Review of International Assistance to Political Party and Party System Development
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Human Rights, Religion and Democracy: the Refah Party Case1
1 Human Rights, Religion and Democracy: The Refah Party Case1 KEVIN BOYLE* Abstract This article analyses the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Refah Partisi v. Turkey from 2003. The Refah Partisi political party was in power in Turkey when it was dissolved in 1998 by the decision of the Constitutional Court of Turkey for its alleged involvement in activities contrary to the principles of secularism. The European Court upheld this decision and found it compatible with the freedom of association guarantees under the European Convention on Human Rights. This article argues that the Court’s judgment in the Refah case was wrong, and that it proposes an unsatisfactory model of relations between religion and state. It is further critical of the Court’s decision on account of its incidental assessment of Islam, and its inappropriate critique of this religion where it should have promoted inter-cultural understanding instead. In the light of the Refah case, this article addresses the complex relationships of secularism and democracy, religion and democracy, and asks whether rights, or democracy, should come first. The article concludes with reminding the Court of its duty to protect the rights of secularists and religious believers alike, and emphasizes the importance of the Court’s applying a cautious and sensitive approach as a stronghold for human rights in multi-ethnic and multi-religious Europe. 1. Introduction On 13 February 2003 the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter: ‘European Court’) sitting as a Grand Chamber gave one of the most momentous judgments in its fifty-year history. -
UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/92g1h187 Author LaPorte, Jody Marie Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia By Jody Marie LaPorte A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jason Wittenberg, Co-chair Professor Michael S. Fish, Co-chair Professor David Collier Professor Victoria Bonnell Spring 2012 The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia Copyright 2012 by Jody Marie LaPorte Abstract The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia by Jody Marie LaPorte Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jason Wittenberg, co-chair Professor Michael S. Fish, co-chair This dissertation asks why some non-democratic regimes give political opponents significant leeway to organize, while others enforce strict limits on such activities. I examine this question with reference to two in-depth case studies from post-Soviet Eurasia: Georgia under President Eduard Shevardnadze and Kazakhstan under President Nursultan Nazarbayev. While a non- democratic regime was in place in both countries, opposition was highly tolerated in Georgia, but not allowed in Kazakhstan. I argue that these divergent policies can be traced to variation in the predominant source and pattern of state corruption in each country. -
Guidelines on Political Party Regulation 2Nd Edition
Strasbourg, 14 December 2020 CDL-AD(2020)032 Study No. 881/2017 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) GUIDELINES ON POLITICAL PARTY REGULATION 2ND EDITION Approved by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 69th online meeting (7 October 2020) and Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 125th online Plenary Session (11-12 December 2020) on the basis of comments by OSCE/ODIHR Core Group of Experts on Political Parties Mr Josep Maria CASTELLA ANDREU (Member, Spain) Mr Pieter van DIJK (Expert, Former Member, the Netherlands) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute Member, Republic of Moldova) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2020)032 - 2 - Table of contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 II. POLITICAL PARTIES: THEIR IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND REGULATION ............ 7 1. The classification and importance of political parties and their functions ........................ 7 2. Three dimensions ........................................................................................................... 8 3. Two models ..................................................................................................................... 9 III. PRINCIPLES ................................................................................................................... -
Youth Experiences of Conflict, Violence and Peacebuilding in Nepal
CASE STUDY ‘Aaba Hamro Paalo’ (It’s Our Time Now): Youth experiences of conflict, violence and peacebuilding in Nepal. Informing the Progress Study on Youth, Peace and Security and the Implementation of Security Council Resolution 2250. SEPTEMBER 30, 2017 Dr. Bhola Prasad Dahal Niresh Chapagain Country Director DMEA Manager Search for Common Ground, Nepal Search for Common Ground, Nepal Phone: +977 9851191666 Phone: +977 9801024762 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Case Study: Youth Consultations on Peace & Security in Nepal Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................................... 1 Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................................... 4 1. Executive Summary .................................................................................................................................. 5 2. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 9 3. Methodology and Description of Research Activities ............................................................................ 10 3.1 Objectives, Population of the Study and Key Research Questions .................................................. -
Forging a Communist Party for Australia: 1920–1923
