ÉOCARREFOUR VOL 78 2/2003 147 Volkan AYTAR Constructions of Spaces of Music in State University of New York at Binghamton Istanbul : Scuffling and Intermingling Azer KESKIN Sounds in a Fragmented Metropolis State University of New York at Binghamton "Did it start with Bergson or before ? Space was the pauperized or the nouveaux riches tried to A B S T R A C T treated as the dead, the fixed, the undialectical, the sneak in the places they really did not belong to. Superimposed on a highly immobile. Time, on the contrary was richness, We argue that it is in the superimposition of those heterogeneous social fecundity, life, dialectic" conflicting narratives of the city’s history one could texture further shaped by Fo u c a u l t, 1980, in Soja 1999, p. 10 find hints to comprehend the complex successive waves of in- m u s i c s c a p e s 3 of Istanbul. Now let us provide migration, Istanbul’s urban "Music is an omnipresent, almost atmospheric, some "moments" of clash and symbolic policy shifted from a state- property of public space in the city, in cafés, night- representations within these musicscapes in order centered to a more clubs, baths, brothels, shops, buses, taxis, and to exemplify the various and at times conflicting entrepreneurial approach constructions of spaces of music in Istanbul. since the mid-1980s. dolmus (shared taxis), providing a continual Concurrently, as the counterpoint to the rhythms of everyday life" URBAN REFORM AND MODERNIZATION : contestation of the urban St o k e s , 1992, p. 1 space became more strident, SYMBOLIC SCENES OF THE CAFE, KAHVEHANE the interplay of the facets of "[F]rom the moment the [Turkish] Republic was AND MEYHANE political, economic and founded, music was given pride of place in policies cultural/symbolic change relating to culture and art, a kind of ‘target’ as If we would start discussing Istanbul’s attempt of created interesting leaders sought to fashion a new sort of citizen and reform itself - which some of her human actors configurations and a new nation-state" espoused in order to be prepared for the coming constellations. In a parallel Te k e l i o g l u, 1996, p. 196 of a new age of a more inter-connected world, development, since the threatening its previous structure - it is best to take urban identities in Istanbul We claim that one needs to chart the symbolic the Tanzimat period (1839-56) as a more or less turned more fragmented meaning of Istanbul’s urban space as it stood on a meaningful point. This period covering and hybrid from the mid- complex human geography throughout its institutional measures to "Reform" the Ottoman 1 1980s, the cultural/symbolic h i s t o r y , by also taking into consideration short- régime was intended towards revitalizing the struggle to define the urban term episodes, twists, ruptures and discontinuities, Empire by creating a state and an administration space also translated into or muting the specificities and contingencies of to which Christians, as well as Muslims could feel myriad particular ways in human or social actors. This temporal/spatial loyalty. which the urban musical approach will be complemented with a discussion 4 places are thought of, of the major developments in economy, politics, The experimental district of Pera , in this sense, imagined, and experienced. culture and society both in Turkey and in Istanbul. was a creative force in urban reform, surpassing Various musical styles far beyond its role in transmitting the European stemming from (and The history of Istanbul does not stand as an conceptions and techniques of municipal frequently combining isolated urban history, but a history of both an administration to the other sections of the city and elements of both) rural and Imperial and post-Imperial experience, and a to the provinces (Rosenthal, 1980). Pera both urban backdrops (such as history of a marvelous social arena full of worked as the reformers’ scrapbook for the new Arabesk, Taverna, Fantezi, conflicting, diverging and converging symbolic conjuncture that the Empire was then facing, and Turkish pop), as well as meanings. To read Istanbul’s histories (or stories) forcing the state officials to recognize European numerous "engagé" forms provides us with powerful insights leading to powers’ protection over its own non-Muslim of popular music (left-wing, many sub-stories and narratives and clarifying s u b j e c t s ; and a pivotal point of western far-nationalist, and Islamist many of the prolonged cultural and symbolic rifts modernization to have a hitherto unattained level variants of "Özgün Müzik"), in Istanbul. of impact upon heterogeneous Ottoman society, and global and localized altering its former balances and creating new global forms (rock, blues, Most of those narratives, we would claim are tensions in it. jazz, hip-hop, salsa, techno, based on a feeling of volatility, coupled with Pera emerged as an enclave, a stronghold of and any combination of anxieties over urban space and places. The "modernizing" tendencies, a locus of training, if not those thereof) blossomed, traditionalist conservatives of the ailing Ottoman recruitment, for the western-minded reformist creating spaces, locations Empire and the new Republic were worried about state élites who were for most of the time in and establishments where the impact of westernization that gained pace conflict with traditionalist Palace members. It also these kinds of music could since early to mid-19t h century. Spatial was an entertainment enclave of non-Muslims, be heard, and turned polarizations pitting "traditional" and "modern" especially Jews, Greeks, Armenians and Istanbul’s streets into a neighborhoods and districts were a frequent topic Levantines (although their residences were not symbolic battleground. in conservative literary and social imagery2. This paper attempts to necessarily limited to this section of the city), Modernizers themselves equally experienced which, from the Tanzimat period on, with the comprehend the parameters similar feelings of anxiety and volatility, however. of this cultural-symbolic pretext of the foreign protection on them, were Seeing westernizing reforms as the only solution increasingly seen as the "fifth division" of the contestation from within a to the problems of an ailing Empire (and later the historical and spatial foreign impact and intervention, especially in the new, promising Republic) and its major city, conservative discourse5. perspective, and connect modernizers felt uneasy whenever "backward" those to a more general masses targeted the enclaves of their stapled Pera, with its numerous meyhane (wine houses) discussion on the links lifestyles, whenever the "reactionaries" tried to owned and operated by non-Muslim minorities between sounds, social shut down or transform the city’s spaces of was a colorful district, one of the focal points of construction of space and entertainment and consumption, and whenever entertainment. A. Ince claims non-Muslim 148 VOL 78 2/2003 Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul

entrepreneurs of that time could be seen as calls, in the sphere of music, the "West-East the city identities. This way, "cultural intermediaries" à la P. Bourdieu, acting as synthesis" (1996). A. Ince similarly argues that in we strive to move beyond cultural mediators (due to their commercial and the Republican period music and entertainment the facile dichotomies of the cultural contacts with the West) for Muslim and sectors were shaped according to the reformist traditional versus the non-Muslim bourgeoisie alike (Ince, 2002, p. 107). tradition of the nation-state (Ince, 2002, p. 107). m o d e r n ; the local versus An account of the Istanbul cafés during the late The top-down, state-controlled synthesis the global, essentializing nineteenth century provides some useful discusses by O. Tekelioglu incorporated various notions usually deployed evidences to the cultural cleavages, the tensions projects, such as banning of radio broadcasting of while studying the non- between élite cafés at Pera and popular traditional Turkish music of Ottoman origin (due to its western societies such as kahvehane, that is, Turkish-style coffeehouses identification of the Palace, a relic of the past) ; the Turkey. We argue for the (Georgeon, 1992). Similarly, M. Altun claims that in suppression of Tekke Müzigi (ceremonial music of existence of more fluid, 1 9 t h century Istanbul, a l a f r a n g a (a la franca, some Islamic sects), and religious music overall complex and interconnected meaning modern, western-style) entertainment (which could partly explain the absence of forms such as the patterns were introduced and gained currency in religious music in urban spaces during the localization of modernity the face of previous, alaturka (a la Turca, meaning Republican era) ; the promotion of polyphony (Smith and Bender, 2001) Turkish-style, more traditional) forms6. However, among the masses through the extensive use and the localization of the other studies also remind us of the fact that radio waves ; launching of the government- global (or "glocalization" à la alaturka and alafranga patterns did not necessarily sponsored ballroom dances (Tekelioglu, 1996, R. Robertson). Also, we signify binary opposites, and especially as they p . 