Relations Between Personality and Vegetarianism/Veganism

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Relations Between Personality and Vegetarianism/Veganism Appetite 163 (2021) 105195 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Appetite journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/appet Who gives a veg? Relations between personality and Vegetarianism/ Veganism Nicholas P. Tan a,*, Tamlin S. Conner b, Haisu Sun a, Steven Loughnan c, Luke D. Smillie a a Melbourne School of Psychological Sciences, University of Melbourne, Australia b Department of Psychology, University of Otago, New Zealand c Department of Psychology, University of Edinburgh, UK ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: With rates of vegetarianism and veganism (i.e., veg*nism) rising around the world, a growing body of research Vegetarianism has begun to explore psychological characteristics that distinguish vegetarians and vegans from omnivores. Veganism However, relatively few studies have examined how veg*nism is related to differences in basic personality traits Personality such as the “Big Five”, with those that have tending to yield conflicting results. Moreover, none of these studies Agreeableness have examined personality at the lower levels of the personality trait hierarchy (i.e., aspects and facets of the Big Openness/intellect Five). Thus, we sought to clarify how personality traits are related to veg*nism. In Study 1, comprising two samples (S1a: N = 797, S1b: N = 1534), participants were categorised as Veg*n vs Restricted-omnivore vs Omnivore, and completed personality questionnaires at the domain and aspect levels of the Big Five. In Study 2, participants (N = 562) completed both categorical and continuous measures of veg*nism, along with personality questionnaires at the domain, aspect, and facet levels. Across both studies, we found that people who scored higher on traits within the openness/intellect and agreeableness domains most consistently reported higher levels of veg*nism. Patterns in the data also suggested that the relation between personality and veg*nism might depend on the way veg*nism is measured. Theoretical and practical implications of these findingsare discussed. 1. Introduction between personality and veg*nism may yield valuable insights into the factors that may lead one to adopt a plant-based diet. Thus, our aim in The popularity of vegetarianism and veganism (hereafter, veg*nism) the present research was to provide a comprehensive multi-sample has been rising around the world. According to a recent Gallup poll, 23% assessment of personality differences between veg*ns and omnivores. of survey respondents indicated that they have reduced their meat consumption in the last year (Justin, 2020). Similarly, a survey of 1.1. Veg*nism and its psychological correlates Australian adults revealed that the number of people adhering to a plant-based diet has increased from 9.7% to 11.2% of the population Whereas vegetarians are usually described as those who refuse to eat “ between 2012 and 2016 ( The slow but steady rise of vegetarianism in the fleshof any animal, be it red meat (e.g., beef, pork), white meat (e.g., ” Australia - Roy Morgan Research, n.d.). In response to these shifting chicken), or fish, vegans are those who refuse to eat or use any animal trends, a growing body of research has sought to identify the motiva­ products (e.g., eggs, dairy products, leather, etc; Ruby, 2012). However, tions, attitudes, justifications, and beliefs that distinguish veg*ns from there is surprising variation in the diets of self-identifying veg*ns and & & omnivores (Allen, Wilson, Ng, Dunne, 2000; Dhont, Hodson, Leite, the strictness with which these diets are adhered to. Indeed, studies & 2016; Hopwood, Bleidorn, Schwaba, Chen, 2020; Niemyjska, Can­ reveal that many veg*ns report having recently consumed meat (Barr & & tarero, Byrka, Bilewicz, 2018; Piazza et al., 2015; Rothgerber, 2013, Chapman, 2002; de Boer, Schosler,¨ & Aiking, 2017; Gossard & York, 2015; Ruby et al., 2016). However, relatively few studies have examined 2003; Krizmanic, 1992; Rosenfeld & Tomiyama, 2019; White, Seymour, how veg*nism is related to differences in broader personality traits such & Frank, 1999; Willetts, 2013). Thus, veg*nism is a more complex in­ “ ” & as the Big Five (John, Naumann, Soto, 2008), with those that have dividual difference construct than is usually appreciated (Rosenfeld & been published yielding conflicting results. Mapping the relations Burrow, 2017). Indeed, it was proposed several decades ago that * Corresponding author. Melbourne School of Psychological Sciences, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria, 3010, Australia. E-mail address: [email protected] (N.P. Tan). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2021.105195 Received 22 August 2020; Received in revised form 4 March 2021; Accepted 5 March 2021 Available online 8 March 2021 0195-6663/© 2021 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. N.P. Tan et al. Appetite 163 (2021) 105195 veg*nism is best conceptualised as a continuum or spectrum ranging same is true for neuroticism, which has sometimes been positively from omnivore at one end to vegan at the other (Beardsworth & Keil, associated with veg*nism (e.g., Forestell & Nezlek, 2018), but at other 1991, 1992). To date, however, most research has employed simple times negatively associated (e.g., Pfeiler & Egloff, 2020). On the other categorical measures of veg*nism (e.g., a yes/no checkbox). hand, a more consistent pattern of findingssuggests that veg*ns tend to Many previous investigations of the characteristics that distinguish be higher on both agreeableness and openness/intellect (Forestell & veg*ns from omnivores have focussed on socio-demographic variables Nezlek, 2018; Forestell, Spaeth, & Kane, 2012; Goldberg & Strycker, such as socioeconomic status (SES), education, gender, and age. These 2002; Keller & Siegrist, 2015; Kessler et al., 2016; Pfeiler & Egloff, 2018, studies have found that veg*ns tend to be younger more educated, 2020). Higher fruit and vegetable consumption has also been correlated higher in SES, and more likely to be female (Aston, Smith, & Powles, with higher openness/intellect (Conner et al., 2017). 2013; de Boer et al., 2017; Stoll-Kleemann & Schmidt, 2017). These Although some consistent patterns have begun to emerge in the socio-demographic differences can potentially be understood in terms of fledglingresearch investigating personality and veg*nism, limitations to personality and other psychological characteristics. For example, the previous studies create some uncertainties about the robustness of their observation that women are more likely to identify as vegetarian has findings.Chiefly, some studies have used shortened measures of the Big spawned a research program demonstrating the perceived masculinity Five (Pfeiler & Egloff, 2018, 2020) which diminishes the psychometric of meat-eating (Rothgerber, 2013; Rozin, Hormes, Faith, & Wansink, properties of standard measures (Gosling, Rentfrow, & Swann, 2003). 2012; Sobal, 2005). Women also tend to score higher on personality Also, most studies in this area have adopted a somewhat restricted focus traits such as conscientiousness and agreeableness (Weisberg, DeYoung, on domain level traits. The Big Five trait model is organized hierar­ & Hirsh, 2011), which might also help to explain why gender is linked to chically, with the Big Five domain level traits subsuming the variance veg*nism. Similarly, personality has known links with age, education, explained by their aspects, and they in turn, their facet level traits (Costa and socio-economic outcomes (Roberts, Kuncel, Shiner, Caspi, & Gold­ & McCrae, 1995; DeYoung et al., 2007; Markon, 2009). It is possible that berg, 2007; Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2011), and thus may shed the previously observed associations between personality and veg*nism, light on why these factors are often associated with adherence to a which are modest and often inconsistent, can be brought into sharper plant-based diet. focus by moving down the personality hierarchy to aspects or facets that Far fewer studies have focussed on relations between the Big Five provide greater fidelity or precision. Indeed, when describing any personality traits and veg*nism. This represents a conspicuous gap in the correlate of personality, it is important to ascertain the level of the trait literature, because the Big Five taxonomy is thought to provide a hierarchy to which that correlate best applies (Machado-Oliveira, comprehensive organising framework for psychological differences be­ Nezlek, Rodrigues, & Sant’Ana, 2020; Mottus,~ 2016). Thus, investi­ tween people (John et al., 2008). The Big Five (i.e., openness/intellect, gating both the Big Five traits and the narrower traits within this model neuroticism, agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion) are rela­ may yield a more nuanced picture of the relations between personality tively stable over the lifespan show reasonable cross-cultural general­ and veg*nism. It is also important to examine whether associations be­ izability, and predict a wide range of important life outcomes (Damian, tween personality traits and veg*nism hold when controlling for de­ Spengler, Sutu, & Roberts, 2019; Ozer & Benet-Martínez, 2006; Rolland, mographic characteristics such as age, gender, and SES, given 2002). The Big Five trait model is organized hierarchically, with five demographically-linked differences in personality and veg*nism. broad ‘domain’ level traits subsuming the variance explained by their intermediate ‘aspects’, and they in turn their narrower ‘facet’ level traits 1.2. Present research (Costa & McCrae, 1995; DeYoung, Quilty, & Peterson, 2007; Markon,
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