Section 1 Forging a Communist Party for Australia: 1920–1923 The documents in this section cover the period from April 1920 to late 1923, that is, from before the inaugural conference of Australian communists to a time when the CPA had emerged as the Australian section of the Comintern, but was still dealing with issues of unity, and was coming to terms with the realities of being a section of a world revolutionary party. The main theme of this section is organizational unity, because that is what the Australian communists and their Comintern colleagues saw as the chief priority. As the ECCI wrote to the feuding Australian communists in June 1922: `The existence of two small groups, amidst a seething current of world shaking events, engaged almost entirely in airing their petty differences, instead of unitedly plunging into the current and mastering it, is not only a ridiculous and shameful spectacle, but also a crime committed against the working class movement' (see Document 15). The crucial unity meeting finally occurred in July that year. The CAAL documents reveal that the Comintern played a larger role in forging the CPA than has previously been thought. There were supporters of the Bolshevik Revolution in Australia, and people who wanted to create a party like the Bolsheviks', to be sure, but Petr Simonov, Paul Freeman and Aleksandr Zuzenko helped to bring the at first waryÐand later squabblingÐcurrents of former Wobblies, former ASP socialists, and former worker radicals together. Indeed the ASP believed that it (the ASP) was, or ought to be, the Australian communist party, and it somewhat begrudgingly went through the unity process demanded by the Comintern. -
F OCHA Nepal - Fortnightly Situation Overview
F OCHA Nepal - Fortnightly Situation Overview Issue No. 27, covering the period 13 -28 May 2008 Kathmandu, 28 May 2008 Highlights: • Constituent Assembly convenes on 28 May, declares Nepal a democratic republic; king Gyanendra to leave the palace • Food crisis hits remote areas in hills and mountains and fuel shortages adversely affect population • Operational space restricted in some areas by security concerns, including a second attack on an IOM transport • Armed Terai groups increase level of violence, with frequent IEDs, abductions and killings • Negotiations on forming a new government face major hurdles • Bandh in Kathmandu Valley and protests following PLA killing of a Kathmandu businessman • Due to the lack of textbooks and related protests, schools close down for two weeks CONTEXT ceremonial president after the abolition of monarchy, and to amending the interim constitution so that a government can be Political situation formed and removed through a simple majority in the CA. The Terai Madhesh Democratic Party (TMDP) was also expected to Constituent Assembly convenes, republic declared join this agreement. Following a swearing in ceremony of newly elected members On 22 May Senior NC leader and former prime minister Sher on 27 May and under tight security arrangements, and after Bahadur Deuba ruled out his party's involvement in the to-be- more hours of delay, the first session of the Constituent formed government and the possibility of a working alliance Assembly (CA) convened at the Birendra International with Maoists if the latter failed to address the NC‘s seven-point Convention Centre (BICC), Naya Baneshwor, in Kathmandu in demands issued earlier. -
Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation. -
Explaining Political Transitions in Nepal Prakash Adhikari
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository Himalayan Research Papers Archive Nepal Study Center 10-9-2007 Pursuing Democracy: Explaining Political Transitions in Nepal Prakash Adhikari James D. Timberlake Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nsc_research Recommended Citation Adhikari, Prakash and James D. Timberlake. "Pursuing Democracy: Explaining Political Transitions in Nepal." (2007). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nsc_research/15 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Nepal Study Center at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Himalayan Research Papers Archive by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Pursuing Democracy: Explaining Political Transitions in Nepal Prakash Adhikari and James D. Timberlake University of New Mexico Paper prepared for presentation at the Second Annual Himalayan Policy Research Conference 36th South Asian Conference, University of Wisconsin-Madison, (October 11, 2007). This is a working paper; please do not cite or quote. Pursuing Democracy: Explaining Political Transitions in Nepal Prakash Adhikari and James D. Timberlake University of New Mexico Nepal has been struggling to consolidate a democratic political system for more than a half-century yet still does not have a working constitution. This paper is the first step in a larger research project examining regime transitions in Nepal. We review the existent comparative literature on democratization and authoritarian reversals in order to isolate some potential explanatory variables. We also focus on making valid descriptive inferences along these conceptual lines. What caused the failure of democracy in Nepal in the past? What are the future prospects for democratic consolidation? The literature has been divided along two lines, which we label as the Weberian and Neo-Marxist research programs. -
United Communist Party Membership Bulletin No. 3 [C
UCP Membership Bulletin No. 3 [c. Sept. 15, 1920] 1 United Communist Party Membership Bulletin No. 3 [c. Sept. 15, 1920] Mimeographed document in Comintern Archive, RGASPI f. 515, op. 1, d. 43, ll. 109-110. Bulletin No. 3. specialist in (a) organization; (b) education; (c) shop propaganda; (d) defense; (e) statistics. (One Copy to every group — Read at next meeting — Then destroy) DISTRICT 4 - 5 [Cleveland]: Now com- (Not for Publication) bined. Former District 4 [Pittsburgh] visited and better DISTRICT 1 [Boston]: CP Lettish [Latvian] organization effected. Federation held conference in this district. War is on Independent Socialist Party organizing in Dis- in this federation and a contingency will undoubtedly trict 5 [Cleveland], with municipal tickets in Akron split away from the CP. and Toledo. They are parliamentarians, shun under- Finnish and Polish situations very promising. ground work, detest centralization in organization, Now 22 Russian groups in this district, 3 more want to align with the Third International but make having left CP to join the UCP. the same reservations the SP makes. Preparing for fall and winter entertainments. District orders 150,000 leaflets of each issue for distribution. DISTRICT 2 [New York]: Russian district propaganda committee voted to censure its delegates DISTRICT 6 [Detroit]: Trip into Indiana just to the Russian national conference for voting in favor completed. of a national propaganda committee. Groups in district in good working order. School for Russian-speaking groups organized. Financial returns per quota of membership aver- Russian organizer in field. age above several larger districts. Good financial returns from all sources. -
Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal in Accountability Political and Impunity
Aditya Adhikari and Bhaskar Gautam and Bhaskar Adhikari Aditya Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal Aditya Adhikari and Bhaskar Gautam with Surabhi Pudasaini and Bhadra Sharma G.P.O. Box 935 Bhat Bhateni Kathmandu, Nepal www.asiafoundation.org Technical and financial support for this publication has been provided by The Asia Foundation, with funding from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Government of Australia. Views and opinions expressed in this publication are of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of The Asia Foundation or of the Government of Australia. The Politics of Impunity i Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal ii Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal The Politics of Impunity iii Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal By Aditya Adhikari and Bhaskar Gautam with Surabhi Pudasaini and Bhadra Sharma iv Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal The Politics of Impunity v Contents Preface ix Chapter 1: The Politics of Impunity 1 Chapter 2: The Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction 20 Chapter 3: The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority 29 Chapter 4: Politics and Criminality in Biratnagar 40 Chapter 5: Transitional Justice 57 Conclusion 79 Annex 84 References 97 vi Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal The Politics of Impunity vii Foreword “Impunity and Political Accountability in Nepal” is the fourth of a series of reports published by The Asia Foundation since 1999 that document impunity in Nepal. Prior reports provided analyses of the causes and scale of impunity in the context of conflict and political instability during the late 1990s; political corruption and violation of human rights during 2004 - 2006; and the state of impunity prior to and immediately after Jana Anadolan II during 2006 -2010. -
Mass Revolution and End of the Cultural Institution In
RESEARCHER I II JULY- DECEMBER 2013 11 MASS REVOLUTION AND END OF THE CULTURAL INSTITUTION IN NEPAL Apar Kumar Lamsal Tribhuvan University [email protected] Abstract From 6th April to 24th April of 2006, parliamentary political parties along with the ten years long strafing underground Nepal Communist Party (Maoists) stage a mass revolution against the Royal takeover of 2002 AD for the establishment of republican state. This mass movement gained much impetus then trailed by various organizations, trade unions, students, professional employees and the general mass throughout the kingdom of Nepal. Ultimately, the age-long monarchical institution was finished from the political and cultural scenario of Nepal. This article outlines the main events and outcomes of this revolution and analyzes it. This article is based on secondary sources along with event observation. Key words: mass revolution, monarchy, political parties Background of the Mass Revolution After the restablishment of parliamentary democracy system in 1990AD, the people of Nepal had a hope and trust in peoples participation and more freedom. The also had hoped that the people's representatives government would give freedom, relief, peace, development and security but due to political instability, corruption, lack of understanding among major political parties, failure to maintain law and order and security, the political parties failed to secure the trust and support of the people. At this crucial moment, the Royal massacre of Birendra's family and enthronement of a king RESEARCHER I II JULY- DECEMBER 2013 12 Gyanendra abruptly dismissed the people's elected „House of Representative‟ on May 22, 2002 and the Government on Oct 4, 2002 and took the country's rule by appointing the council of minister according to his own will. -
U588o55 1948.Pdf
100 Things You Should Know About Communism in the U. S. A. Forty years ago, Communism was just a plot in the minds of a very few peculiar people. Today, Communism is a world force governing millions of the human race and threatening to govern all of it. Who are the Communists? How do they work? What do they want? What would they do to you? For the past IO years your committee has studied these and other questions and now some positive answers can be made. Some answers will shock the citizen who has not examined Com- munism closely. Most answers will infuriate the Communists. These answers are given in five booklets, as follows: 1. One Hundred Things You Should Know About Commu- nism in the U. S. A. 2. One Hundred Things You Should Know About .Commu- nism in Religion. 3. One Hundred Things You Should Know About Commu- nism in Education. 4. One Hundred Things You Should Know About Commu- nism in Labor. 5. One Hundred Things You Should Know About Commu- nism in Government. These booklets are intended to help you know a Communist when you hear him speak and when you see him work. If you ever find yourself in open debate with a Communist the facts here given can be used to destroy his arguments completely and expose him as he is for all to see. Every citizen owes himself and his family the truth about Com- munism because the world today is faced with a single choice: To go Communist or not to go Communist.