197), where western-style dances such as waltz argue that the constructions were experienced, allowed a lot of fluidity and were staple items ; and the standardization, of spaces of music need to contingency (Duben, Behar, 1991). collection, polyphonization and archivization of the be thought of in relation to Folk (or People’s) music. the symbolic acts of Istanbul, in the early decades of 20t h c e n t u r y , inclusion and exclusion. found itself in a situation of significantly A re-spatialization of the music and entertainment heterogeneous social structure while the City was localities went hand in hand with the top-down KEY WORDS at the same time, became the immediate haven for cultural policies. In the Republican era, the new C u l t u r a l - s y m b o l i c tens of thousand Turkish and other Muslim and dominant spaces of music, then, were to contestation, fragmentation, refugees. Istanbul became, this time become the State Conservatories teaching glocalization, heterotopias, geographically too, the western border of a fallen government-controlled westernized, polyphonized Istanbul, musicscapes. Empire. Istanbul’s ethnic geography was radically musical styles, Concert Halls and Ballrooms8, the altered due to important historical developments "People’s Houses" (H a l k e v l e r i) where the newly R É S U M É started earlier, but intensified during the first two Turkified Folk music was taught and spread out to Les espaces musicaux decades of the twentieth century. the public, and the state radio and television d’Istanbul mettent en stations that dominated the airwaves. In Istanbul, évidence la richesse d’une NATION-STATE FORMATION AND THE in particular, the Atatürk Kültür Merkezi (Atatürk structure sociale hétérogène CULTURAL POLICIES OF THE NEW TUKISH Cultural Center) with its concert halls, among liée à des vagues REPUBLIC : CONCERT HALLS, BALLROOMS AND other facilities located in Taksim (near Beyoglu), successives de migration et THE HALKEVI was among the most important spatial à la fragmentation expressions of the state-led cultural and musical croissante issue de la The First World War and armistice years, followed modernization and westernization policies. mondialisation. Istanbul est by a temporary occupation of Istanbul by the allied un pont entre l’Est et l’Ouest forces while strengthening the cultural/ideological The symbolic power of inclusion and exclusion mais aussi une marge que rifts within Ottoman society, introduced new worked effectively as well. Turkish experience with divers groupes - des cleavages with refreshed political connotations. top-down modernization entailed quick paced fiats modernistes aux islamistes - The national liberation struggle, mainly tailored in decreeing what, and what not to wear, as well as tentent de contrôler, Anatolia, face to Istanbul’s relative silence, was a enforcing modern etiquettes of comportements. transformant la rue en symbolic act to evidence this former’s political and Music spaces, especially of those underwritten by champ de bataille social maturity. In spatial terms, within Istanbul, the reformist state were important gateways for symbolique. Des styles the "contradictions" (real or imagined) between entering into formal modernity9. Following official musicaux variés provenant Beyoglu and "traditional" neighborhoods were spaces, private spaces agreed to enforce same de la ville et de la campagne also emphasized during this period. Beyoglu symbolic limitations, especially against those who - et les combinant souvent - emerged especially in the conservative and were not "learned" enough1 0 . The unquestioned (arabesk et taverna - liés à la nationalist imagery as a new Byzantium, with its hegemony of the officialdom, however, was to contestation des années decadent entertainment establishments catering to change after the 1960s and into 1970s, when 1960 dans les g e c e k o n d u s , those who had become rich or richer through "war arabesk music and its spaces became increasingly qui chantent la pauvreté des profiteering" and with its non-Turkish populations widespread. déracinés - fantezi et pop who were seen as supporting the occupiers7. turque), des formes "engagées" de musique After the liberation, apart from launching state- CONTESTING THE URBAN SPACES OF MUSIC : populaire (d’extrême controlled, centralized national developmentalist ARABESK, DOLMUS, AND THE GECEKONDU gauche, nationalistes, voire social and economic policies, the new Turkish islamistes), tout comme des Republican elite carried out policies of top-down Population movements had been a constant formes globales revisitées cultural modernization, and of what O. Tekelioglu characteristic of the Turkish demographic change localement (rock, jazz, hip- Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul VOL 78 2/2003 149

hop, salsa, techno etc.) ont since the beginning of the Republic. Since at least 1980s ONWARDS : A CONSERVATIVE créé des lieux d’écoute et de the late 1940s, the effects of the mechanization of " C A T H A R S I S " 1 4 AND AN "EMANCIPATED conflit. L’étude des liens agriculture and market integration that provoked I S T A N B U L " entre sons, construction an increasing pressure on smaller-scale farming sociale de l’espace et were the main reasons for the immense rural to The year 1980 symbolized a more or less clear-cut identités urbaines permet de urban migration (Karpat, 1976 ; Kıray, 1998 [1972]). expression of a "break" in the political and dépasser les oppositions This has speeded up after the 1960s, and has economic history of Turkey. This date has been faciles (traditionnel/ created conditions for rapid urbanization, increase considered by numerous analysts, as a turning moderne, local/global) in urban population, and urban transformation point that had separated the two distinct courses inadaptées à un pays non- of both the Turkish politics and economics. The occidental comme la and change. Istanbul, in this period, was one of the major cities receiving bulk of the rural migration 1980 military coup "ushered in a régime […] Turquie. Les processus de resolutely applied the orthodox policies counseled "glocalisation" y sont plus (Öc, 1974 ; Danielson, Keles, 1984). by the IMF in the hope of restructuring the fluides, complexes et economy toward greater openness and interconnectés, et n’ont pas Most migrants converged around the newly liberalization." (Keyder and Öncü, 1994). conduit à une formed residential settlements such as the homogénéisation culturelle gecekondu neighborhoods located at the This also signified the moment of Istanbul’s car la musique s’est adaptée peripheries of Istanbul, as well other major cities. "emancipation" from the conventional boundaries et remodelée localement. Le These were squatter towns, with the word of the political and economic boundedness, its quartier de Péra/Beyoglu est gecekondu literally meaning houses built "at superior territorial attachments : "ANAP’s political l’exemple de cette night", to denote their informality and illegality. strategy became increasingly focused upon major progressive transformation, Devoid of most social services, including effective metropolitan centers as both showcases of the depuis l’occidentalisation du and accessible forms of public transportation, new era of internationalism, and as the most likely X I Xe s., puis la volonté de la bases of its clientelistic networks and electoral jeune République de créer these neighborhoods were catered by the shared appeal. Istanbul naturally emerged as the un nouveau citoyen laïque taxis or the dolmus. These two spaces were privileged recipient of this attention" (Keyder and dans le nouvel État-Nation, usually thought of as the loci for arabesk ( S t o k e s , jusqu’au rôle de vitrine 1992), implying that this type of music belonged to Öncü, 1994). Local government reforms were moderniste des régimes the migrant, urban poor. Characterized as listened designed to sustain a particular level of urban militaires néo-libéraux que to in the dolmus, by the gecekondu d w e l l e r s , autonomy to assign local governments a joue la ville depuis les arabesk stirred a controversy also because it was necessary flexibility in their actions (Heper, 1987 ; années 1980. Istanbul se seen as challenging most of the conventions of the 1989). Istanbul, in this sense, emerged as a "showcase" of the Monetarist New Right policies fragmente et s’hybride et dominant cultural policies of the Republic. Beyoglu est devenu une and their local level reflections ; entrepreneuria- constellation d’hétérotopies lism and conservative