Izzat” and the Shaping of the Lives of Young Asians in Britain In

“IZZAT” AND THE SHAPING OF THE LIVES OF YOUNG ASIANS IN BRITAIN IN THE 21st CENTURY By SANGEETA SONI A Thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Education The University of Birmingham November 2012 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT “Izzat” is a phenomenon which confers status and respect, is fluid enough to shift from the individual to the collective domain, and which through its relationship with “sharam” (shame) commands conformity to acceptable norms of behaviour in Asian communities. A chronological approach in this thesis to the mining of research on Asian communities in Britain since the 1960s gradually revealed an emerging discourse on the concept and found that it was considered significant and yet given limited focus. Through empirical research this study uniquely places the concept at its centre. The research involved 25 in-depth interviews with young British Asian men and women who were also Youth and Community Workers, aged between 18 and 35 and explored how “izzat” and the equally important concept of “sharam” shapes their lives. This research identified the multi-layered and nuanced nature of “izzat” and discovered how young Asians learn about it through immersion in family and community-life. It discovered how it can be maintained and/or enhanced by members of Asian communities bygenerally ‘Conforming to Acceptable Norms’, and in line with established notions of ‘achieved’ and ‘ascribed’status, through ‘Achievement’ and by virtue of ‘Inherited Factors’. It explored how “izzat” can be lost through attracting “sharam”, and examined the close relationship between “izzat”, “sharam” and gender. It also demonstrated how both “izzat” and “sharam” are significant in curbing behaviour through the process of reflected “izzat” and “sharam” which in turn influence individual and familial reputations in Asian communities. The conclusion to the thesis also includes inferences drawn from the empirical research regarding implications for Youth and Community Practice. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Special acknowledgement and thanks is extended to my Supervisor, Professor Ian Grosvenor and to my husband Brian Hill, who have both supported me throughout this long journey. Also I would like to thank all those participants who took part in this research and who shared so many of their reflections on their lives in Britain with me. CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 Chapter 1: “Izzat”: Emerging Meanings Through Research Literature 7 1.1.Background 7 1.2.The 1960s – 1970s 9 1.3.The 1980s 14 1.4.The 1990s 20 1.5.The Millennium and Beyond 54 1.6. Conclusion 64 Chapter 2: The Research Journey 71 2.1. Some Theoretical Considerations 71 2.2. Research Design and Ethical Considerations 76 2.3. Conclusion and the Way Forward 98 Chapter 3: Primary Research – Findings and Analysis: “Izzat” 100 3.1. The In-Depth Interviews Sample 100 3.2. Introduction to the Presentation and Analysis of Findings 115 3.3. A Note of Caution: Thematic Analysis of “Izzat” and “Sharam” 117 3.4. Defining “Izzat” 119 - “Izzat” as Respect 120 - “Izzat” as Self-Respect and Pride 126 - “Izzat” as Trust 131 - “Izzat” as an ‘Asian’ Phenomenon 134 3.5. How Izzat can be Maintained, Gained/Enhanced 142 - Category 1: Conforming to Acceptable ‘Norms’ 144 - General Conformity and Giving/Receiving Respect 144 - Spouse-Selection and Marriage 146 - “Lena-Dena” (Gift Exchange) 150 - Religiosity and Piety 151 - Modesty 153 - Approved Peer/Friendship Networks 154 - Analysis of Category 1: Maintaining, Gaining/Enhancing “Izzat” Through Conforming to Acceptable ‘Norms’ 155 - Category 2: ‘Achievement’ 159 - Employment 159 - Education 162 - Money/Wealth and Materialism 162 - Leadership 164 - ‘Good’ Actions 165 - Having Sons 166 - Analysis of Category 2: Maintaining, Gaining/Enhancing “Izzat” Through ‘Achievement’ 167 - Category 3: Inherited Factors 173 - General Inherited Factors 173 - Caste-Affiliation 174 - Analysis of Category 3: Maintaining, Gaining/Enhancing “Izzat” Through Inherited Factors 176 3.6. “Izzat” – Some Conclusions 178 Chapter 4: Primary Research: “Sharam” 180 4.1. Defining “Sharam” 180 4.2. “Sharam”-Attracting Behaviour 183 - Unacceptable Behaviour that Attracts “Sharam” and Loses “Izzat” 184 - Gender-Related and Relationship Misdemeanours 184 - ‘Bad’ Manners 185 - Concerns Regarding Fashion, Dress and Modesty 186 - Life-Style Factors 187 - Crime-Related Factors 189 - Other Miscellaneous Examples 189 4.3. Sharam and Gender 190 - Analysis of “Sharam”-Attracting Themes and “Sharam” and Gender 198 4.4. “Sharam” and Curbing Behaviour 207 4.5. “Sharam” – Some Conclusions 215 4.6. Reflected “Izzat”, “Sharam” and Reputation 216 4.7. Validating and Triangulating the Findings from the In-Depth Interviews 233 Chapter 5: Conclusion and Final Reflections 245 5.1. Key Findings 245 5.2. Reflections on the Research Journey 261 References 267 List of Appendices 284 Appendices 1 – 10 285 - 438 LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1: Interviewees/Sample Age-Range 101 Table 2: List of Interviewees with Codes, Psydonyms and Religion 105 Table 3: Sample Breakdown in Relation to Religion and Ethnicity 106 Table 4: Interviewees’ Responses Regarding “Generation” 109 Table 5: Interview Sample in Relation to Socio-Economic 113 Classification of Parents (Mothers and Fathers) Table 6: Maintaining, Gaining/Enhancing “Izzat” 143 Table 7: Expectations/Experiences Relating to Spouse-Selection 147 and Marriage Table 8: Unacceptable Behaviour That Attracts “Sharam” and 183 Loses “izzat” LIST OF APPENDICES Page Appendix 1: Soni (2006) – Reflections on Youth Work Practice 285 Appendix 2: Case Notes from Professional Practice – “A” 301 Appendix 3: Purpose of Research Information for Interviewees 309 Appendix 4: Consent Form for Individual Interviewees 310 Appendix 5: ‘Pen’-Pictures of Sample of 25 Individual Interviewees 312 - 337 Appendix 6: Outline Guide for Individual Interview Process 338 Appendix 7: Government Classification of Social Classes – 8 Categories 346 Appendix 8: Sikh Women’s Workshop Outline 347 Appendix 9: Findings and Analysis of Sikh Women’s Workshop 348 Appendix 10: Example of a Transcript – Rashid (M6) 363 - 438 INTRODUCTION The Asian population of England and Wales, according to the most recent estimates from the Office of National Statistics (2011) is one of the fastest growing ethnic groups and constitutes 5.9% of the total population. Therefore any research that can contribute to the growing body of knowledge and information on this sector of the British population is no doubt welcome. In this case this research aims to explore the concept of “izzat” and its significance in shaping the lives of young Asians in Britain using both secondary and primary research. My motivation to research “izzat” started some years ago with reflections on my personal and professional life (as an Asian Youth and Community Worker) in Britain. The research for this thesis began at the turn of the millennium with my search through the existing research on Asians in Britain. In the twelve years it has taken to complete this thesis the socio-political landscape has changed significantly, resulting perhaps in a greater focus on young Asians, especially Muslims in Britain. This research is undertaken in the wake and midst therefore of ‘Ground Zero’/9/11 and London’s 7/7 (see Abbas 2007), and more recently the ‘Arab Spring’ (Manhire 2012). These events, among other political shifts in Britain (such as the governmental change from ‘New’ Labour to the Coalition Government), has resulted in this greater focus on young Asians (especially Muslims), and in particular in the emergence of the anti-terrorism agenda (Hellyer 2007; Nellis 2007; Kazmi 2007). These socio-political ‘shifts’ provide the backcloth for this empirical research, although the focus is primarily on how the concept shapes the lives of young Asians. 1 “Izzat”, is usually translated as personal or family honour and pride by those who have researched Asian communities, both on the Indian sub-continent and in Britain. “Izzat” is important because it is a means of conferring status on individuals and their families leading to the notion of ‘standing’ within the community (Werbner, 1990; Ballard 1994; Shaw 2000). However I think that this translation does little justice to the complexity and nuances of meaning that can be ascribed to the concept of “izzat”, which is an underpinning force that I believe helps to regulate life in all Asian communities. The word “izzat”, from Urdu, possibly indicates that the concept has its origins in the Islamic cultures and communities of the northern regions of the Indian sub-continent (Wilson 1979). Over time it has been adopted by and been influenced by the cultures, which have co-existed with the Islamic communities of that region. This means that the concept is now understood by, and in use in the communities of the Indian subcontinent in general. In Punjabi, therefore it is known as “ijat”, and so for Sikhs and Punjabi

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