINATION (as of October 31, 2020) 2/41 20-17210 A/75/644 S/2020/1191 Contents Chapter 1: Overview ........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Can the EU Help Syria? 19
    Can the EU Help Syria? 19. September 2018 by Paweł Pieniążek Seven years into the Syrian conflict, all Syrian citizens dream about is stability and the return of normal life. Some of them want to leave the camps and come back to their homes, others need water or electricity, and all of them need jobs. While their problems might seem easy to solve at first glance, there are no simple solutions. The war in Syria continues, although its form and complexity are constantly changing. There are no short and medium-term perspectives to end the conflict. Because the conflict has been taken over by outside players, it will be difficult to find a comprehensive solution for the whole country. Foreign powers have their own interests on the ground and they are not eager to cooperate with each other. This does not mean, however, that there are no viable solutions. Western countries support local forces which are controlling almost one third of Syria. The European Union could propose a comprehensive strategy to counter the aggressive and chaotic US policy and guarantee safety and stability, which in the future could benefit the whole country. Today, only complex and ambitious projects could prevent further bloodshed and humanitarian crises, which in consequence would decrease migration flows and terrorist activities in Europe. I. Intervention of global powers In 2014, the war in Syria transformed into a global conflict, in which local forces began to receive support from outside players. The rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL or ISIS; since 2014 – the Islamic State or IS), which seized control over a territory in Syria and Iraq comparable in size to the United Kingdom, transformed the conflict into a global one.
    [Show full text]
  • Daily Report
    A B O U T I N T E G R I T Y U K Integrity UK is an organisation committed to preventing extremism through innovative approaches to promoting integration, cohesion and social reconciliation within the MENA region and the UK. S Y R I A I N T E L L I G E N C E R E P O R T 3rd July 2018 Pro-Government news sources reported on Tuesday that the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) slowed down its operations in Daraa Province amidst reports of continued negotiations between the Syrian Government and Opposition. These reports correspond with a statement issued by the Southern Front coalition of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) announcing that they would re-enter negotiations. The statement indicated that southern Syria is represented in the negotiations in a “complete way”, suggesting that the Daraa Revolutionary Civilian Council has either re-joined the negotiations or has been replaced by another civilian representative. Meanwhile, the towns of Saida, Mayatheen, Nassib (where the border crossing into Jordan is located) and Taibah announced that they will reject any calls to surrender in its current form. The reports of renewed negotiations come amidst continued calls from the United Nations for Jordan to open its borders and allow displaced Syrians into the country. The UN Human Rights Commission spokesperson Liz Throssell warned that thousands of refugees have been stranded on the border, with reports of a number of displaced Syrians dying due to heat, lack of water and medical assistance or as a result of wild animals such as scorpions in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Erdogan Says to Extend Syria Operation to Manbij Despite Risk of U.S
    www.theregion.org Erdogan says to extend Syria operation to Manbij despite risk of U.S. confrontation by The Region - 24/01/2018 16:22 President Tayyip Erdogan warned on Wednesday that Turkey would extend its military operation in Syria to the town of Manbij, a move that could potentially bring Turkish forces into a confrontation with those of their NATO ally the United States. Turkey's air and ground operation, now in its fifth day, targets the Afrin region and has opened a new front in Syria's multi-sided civil war. A push towards Manbij some 100 km (60 miles) east of Afrin could threaten U.S. plans to stabilise a swath of northeast Syria. Turkish forces and their rebel allies launched Operation Olive Branch in Afrin because Ankara sees the YPG as an extension of Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK). "With the Olive Branch operation, we have once again thwarted the game of those sneaky forces whose interests in the region are different," Erdogan said in a speech to provincial leaders in Ankara. "Starting in Manbij, we will continue to thwart their game." Differences over Syria policy have already strained Turkey's relations with Washington almost to breaking point. For the United States, the YPG is a key ally against Islamic State jihadists. President Donald Trump plans to raise the U.S. concerns over the Turkish offensive in a telephone call with Erdogan expected on Wednesday, a senior U.S. official said. In an interview with Reuters, Turkey's government spokesman said he saw a small possibility that Turkish forces could come face-to-face with the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Conflict in Northern Syria
    THO FACTSHEET April 16, 2018 Understanding the Conflict in Northern Syria David Hutchins – Communications and Editorial Assistant, THO Brief Contextual Overview On January 20, 2018, Turkish forces supported by the Free Syrian Army (FSA) launched Operation Olive Branch, a military campaign against the People’s Protection Units (YPG) in northern Syria’s Afrin region.[1] This conflict has set up a potential collision course between two NATO allies, the U.S. and Turkey. With the fall of Afrin, Turkey threatens to continue this operation eastward to Manbij, where the YPG are directly supported by U.S. troops.[2] Since October of 2015, the U.S. has allied itself in Syria with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), believing this YGP-led force to be the best chance of removing ISIS from Syria.[3] The decision by the U.S. to train and equip the SDF has seriously strained relations with Turkey, a critical ally in the region, given that the YPG forces within the SDF have strong links to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).[4] The PKK is identified as a terrorist organization by both the U.S. and Turkey.[5] As such, the U.S. is work- ing directly with what Turkey views as a terrorist group, a viewpoint that the U.S. does not share. Turkey wishes to prevent the creation of an autonomous Kurdish statelet on its border that could serve as a training ground for YPG/PKK fighters planning to carry out attacks in Turkey. Syria’s Assad regime, supported by Iran and Russia, further complicates this already crowded geopolitical conflict, most recently by deploying pro-Syrian government militias to assist the YPG defense in Afrin against Turkish forces.[6] This factsheet aims to illuminate the different actors in this conflict and the history of their relations, while explaining how the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Written Testimony Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee on “U.S
    September 27, 2018 Written Testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee on “U.S. Policy Toward Syria-Part 1” Nicholas A. Heras, Fellow, Center for a New American Security Madame Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to discuss U.S. policy toward Syria with you today and to submit this testimony for the record. My testimony will analyze several areas of concern for U.S. policy toward Syria, which are: understanding dynamics relevant to building stability in post-ISIS areas under U.S. control; finding a mechanism to work with our NATO ally Turkey to remove the al Qaeda safe haven in Syria; and determining whether Russia can be a partner to create a post-conflict Syria where Assad has been transitioned from power and Iran and its proxy forces have been withdrawn from the country. In my analysis, Syria has transitioned from a civil war between the Assad government and its rebel opponents and has now become an arena for interstate competition. This is a competition that the United States, through its control over nearly one-third of resource-rich Syrian territory, is now a party to. I believe that the U.S. presence in Syria means that we are invested in the outcome of the conflict, and we should therefore strive for a post-conflict Syria that is stable and that is not a source of threats to the United States or its regional partners. However, in my analysis, the U.S. government is enacting a policy in Syria that sets an end state goal that will not likely be achieved for years, perhaps even decades, if it is ever achieved.
    [Show full text]