and neo-liberal urban Although its earlier roots and shaping influences reforms, oriented towards arming this city with foucaldiennes juxtaposant are well documented, the arabesk music is most en un même lieu des necessary comparative advantages in her struggle closely associated with the post-1950s paysages musicaux to rise at the hierarchical urban taxonomy of the incompatibles mais qui developments, and most chiefly, the rural-to-urban "World City" network. fonctionnent en relation à migration. M. Stokes defines it as "a music of the l’espace. Exclusion et city and for the city […] It describes a decaying city Istanbul in this context was transformed from a ségrégation n’y ont donc pas in which poverty-stricken migrant workers are major base for large-scale, manufacturing firms d i s p a r u . exploited and abused, and calls on its listeners to into Turkey’s globalizing center for finance and pour another glass of r a k i 1 1, light another cigarette banking (Keyder and Öncü, 1994), has increased its MOTS CLÉS and curse fate and the world" (Stokes, 1992, p. 1). hold over the Turkish economy (Pérouse, 1998), Contestation culturelle et and has become the preferred location for symbolique, fragmentation, Shaped by myriad influences as the Arabic music multinational corporations attempting to make glocalisation, hétérotopies, heard on the Egyptian radio, the Indian film music roadways into the Turkish market (Pérouse, 1999 and 2000). In the meantime, the number of Istanbul, paysages and the "free interpretation" movement in Turkish branches of multinational companies increased musicaux. music (Tekelioglu, 1996) and incorporating highly dramatically. All these developments were "bluesish" lyrics, it is sometimes seen as 1 - An earlier version of this connected to the recent transformation of Istanbul symptomatic of the reaction against the top-down into a globalizing city, increasingly subject to paper is based on our modernization and westernization cultural/musical conference presentation at the global flows of capital, goods, as well as culture p o l i c i e s 1 2 of the Turkish Republican elite. Most annual meeting of the (Keyder and Öncü, 1994 ; Öncü, 1997 ; Keyder, importantly, its allegedly eclectic, non-artistic International Association for 1 9 9 3 ; 1999). the Study of Popular Music – (meaning, non-high-brow) and kitschy musical 1 3 US, in Cleveland, Ohio in structure, and fatalism-inspiring lyrics are the NEW SPACES OF MUSIC SINCE THE MID-1980s : October 2002. The research elements of arabesk most criticized by the DIVERSIFICATION AND HYBRIDIZATION upon which this paper is based Republican elite. At a mainstream sociological was partially funded from the level, it purportedly represented the culture of the How to, then, comprehend the new musicscapes MEAwards Program in "half-urbanized" culture of the migrants unable to in Istanbul since 1980 on the basis of above Population and the Social fully adapt to the "civilized" culture of Istanbul. d e v e l o p m e n t s ? Since academic studies are very 150 VOL 78 2/2003 Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul

scant, we could first consult popular depictions which are rich and colorful. Especially after the mid-1980s in Istanbul new forms of popular iconographies emerged, mentally dramatizing two "generic’ poles of two distinct "urban figures". One was, the figure of the entel (a derogatory use of the word "intellectual"), hanging around the streets, attending the Entel Bars (a unifying label used to describe music establishments where jazz and other "high brow" types were listened to) artistic/intellectual activities ; expositions, concerts, panel-discussions and so-forth. He ( s i c, since e n t e l is predominantly thought of as a male figure) enjoys jazz, classical music, he has an "élite" (and most of the time popularly ridiculed) lifestyle (although that did not necessarily mean he was rich economically) and uses a mostly complex ("odd") vocabulary. He may be presented, with a slight exaggeration, as an Istanbul flâneur, but his is much like a "learned, imitated-flânerie". His favorite location is, of course, Beyoglu. He seeks to stand for western "civility", "sophisticated urban citizenry", although he is frequently ridiculed.

The other "generic" pole, is the maganda ( a n invented word) or with its less frequently used Figure 1 : Les différents quartiers d'Istanbul variant, k ı r o 1 5 ; possibly a migrant urban poor, hanging around the streets just like the entel, b u t propose to place music and entertainment Sciences, the Population this time, to sexually and verbally "abuse" women establishments and spaces within a more general Council, WANA Regional and men with long-hair, spitting in public, listening framework of "pleasure-oriented environments" Office in Cairo. Volkan Aytar to arabesk or taverna (a more "hedonistic" sub- (Carr, 2002, p. 972) in an increasingly consump- would like to thank MEAwards style of this former) in smoke-filled pavyons o r tion-oriented setting of Istanbul. Now let us look Program for their support. kıraathane (neighborhood-based coffeehouses). into the different spaces that were constructed and He is the haunter of the evacuated streets in the how those spaces stand separate yet interconnec- 2 - See, for example, A. S. night (not to graffiti the walls, but to look for ted and highly entangled. Our claim is that the Çoruk’s Cumhuriyet Devri Türk "professional transsexuals"). He is the "uncivil" sounds produced in diverse spaces continue to Romanında Beyoglu ( 1 9 9 5 ) urban jerk. He is in so contradiction and conflict shape each other and intermingle and scuffle where he presents good with the entel, that, their imaginary stories were alike. In order to discuss this, let us now turn to the examples of this imagery. frequently portrayed on the pages of comic books changing humanscapes in Istanbul in the last two Seen as a highly westernized and humor magazines, during the late-1980s and decades or so. district, Beyoglu is frequently 1 9 9 0 s 1 6 . Entel and maganda stand as representing contrasted to "purely" Muslim the clientele of distinct and polarized spaces of GLOBAL FUSINGS, REMAINING DISTANCES and Turkish neighborhoods music, entertainment and leisure. such as Fatih, Aksaray, Beyazıt The globalizing orientation of Istanbul as However, a closer look at the social constructions and others. With its non- discussed above was also mirrored in the of spaces of music in Istanbul gives us important Muslim minority-owned enter- changing population configuration, and the insights showing the narrowness of the above tainment and shopping transformation of the urban space. Increasing dichotomization of urban generic poles, as well as establishments, Beyoglu is deterioration of the income distribution in Istanbul spaces of music that cater to either. Istanbul’s depicted as a modern, provoked social polarization. Istanbul’s urban spaces of music have become increasingly myriad. degenerate, and extravagantly space became increasingly fragmented and was By the mid 1990s locations of music in Istanbul "mondaine" part of the city. divided along new fault lines. A new globalizing diversified and the musical types that were Consider the anxieties over the stratum of the population emerged in Istanbul produced and consumed by different and distinct symbolic encroachment of (Aksoy, 1996). Those employed in the globalizing social and cultural groups started to borrow from modern lifestyles represented sectors of the economy were moving towards each other. by Beyoglu, as well as cultural "world class incomes" (Kandiyoti, 2002), while the ruptures and rifts it supposedly poorest strata were increasingly marginalized, and Due to Istanbul’s globalizing orientations and brings forth in the following left out of the process of articulation into the world changing demographics, as discussed above, a passages: "[…] He heard the economy (Ercan, 1996 in Erkip, 2000). new service sector composed of music/ foreign melodies sneaking out of the shop, and could not help entertainment establishments emerged. Since Within the upper and upper-middle classes, too, mid-1980s, new entertainment spaces and but thinking […] how alien there emerged new fault lines, and consumption these were to his land" (from establishments catering to various groups in (and by extension, choice of musical styles and Istanbul started to multiply and diversify. We Peyami Safa’s 1924 novel, Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul VOL 78 2/2003 151

Mahser, p. 116) ; "You could spaces) increasingly became instrumental in unlike their friends or relatives who were recruited easily come across with drawing symbolic boundaries, and social to play at Babylon. differences similar to those distinctions à la P. Bourdieu (1984). Those involved between New York and Kabul, in the globalizing sectors of Istanbul’s economy Creation of new spaces of music and new - or between [Beyoglu] and [Fatih]" increasingly developed "global tastes" in music, art recycled - laborscapes that followed them also (from Peyami Safa’s 1931 and entertainment. This group we claim is the finds echoes in the emergence of new novel, F a t i h - H a r b i y e , p. 30); main stratum catered by the new "upscale" spaces tastemakers, and transformation of urban space. and finally, "Beyoglu is the of music, such as jazz, blues and reggae A. Ince discusses the emergence of Babylon, for unconquered Istanbul" (from establishments, Istanbul Music Festival, Istanbul example, in terms of the rising importance of Mithat Cemal Kuntay’s 1938 Jazz Festival, Akbank Jazz Festival, and new "cultural intermediaries" in Istanbul’s musical and novel, Üç Istanbul, p. 44). This techno and gay clubs1 7. We should also note that cultural scene. She argues that Babylon o p e r a t e s vision, however, is not limited the laborscapes associated with these new spaces as a "trendsetter", while Pozitif, the production to the conservative imagery. In are also "upscale" and "global"1 8. company (with its associated record label, one of the most striking Doublemoon) that is behind it, works as a examples, in 1928, Kemalist One could also claim that the rise of music "tastemaker" (Ince, 2002, p. 109). One could also writer Yakup Kadri Karaos- festivals and the stratum they cater to was also claim that Babylon and other venues, as well as art manoglu wrote a novel about paralleled in the emergence of establishments galleries, cafés turned Asmalımescit section of armistice years’ Istanbul, such as Babylon, Maslak Venue, Parkorman, and Beyoglu into a new "in", or "hip" neighborhood entitled Sodom ve Gomore Mydonose Showland. Most of those establish- where new, cutting edge practices of (Sodom and Gomorrah). In left- ments were launched to organize frequent live entertainment, art and culture are experienced2 0. wing imagery, Istanbul appearances by non-Turkish musicians, concerts Indeed, Asmalımescit was effectively gentrified appeared frequently as a that bring together global and local musicians, or especially occupationally and this part of Beyoglu decadent space dominated by big-budget productions or concerts by Turkish pop that was formerly home to drug dealers, sex "aristocratic" and "bourgeois" stars. The global rise of "world music" was also workers and small scale manufacturers was interests. Former Socialist mirrored in Istanbul with appearances by Natacha "cleaned up". Residential gentrification is also writer Çetin Altan famously Atlas, Raul Paz, and others, and "crossover", frequent in neighborhoods close to Beyoglu, such called the city, "the Dukedom experimental fusion concerts and albums as Cihangir, adding to the anxieties and tensions 1 9 of Istanbul". flourished rapidly . Especially Roma musicians over urban space2 1. who were not previously "taken seriously" by the 3 - Here, we borrow from and music and entertainment establishments beyond STICKING TO THE SAME TUNES AT UNBECOMING extend Appadurai’s notion of their role as occasional "informal" performers L O C A L E S : PARVENUS AND THEIR SPACES various "scapes" as discussed mainly dependent on customers’ tips, were in his Modernity at large (1996) "rediscovered". A new respectability was assigned In the meantime, concurrent with the rise of to discuss the shifting and fluid to Roma musicians. Nowadays, it is quite globalizing sectors, in more "traditional" sectors humanscapes of music in customary to come across with albums or such as construction, small-scale retailing, and Istanbul. concerts bringing together Amsterdam Klezmer others, there emerged a stratum of entrepreneurs Band with the Galata Gypsy Band, or Brooklyn who saw their lot improved within the span of 4 - Later renamed Beyoglu. Funk Essentials with Laço Tayfa. A new "gaze" fairly short amount of time. With their spending towards Istanbul’s "own ethnicities" as musical power increasing rapidly, they were still charged 5 - Here, it is worth noting that subjects may be said to have developed in this by the weakening Republican cultural elite as well Beyoglu, on September 6t h city’s new spaces of music and entertainment. as the globalizing upper and upper-middle classes and 7t h 1956, was one of the for constituting a nouveaux riches, parvenus fundamental targets of the However a question remains as to whether these s t r a t u m, sticking with their "old ways" in culture, Turkish nationalists and experimental, fusion-oriented musical efforts and or, at best having a degenerative "mix-and-match" Islamists when a violent the spaces of music they create substantively attitude. Seen as "m a g a n d a s with money", they popular attack was carried on bridge the social distance between the were ridiculed for eating l a h m a c u n 2 2 and drinking ethnic Greeks living in Istanbul, entertainment economies of Beyoglu and Maslak whisky at the same time, while listening to a r a b e s k after an alleged vandalizing (where many crossover-promoting establishments and taverna while watching the beautiful attack on the house Atatürk are housed) ; and Tarlabası, Ahırkapı or Sulukule Bosphorus shores at expensive restaurants and (the founder of the Turkish (lower-income neighborhoods from out of many n i g h t - c l u b s, most chiefly at Tarabya, an upscale Republic) was born in Roma musicians are recruited to play with western neighborhood by the European side of the shores. Thessalonica, Greece, was bands) or not. For example, Tarlabası is just a "broadcasted" at chauvinistic block off Beyoglu and its Roma and Kurdish In Istanbul’s new humanscapes, Arabesk is no Istanbul newspapers. Later, residents are vitally yet quite informally connected longer - if it ever completely was - the music of the the incident proved to be an to Beyoglu’s entertainment economy as street gecekondu and the dolmus. Apart from informing undercover plot reportedly sellers, street musicians, and fortune tellers. On and shaping the current form of the "Turkish Pop", planned by some agents of the the other hand, media descriptions and popular (as many pop stars themselves increasingly seem Turkish government, to create attitudes continue to blame both groups for to admit) arabesk is now listened to by wide a mob pressure upon Greeks constituting Beyoglu’s criminal economy, such as segments of the Istanbulites, beyond the migrant, of Istanbul, to forcing them to drug dealing, car parking "m a f i a" and street theft urban poor. Upscale arabesk locations flourished, leave. This event is seen as networks. Living under the shadow of and they increasingly cater to the upper classes, signifying one of the important criminalization, many Tarlabası residents may not the nouveaux riches, middle classes and others turning points that significantly be enjoying the fruits of the new musicscapes a l i k e 2 3. Appearances by arabesk stars, Ibrahim 152 VOL 78 2/2003 Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul

Tatlıses, Mahsun Kırmızıgül, Müslüm Gürses, and ("left-wing") arabesk (most chiefly because of its transformed the humanscape others in concerts and other venues are highly purported substitution of arabesk’s "cruel world" of Istanbul. This assault mediatized events, with many members of symbolism with "the order", read, capitalism), its signaled the beginning of Istanbul’s jet-set attending. We should note that earlier proponents were current and former leftist massive displacement of Gürses also released albums and singles including political prisoners and activists such as Ferhat Istanbul’s ethnic Greeks to remakes of songs by pop and pop-rock stars such Tunç and late Ahmet Kaya (who passed away in Greece. Later, Beyoglu as Tarkan and Teoman, and was increasingly self-imposed exile in France in 2001). Even more became a major target of a appreciated by larger segments of Istanbulites. openly political is Protest Müzik, famously non-violent "moral" attack and This middle, upper class and jet-set acceptance of represented by leftist bands such as Grup Yorum, economic boycott carried by the arabesk became so entrenched that some Grup Munzur, Kızılırmak, and Grup Baran, among some Islamists, in the years hard-core fans of Müslüm Gürses who felt that he others, some of which were frequently charged by 1994-1995. The district was was "selling out" and gradually leaving his "voice the mainstream media and security forces for accused of becoming a source of the pauper" image behind, launched a boycott being associated with illegal Marxist-Leninist or of "Crusade" as most of the against him. Kurdish separatist organizations. shopping centers and restaurants were celebrating The taverna which may be seen as a more recent As social spaces, those places are highly symbolic. the New Year’s Eve. A sub-set of arabesk (one could remember the claim Türkü Bars are usually decorated with Che concurrent and meaningful that it is at least more "hedonistic" in its lyrics) has Guevara, Deniz Gezmis2 6 and Yılmaz Güney2 7 incident occurred in 1994 after created its own spaces, socially similar to earlier posters, pictures of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk the newly elected "moderate meyhane or pavyon, where usually individual conversing with peasants, poems by Nazım Islamist" mayor of Beyoglu singer-instrumentalists entertain their audiences H i k m e t 2 8 , baglamas and kilims, and other decided to "clean up" the by singing and playing an electronic keyboard. memorabilia hung all around the walls. T. Ersen districts’ entertainment esta- Although the t a v e r n a -goers were originally seen claims that many Türkü Bars in their interior blishments by banning and as making up a non-sophisticated nouveaux riches design attempt to "recreate" a rural environment limiting service of alcohol. bunch, this claim is harder to sustain with the in the context of the city. With their stuffed farm Following a media and public proliferation of establishments that cater to an animals, and pictures of panoramic valleys, rivers outcry the mayor decided not increasingly diverse clientele. Yet, not only and mountaintops, they try to represent the to go along with his plans previous distinctions and animosities keep on their innocent, simpler atmosphere of the "lost" village (although we should note that durability and strength, new divisions within for their urban clientele (Ersen, 2002, p.39). Indeed the alcohol ban was instituted people playing and listening to the same music most of the Türkü Bar regulars seem to be those and still remains effective in style, but only in different neighborhoods appear. individuals uneasy with the pop and rock establishments owned and Recently the t a v e r n a - f a n t e z i star Ismail Türüt dominated music and night out scene of Istanbul. operated by the Greater uttered, "You would find our [tough] guys in They may be said not to appreciate as much new Municipality of Istanbul). All Tarabya, but in Etiler it is the softies [read, global-oriented fusion either. three instances, we believe, ' q u e e r s ' ] " 2 4 . T a v e r n a is now both a musical style were symptomatic in and a type of music/entertainment/dining The usual clientele of Türkü Bars constitute of explaining the particular establishment. One could find t a v e r n a- d o m i n a t e d students, low or lower middle class individuals, durability and strength of the urban dots all around Istanbul, but most among others. Folk dancing by male and female symbolic contestations of prominently at Tarabya, Etiler, and Kumkapı2 5. customers alike frequently accompanies playing space in Istanbul. and singing by small bands of professional EAT, DRINK AND SING ABOUT SOCIAL JUSTICE musicians. Experienced almost in a "cathartic" 6 - M. Altun claims that AND GOOD OLD RURAL TIMES way, singing along, or dancing denote important alaturka entertainment was and meaningful experiences for the Türkü Bar based in households, or male- Among new musicscapes, the Türkü Bar customers. Indeed recreating the cool air of the dominated coffeehouses , and constitutes a very interesting example showing the rural high plateaus under the constant breezes of did not occur in outdoor, urban specificity of Istanbul. Türkü Bars (literally meaning the air conditioners, and providing the customers spaces as much. In religious the "Ballad Bars") flourished since early to mid- a "reliable ground on which to dance in a shaky holidays, special outdoor 1990s. Although those dot all around Istanbul, urban setting" (Ersen, 2002, p. 39), the Türkü Bar picnics were organized, and many Türkü Bars are located in Beyoglu, as well as became a key experiential space for "alternative" these signified few occasions in Üsküdar and Bakırköy. While those were initially e n t e r t a i n m e n t . when men and women launched by few Alevi entrepreneurs, recently gathered and entertained owners and employees seem to constitute of a One interesting development has been not only together. heterogeneous mix. The music types played in the multiplication of these bars, but also those establishments are the Turkish Folk Music increasing diversification and changing political 7 - See Çoruk, in ibid, passim. (thus, the "ballad" denotation) especially as played nature of Özgün and Protest Müzik t h e m s e l v e s . in earlier dersane and dernek, and what came to More recently, a move towards launching Islamist 8 - Especially the "Republican be known Özgün Müzik (this odd rubric literally and far-right wing versions of these was Ballroom Dances" were to translates as the "Original Music"), as well as witnessed. Concurrently, less "political" and more become highly symbolic Protest Müzik. upscale Türkü Bars multiplied, catering to a events and spatial represen- clientele somewhat similar to t a v e r n a-goers. On tations of the new Republican Özgün Müzik was launched and developed since top of Beyoglu, Bakırköy, and Üsküdar, in upper cultural policies. Like in the early to mid 1980s, as a politically "e n g a g é" , class neighborhoods such as Etiler, Türkü Bars Ankara, in Istanbul, Taksim, folk- or pop-based type. At times denigrated as S o l started to emerge. This development is further too, outdoor ballroom dances Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul VOL 78 2/2003 153

were organized by the evidence that no pre-set meaning could be use of outdoor urban spaces for music and bureaucratic elite, and inscribed to, and kept fixed for spaces and musical entertainment purposes point out to a attended also by the newly styles themselves. development that could not be simply explained in emerging Turkish bourgeoisie. terms of their functions for the continuation of the EXPRESSING LIFE, MUSIC AND FUN "OUTDOOR" status quo. 9 - Those symbolic limitations seem to be still in effect. In Another recent development in the social Some open air concerts like those organized at October 2003, during the construction of spaces of music in Istanbul has Rumeli Hisarı3 3 may be highly mediatized and celebration of the 80th year of been the rediscovery and reclaiming of the commercial events, but some others like those the proclamation of the "outdoor" as an experiential and vital place. Street "People's Concerts" taking place at Gülhane Parkı3 4 Republic of Turkey, a political festivals, open air concerts, outdoor weddings and provide genuine opportunities to the urban poor, crisis erupted after the beach parties all could be seen as part and parcel those marginalized to join-in to the new spaces of President refused to invite to of this development. These acts of rediscovery and entertainment especially when others were the Presidential reception the reclaiming should be thought of in relation to the effectively closed to them due to high cover, high wives of those ruling ("mode- changing social and political nature of the food and drink prices, and bodyguards acting as rate Islamist"/conservative "outdoor" in Turkish urban settings. One of the first "gatekeepers" admitting only those who are AKP) party legislators whose fiats of the military regime in 1980 was to institute dressed up nicely or accompanied with their heads were covered. Turkish curfew. Although the curfew itself was lifted in female friends. In a similar development, some laicité seems to still hold time, the idea of curfew, with its authoritarian municipal governments, and professional determining power in deciding limitation against "being in open spaces" seems to organizations launched street festivals and who is and who is not admis- have remained deeply engrained in Turkish carnivals, like Beyoglu Bulusması, Beyoglu sible to the official and public e x p e r i e n c e 2 9 , especially in urban places. Festivali, Tünel Art Festival, providing free open-air spaces including university and Manifestations, meetings, marches, and protests concerts, dance shows, and Ramadan-long open- high school campuses. have faced harsh responses from the security air banquets, fests and music shows at Eyüp, forces. Sultanahmet and other districts. Outdoor 10 - It is interesting to note, in weddings also became important ways to this juncture, how joining-in to As a ground-breaking development, in 1990s, construct spaces of music and entertainment. the spaces of music acted as usually women-led relatives of the "disappeared" Singing and folk dancing may be turning symbolic "rites of passage" for people and/or political prisoners have launched a weddings as non-commercial, informal yet rich the newly emerging Turkish long campaign to reclaim some urban places and colorful "spaces of hope"3 5. Indeed this could bourgeoisie. Espousing west- whereby they organized weekly manifestations to be said of many new outdoor musicscapes in ern dress and behavioral codes draw publicity to their cause3 0 . Similar to the Istanbul. They may be carving out spaces of hope as well as learning to enjoy campaign of the women of Plaza del Mayo in in the face of official bans and limitations, attempts westernized musical forms, Argentina, "the Saturday Mothers" (C u m a r t e s i at co-optation, commercialization and Turkish bourgeoisie received A n n e l e r i) became associated with the Galatasaray mediatization. an effective training in the Square in Beyoglu, one of the locations they were officially-decreed cultural meeting every Saturday, and frequently facing LOCALIZATION OF MODERNITY, AND GLOCA- repertoire. Later, after the arrests and forced dispersal. Initially a marginal L I Z A T I O N : WHITHER HETEROTOPIAS ? 1940s and 1950s when rural- campaign limited in participation to those denigra- based businessmen flooded ted as "left wingers," or "those supporting the In this paper, we have attempted to chart the into Istanbul for commerce, terrorists" the legitimacy of them reclaiming the historical and spatial development of Istanbul's networking and entertainment urban spaces increased in time. In society at large, spaces of music by providing a rough picture of reasons, their "crude" beha- and even in those circles refuting their cause, their this city's diverse and changing humanscapes. We viors were to be ridiculed in methods have become a "model" to be followed3 1. argue that deeply entangled with, shaped by and novels, newspaper articles and in turn shaping the major political, economic and so forth. These ridiculed Partly due to the "catharsis" as mentioned before cultural changes in Turkey, Istanbul's hacıaga types (denoting their whereby many hitherto "marginal" identities humanscapes sit on the very heart of the "devout Muslim" [h a c ı = M e c c a founds unorthodox ways to express themselves, construction of spaces of music, or musicscapes. pilgrim] and "feudal" [aga=agha, partly due to path opened by the "Saturday Although even many Turkish scholars (not just feudal landlord of sorts] roots) Mothers," among others, the limitations on the use "western" Orientalist and modernizationist were to be catered by new of urban spaces were increasingly questioned and approaches) still continue to employ facile establishments called pavyon were de facto bypassed usually in less dichotomies of tradition versus modernity, and (a "night club" of sorts) where confrontational ways. In practice, non-political local versus global, we argue that concepts such more popularized, less "high events had more chances to get organized as M. P. Smith and T. Bender's "localization of brow" versions of Turkish Art outdoors, although official bans or limitations modernity" (2001) and R. Robertson's "glocaliza- Music, or fantezi was played. were present on them as well3 2. Celebrations of tion" (1995) more aptly serve the describe the These were escapist locations the victories by Turkish soccer teams internatio- constructions of spaces of music in Istanbul. also providing female escorts. nally have always been "tolerated" by the officials, Pavyon and fantezi music were as with some outdoor pop concerts especially if On the one hand, among other things, the history instrumental in the later they did help out channeling mass energies of Turkish cultural modernity could also be read as formation of arabesk and its towards non-political ways, or if they could be an attempt to construct meanings for music and its spaces. See below. used to "heighten national consciousness" spaces. However, as M. P.Smith and T. Bender (thereby to co-opt them). However, the increasing argue, "[…] place-making from above by top-down 154 VOL 78 2/2003 Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul

modernizing regimes" articulates with claims- people become "time-companions" more than 11 - R a k i is a highly popular, making politics […] from the middle and from they are "space-companions" in a substantive anise-based Turkish alcoholic below" (2001, p. 1). Top-down place making also sense (1992). This is due to the fact that this drink similar to Arak and Ouzo. faces challenges by such claims. The emergence sharing of spaces is underwritten by a harsh It is customarily consumed as of arabesk and its spaces, and the politicization occupational and residential segregation. The an aperitif, or it accompanies and transformation of Turkish Folk Music and rules of the inclusion and exclusion are still dinner and it is usually a staple creation of alternative, more "civil societal" spaces defined according to class, occupational group, the drink for "nights out", or long such as the dersane, dernek and Türkü Bars, and region of origin, ethnicity and religious affiliation feasts and banquets. the rediscovery and reclaiming of the "outdoor" as well as social status and prestige. are evidences of these. Moving beyond the 12 - M. Stokes in his 1992 dichotomy of tradition versus modernity, we In socio-political terms this translates as the study also discusses new would propose that Turkish modernity has been crystallization of what some analysts call the spaces of music such as the particularly localized in Istanbul's spaces of music "Istanbul League", a neo-liberal (mental) alliance of dernek ( c l u b / s o c i e t y / a s s o c i a - through a constant process of negotiation, re- western-minded intellectuals, industrialists, and tion and their lounges) and negotiation and transgression. politicians, bound with the logic of globalization, dersane (informal places of oriented towards transforming Istanbul into a [music] learning). Signifying On the other hand, post-1980s developments in "first-class world city", detesting populism and music education establish- construction of spaces of music provide enough archaic patronage relationships. This "League" ments stemming from the "civil evidence to talk about Istanbul-specific processes implicitly demands (at least visible) exclusion of society" many of these were in of glocalization and hybridization. Seemingly the urban poor, the homeless, the minorities and line with the official cultural/ separate and even conflicting music styles and other "undesirables" to improve the economic musical policies, and were spaces of music continuously scuffle and attractiveness and overall cultural image of the usually localities where one intermingle in Istanbul, learn from and transform city. Some of the "undesirables", especially the would learn the "Turkish Folk each other. After the 1980s, Istanbul has seen the homeless transgress this exclusion, "living" Music", as opposed to arabesk emergence of myriad hybrid identities and (trespassing) in the very rich neighborhoods, and to play Turkey’s most "crossover" musical events, with a K u r d i s h shopping malls and concert halls they were asked "Turkish" instrument, the Arabesk singer (Ibrahim Tatlıses) singing to leave. The members of the "League" who are b a g l a m a (a long necked lute, Pavarotti's arias, young women with headscarves disturbed by this presence may be said to either somewhat similar to buzuk and attending rock and Turkish hip-hop concerts, a choose to ignore or effectively expel them. If b o u z o u k i ). It should be noted, Brooklyn-based Funk band performing with a Istanbul's spaces of music were to become however, that some of the Turkish Roma band. It is within this context that heterotopias in a true sense, these exclusionary dernek and dersane since the Robertson's argument not to see globalization symbolic inscriptions of meanings would have to 1970s became politicized merely as a homogenizing process, and his be dealt with, and one would need to imagine spaces where leftist activists insistence on the importance of the way ways in which difference could be celebrated, not reclaimed Folk Music and globalization is localized and how local also muted or merely sold. This way, one could think baglama as "people’s music shapes globality makes more sense. However, as about the musicscapes in Istanbul as spaces of and instrument". This may he also suggests and increasingly is the case in h o p e . partly have to do with the global marketing, glocalization equally means a strong association of b a g l a m a strategic choice whereby "difference sells" and the B I B L I O G R A P H Y with Anatolia’s Alevi (a concept captures the way in which heterodox and politically homogenization and heterogenization intertwine AKAY A., 2003, Istanbul : Bir eglence megapolü, progressive Islamic sect) (1995). From this perspective, Brooklyn Funk ( I s t a n b u l : An entertainment megalopolis), C o g i t o , culture. Alevism is usually seen Essentials performing with Laço Tayfa, or the Spring, n°35, p. 181-196. as a "left wing" formation, as a Amsterdam Klezmer Band performing with the suitable breeding ground for Galata Gypsy Band are glocal in both senses. AKSOY A., 1996, Küresellesme ve Istanbul'da progressive, left wing ideolo- istihdam (Globalization and employment in gies. For a further discussion, We would like to close our discussion in where we I s t a n b u l ) , Istanbul, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 46 p. see below, under "Protest started it, namely in Pera/Beyoglu, Istanbul's music". foremost and most historically rooted APPADURAI A., 1996, Modernity at Large : Cultural music/entertainment/art district. One could claim dimensions of globalization, Minneapolis, 13 - In arabesk lyrics, the that the Pera/Beyoglu is akin to "a constellation of University of Minnesota Press, xi-230 p. theatrical drama usually pits a Foucauldian heterotopias" capable of juxtaposing "poor guy" up against a "cruel in a single real place several spaces, several sites AYATA A., 1997, The emergence of identity politics world", a "heartless" woman, that are in themselves incompatible" but "function in Turkey, New Perspectives on Turkey, n° 17, oppression, poverty and in relation to all the space that remains" (Soja p . 5 9 - 7 3 . alienation, situations which the 1999, p. 240). Indeed, rural and urban, poor and person has no easy way out. rich, the Turk, Kurd, Arab, and Roma (as well as BEHAR C., DUBEN A., 1991, Istanbul households : For a very good anthropological any remaining Christian and Jewish minorities), marriage, family, and fertility, 1880-1940, and ethnomusicological study, Sunni and the Alevi frequent Beyoglu for work and Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University see M. Stokes’ 1992 work. leisure purposes. This "side-by-sideness", Press, 300 p. however, is real but not without limits. Madra 14 - We borrowed this notion argues that this sharing of places in Istanbul is just BORA T., 1999, Istanbul of the Conqueror : "The from Nilüfer Göle, who defined for definite and limited temporal instances where alternative global city' dreams of political Islam, i n the year 1980 as a "catharsis" Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul VOL 78 2/2003 155

after when many new KEYDER Ç. (ed.), I s t a n b u l : Between the global and HOBSBAWM E., RANGER T., 1983, The Invention identities found ground to the local, Lanham, Boulder, New York and Oxford, of Tradition, Cambridge, Cambridge University express themselves. Although Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, vii-202 p. Press, vi-320 p. there is a "welcoming" overtone in its usage, we BORATAV K., 1990, Inter-Class and Intra-Class INCE A., 2002, Çesnicibasılıktan Taste Maker'lıga, suggest a more critical Relations of Distribution Under "Structural Istanbul, n° 43, p. 106-109. evaluation of the term. A d j u s t m e n t " : Turkey during the 1980s, i n ARICANLI T., RODRIK D. (eds.), The Political KANDIYOTI D., 2002, Introduction: Reading the 15 - Kıro reportedly connotes a economy of Turkey : Debt, adjustment and fragments', in KANDIYOTI D., SAKTANBER A. pejorative and deformed use of s u s t a i n a b i l i t y, Basingstoke, Macmillan, xii-278 p. (eds), 2002, Fragments of Culture : The Everyday of the word Gıro, a Kurdish word Modern Turkey, New Brunswick, Rutgers that possibly served as an University Press, ix-350 p. "inspiration" for kıro m e a n s BOURDIEU P., 1984, D i s t i n c t i o n : A social critique of the judgment of taste, translated by Richard "brother", "a good guy", or KARPAT K., 1976, The Gecekondu : Rural Nice, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, xiv- "man". Migration and Urbanization, Cambridge, 6 1 4 p . Cambridge University Press, vi-292 p. 16 - For a very good study of the power of humor in CARR, 2002, The tourism-leisure behavioural KEYDER Ç., ÖNCÜ A., 1994, Globalization of a constructing and representing continuum, Annals of Tourism Research, vol. 29, third-world metropolis : Istanbul in the 1980's, urban identities in Istanbul, see n° 4, p. 972-986. Review, vol. 17, n° 3, p. 383-421. A. Öncü’s 1999 work. ÇORUK A.S., 1995, Cumhuriyet devri Türk KEYDER Ç., 1993, Ulusal Kalkınmacılıgın Iflası, 17 - We should note, however, romanında Beyoglu (Beyoglu in the republican-era Istanbul, Metis, 158 p. that not the entire clientele of Turkish novel), Istanbul, Kitabevi, 414 p. those events or establish- KEYDER Ç. (ed.), 1999, Istanbul : Between the Global ments could be defined as DANIELSON M., KELES R, 1984, The Politics of and the Local, Lanham, Boulder, New York and "globalizers". rapid urbanization : The government and growth Oxford, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, vii-202 p. in modern Turkey, New York, Holmes and Meier, 18 - High-skilled and educated xviii-286 p. KIRAY M., 1998 [1972], Kentlesme Yazıları, individuals, find employment Istanbul, Baglam, 188 p. as high-paid music and DUZKAN A., 2002, Istanbul'da Kurdî dügün : entertainment workers or Bayram gibi eglenceli, miting kadar heyecanlı, KITSIKIS D., 1989 [1986], L'Empire Ottoman, Paris, entrepreneurs. Turks with Presses Universitaires de France, 128 p. some experience in studying (Kurdish wedding in Istanbul : As entertaining as a fest, as enthusiastic as a political demonstration), and living abroad, high-skilled MADRA B., 1992, Mekandaslar ve zamandaslar Istanbul, n° 43, p. 110-113. foreigners, and others are savası (The war of the space companions and time among those individuals. companions), Istanbul, n° 2, p. 96-98. Istanbul’s "night-out", high- ERKIP F., 2000, Global transformations versus local society, and lifestyle maga- dynamics in Istanbul : Planning in a fragmented ÖNCÜ A., 1997, The myth of the "ideal home" travels zines such as Time Out metropolis, Cities, vol. 17, n° 5, p. 371-377. across cultural borders to Istanbul, i n Ö N C Ü A . , Istanbul and Istanbul Life (note WEYLAND P. (eds.), Space, Culture and Power : New that the titles of those two ERSEN M.T., 2002, Özgün mekan : Türkü bar, A t l a s Identities in Globalizing Cities, London and Atlantic Turkish-language publications Istanbul Özel, January, p. 39-51. Highlands, N.J., Zed Books, viii-208 p. are in English), as well as Sunday supplements of major GEORGEON F., 1992, Le café à Istanbul au XIXe s . , ÖNCÜ A., 1999, Istanbulites and others : The daily newspapers such as Études Turques et Ottomanes, n° 1, p. 14-40. cultural cosmology of being middle class in the era Sabah, Milliyet, Hürriyet, of globalism, in KEYDER Ç. (ed.) Istanbul : Between R a d i k a l and others already GOLDBERG E., 1991, Was there an Islamic "city"?, the Global and the Local, Lanham, Boulder, New frequently feature stories in KASABA R. (ed.), Cities in the World-System, York and Oxford, Rowman and Littlefield about African-American blues New York, Greenwood Press, xii-206 p. Publishers, vii-202 p. and jazz musicians, American, Asian, European and highly HEPER M. (ed.), 1986, Dilemmas of Decentralizing : PEROUSE J.-F., 2000, L'internationalisation de la skilled and innovative Turkish Municipal Government in Turkey, Bonn, Friedrich métropole stambouliote, Varia Turcica restaurateurs, DJs, bartenders, Ebert Stiftung, 128 p. (Méditerranée et Mer Noire Entre Mondialisation chefs, diet advisors and et Régionalisation), n° 34, p. 153-179. personal trainers working in that sector. Located on the top HEPER M. (ed.), 1987, Democracy and Local of the sector, they form the G o v e r n m e n t : Istanbul in the 1980's, Walkington, PEROUSE J.-F., 1999, Istanbul, capitale du crème de la crème o f Eothen Press, vii-64 p. nouveau monde turc ? Revue Française de Istanbul’s entertainment and G é o é c o n o m i e , n° 9, p. 45-53. musicscapes. We should also HEPER M. (ed.), 1989, Local Government in note that on the bottom of the T u r k e y : Governing Greater Istanbul, London, PEROUSE J.-F., 1998, Istanbul, grande inconnue et same laborscapes, migrants, Routledge, viii-92 p. métropole malgré elle : premiers repères, i n 156 VOL 78 2/2003 Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul

Petites et Grandes Villes du Bassin Méditerranéen, SÖNMEZ M., 1996, Istanbul'un Iki Yüzü : 1980'den Palais Farnèse, Rome, École Française de Rome, 2000'e Degisim, Ankara, Arkadas Yayinlari, 192 p. 604 p. STOKES M., 1992, The Arabesk debate : Music ROBERTSON R., 1995, Glocalization : Time-space and musicians in modern Turkey, Oxford, Oxford and homogeneity-heterogeneity, in F E A T H E R - University Press, xi-266 p. STONE M., LASH S. Lash, ROBERTSON R. (eds.), Global Modernities, London, Thousand Oaks and TEKELIOGLU O., 1996, The rise of a spontaneous New Delhi, Sage Publications, ix-292 p. s y n t h e s i s : the historical background of Turkish popular music, Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 32, n° ROSENTHAL S.T., 1980, The Politics of 2, p. 194-218. D e p e n d e n c y : Urban Reform in Istanbul, Westport, Greenwood Press, xxix-220 p. TOKATLI N., BOYACI Y., 1998, The state and the corporate private sector in the recent restructuring SMITH M.P., BENDER T., 2001, The localization of of Turkish retailing, New Perspectives on Turkey, modernity, in SMITH M. P., BENDER T. ( eds.), C i t y n° 18, p. 79-111. and Nation : Rethinking Place and Identity, New Brunswick and London, Transaction Publishers, ix- 244 p.

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legal and illegal immigrants as well as longer- dominant night clubs (p a v y o n ) out of their industry dominated by many meyhane, and time "minority" residents, are employed Cihangir apartments. Resident not only taverna. mainly in low-paid jobs. Although those jobs managed to "clean up" the neighborhood by mostly require low qualification and human forcing most of them out, but also 26 - Legendary leftist urban guerilla capital, this is not necessarily the case for all effectively pressed the local government to executed in 1972 after the military coup. jobs concerned. For instance, Turks, Kurds, rename some hitherto "notorious" streets to those recently coming from former Socialist do away with the "past". However, new 27 - Socialist actor and director well known bloc, as well as the Roma (who historically tensions seem to have surfaced since mid- internationally for his Cannes award were making up an informal entertainment 1990s when Cihangir became one of the winning production, Yol. labor force) are employed in establishments top destinations of the new gentrifiers, such as caterers, entertainers, and as support as those employed in the media, 28 - Perhaps the most famous Turkish staff. educational institutions, or the globalized Communist poet, died in exile in Moscow sectors of the economy. in 1963. 19 - It should be noted that the rise of "world music" went hand in hand with the 22 - Pita bread served with ground meat, 29 - The new constitution promulgated in proliferation of restaurants and cafés serving spices and other ingredients. Sometimes 1982 brought forth strict limitations on tastes from all around the world. referred to as the "Turkish pizza", and now a rights to free assembly. Local and central Multiplication of various "ethnic" cuisine staple food item, it was initially usually authorities as well as security forces were restaurants which usually carry expensive associated with the Kurdish Southeast, or given wide powers to permit, ban, menu items is most emphasized in upper the "half-urbanized" culture of the migrants. postpone or change venues of marches, income neighborhoods such as Tesvikiye, manifestations, or other sorts of open air Nisantası, Etiler, Akatlar, Yesilköy and others. 23 - A. Akay (2003), for example connects activities. Frequent, mostly random, and at Istanbul’s "night out" magazines and liberal the wider acceptance of arabesk to more times targeted "identity-card checks" by the daily newspapers frequently present articles general societal trends, and to what he calls police on the streets added to this officially- on "Sushi-mania", "Bagel-eating as a new the emergence of an "a r a b e s k b o u r g e o i s i e " instituted atmosphere of fear. trend", or the newly "in" or "out" ethnic food since mid-1980s (p. 183). items and mixed drinks. 30 - We should note that similar campaigns 24 - Etiler is an upper-class neighborhood have had a long history in Turkey. Labor 20 - Indeed, in 1998, left-liberal daily Radikal located on the European side of Istanbul campaigns of what some people called lauded Asmalımescit as "Istanbul’s SoHo" (in that house many taverna e s t a b l i s h m e n t s "workers’ spring" in mid to late 1980s was A. Ince, 2002, p. 109). alongside European and American-style organized with quite creative and colorful cafés, night-clubs, and upscale restaurants. methods as well. However, the Saturday 21 - It is worth noting that during the 1980s Mothers’ became one of the key, most and 1990s conservative residents launched a 25 - Kumkapı which is in the historic visible and most high profile campaigns campaign to drive the transvestite peninsula is a neighborhood usually that deserve to be noted as ground employees of Beyoglu’s then numerically associated with its colorful nights-out breaking. Constructions of Spaces of Music in Istanbul VOL 78 2/2003 157

Figure 2 : Musiques du monde et musiques turques dans le café "On the Rocks"

31 - Note that after the capture of A. Öcalan, the to seek membership to the European Union. leader of the separatist PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), a new group took to the streets briefly, 33 - Remains of the fortress on a section by the calling themselves the "Friday Mothers" (C u m a European shores of the Bosphorus built by A n n e l e r i ) to draw publicity to the plight of those Mehmet the Conqueror prior to the capture of the members of the Turkish security forces killed, city by the Ottomans in 1453. disabled or wounded fighting the PKK. Through the 1990s, Islamist women also launched outdoor 34 - Gülhane is a recently renovated public park in protests against the official ban on headscarves the historical peninsula, near the Topkapı Palace strictly instituted in high school and university and Sultanahmet Square. campuses as well as government offices. Concurrently, feminist activists organized marches 35 - A. Düzkan notes that especially Kurdish to fight violence against women, asking gender weddings in poorer neighborhoods are "as Adresse des auteurs equality, and reclaiming urban spaces fearfully entertaining as a fest, as enthusiastic as a political closed to or limited the participation of women, demonstration" (2002, p. 110) Note that singing in Volkan AYTAR among other things. In May Day and other parades Kurdish (since Kurdish was banned until recently) TESEV gay activists become increasingly visible, although in weddings provided one of the few opportunities Bankalar Cad. n°2 some reportedly observed "uneasiness" on the part to cultural expression. Minerva Hankat : 4 of some leftist groups and individuals. In few Karakoy instances, left-wing and Islamist groups managed Istanbul 80020 to come together to defend "everybody’s human TURQUIE rights" regardless of political orientation. E.Mail : [email protected] 32 - Government officials and security forces frequently banned, postponed or changed venues Azer KESKIN of concerts "due to safety and security concerns". Deptarment of Anthropology Most of those banned were "political", protest SUNY-at Binghampton music concerts, but many other non-political Binghampton, NY 13902 events faced frequent difficulties as well. Some limitations on rights to free assembly have recently E.Mail : been lifted or relaxed as the Turkish government [email protected] seeks to institute democratic reforms on their path