1. Some background notes Terrorism Revisited I shall start with a bang. On No- Modernisme, Art, and Anarchy vember 7, 1893, opening night of the in the City of Bombs season at the Barcelona opera house,
the Liceu,1 two Orsini bombs were Eduardo Ledesma tossed into the audience. The carnage was considerable, some twenty people were killed, many injured. It was the
work of anarchist Santiago Salvador, in
retaliation for the execution of Paulí
Pallás, another anarchist who earlier that year had unsuccessfully tried to assassinate the Madrid appointed Cap- tain General of Catalonia, Martínez Campos. Pallás’ terrorist act was viewed with admiration by some mem- bers of the working class, perhaps even by some sectors of the bourgeoisie, re- sentful of Madrid’s rule, but the explo- sion at the Liceu deeply shocked the Eduardo Ledesma is a graduate student in upper echelons of Barcelona society, the Spanish and Portuguese at Harvard. His “bones families” or good families. The academic interests include 20th and 21st Liceu bombing became a symbol of so- century Ibero-American literature (in cial unrest, exposing the fissures of a Spanish, Catalan, and Portuguese) as well polarized society. What followed— as film and new media studies. He is cur- justified in the eyes of many—was a pe- rently working on his dissertation, which riod of police repression, of suspect explores the intersections between word round-ups, military trials and summary and image in experimental poetry, from executions, directed (mostly) at the the avant-gardes to the digital age. Edu- working class quarters of Barcelona. ardo is also an avid runner, and enjoys Hundreds of anarchists and their sym- immensely running the Boston Marathon pathizers were arrested, although a every year.
Eduardo Ledesma, Terrorism Revisited
significant number of those who were of his cadre. Rusiñol’s position with re- imprisoned had no anarchist connec- gards to anarchism is tenuous, and ar- tions. A few were teachers of secular chival material is scant. Although other schools; others were simply labor orga- Modernistes—Jaume Brossa, Gabriel nizers, and some were accused by Alomar—considered themselves as in- neighbors who had personal vendettas tellectual anarchists, Rusiñol was not to settle. Confessions were extracted openly affiliated with any revolutionary through torture, and the prison at the movement, and certainly did not par- fortress of Montjuïch became a feared take in any ‘direct action,’ but his re- site of unspeakable atrocities. Barce- sponse to anarchism leaves many ques- lona’s good society, for the most part, tions unanswered.3 tacitly approved or looked the other way, ignoring the government’s heavy- 2. Barcelona under a climate of fear handed tactics. These violent years also saw the The City of Bombs. The Rose of Fire. birth of Barcelona’s principal aesthetic The Catalan Manchester. The Paris of movement, Modernisme, a (more meta- the South. Turn-of-the-century Barce- phoric) explosion in the arts lasting ap- lona’s many nicknames invoked a city proximately from 1888 until 1910.2 which underwent rapid industrializa- Santiago Rusiñol, considered the patri- tion and the creation of vast fortunes in arch of the movement, has been charac- the manufacturing industries. The new terized by some scholars as an apolitical wealth allowed a flourishing of the arts, bohemian, distant from the daily strug- but exacerbated the contrast with the gle of the working class, in short, a poor—often immigrants from the south dandy practicing art for art’s sake. Re- or from the agrarian Catalan country- cent retrospective exhibitions of Rusi- side—who worked under intolerable ñol’s work and a fresh look at the “other conditions and lived in appalling Rusiñol” or the “unknown Rusiñol” have squalor. This led, perhaps inevitably, to begun to present some previously hid- social unrest, labor strikes, and the den or missed sides of the artist—his much reviled anarchist ‘direct action’, a addiction to morphine, his conflictive euphemism for bombings, political as- relation with women, his homo-social sassinations and church arsons. The tendencies, and his ambivalent attitude embattled bourgeoisie lived in a state of toward revolutionary social and politi- constant terror, and viewed the working cal movements, to name a few. I intend class as unruly and ignorant mobs to examine some possible connections (“masas”) on the verge of imminent between Modernisme and anarchism, revolution and in need of harsh disci- including Rusiñol’s own ambivalent pline. stance, but also that of other members
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3. Modernisme and anarchism Brossa was a firm believer in the need to rupture with the past aesthetically As an artistic movement, Modern- and politically “a épocas nuevas, formas 4 isme was comprised of radical innova- de arte nuevas.”8 As Joan Ramon Res- tions, following a philosophy that pur- ina explains, the “vanguardia de lucha sued an arguably radical break with the social influye en el núcleo progresista aesthetic past, particularly that of the del Modernismo,” resulting in a blur- 5 Renaixença. A departure from aca- ring of the distinction between artist- demic conventions, a rejection of bour- activist and terrorist-revolutionary. Ac- geois values, and a social critique of cording to Catalan literature scholar state policy—both in regards to the arts Jordi Castellanos, the radicalized com- and in the sociopolitical arena— ponent of the modernista movement coalesced with the fierce individualism “comparte[n] la finalidad de la ‘propa- of its practitioners, artists such as San- ganda por la acción’ anarquista,”9 in a tiago Rusiñol, Ramon Casas, Isidre context where the ends would justify Nonell or Pablo Picasso. But there was the violent means. Theirs was a funda- not a unified response to the events of mentally utopian desire first to destroy their day—no manifestos, no spokes- the existing social fabric, then to build a person for the movement,—and as the New City, a new Barcelona (within a art scholar Robert Lubar states, “the re- new Catalunya), like a phoenix rising lation between intellectuals and anar- from the ashes. Resina explores the chism [in Barcelona…] was never connections between the modernista 6 straightforward.” Not all Modernistes publication L’Avenç (The Future) and can be painted with the same ideologi- the anarchists: cal brush, as the spectrum ran from the fervent Catholic and conservative archi- Eudald Canibell, uno de los escritores del equipo de L’ Avenç, mantenía correspon- tect Antoni Gaudí, or the humanist poet dencia con Bakunin. También Emili Guan- Joan Maragall to the avowed anti- yavents, Cels Gomis, y el dibujante Joseph clericalist Ramon Casas, from socialists Lluís Pellicer, que formaban parte del pri- and anarchists to liberals, republicans mer grupo de la revista, fueron dirigentes and monarchists. But, undoubtedly, anarquistas. Los contactos entre intelectua- there was a radical branch in the les modernistas y el anarquismo se estre- movement which included figures such chan tras la desaparición de L’Avenç a as Jaume Brossa, Gabriel Alomar, Al- principios de 1894.10 exandre Cortada, Diego Ruiz, and Pere As the anarchist movement became Coromines, all of whom were ideologi- increasingly radicalized in the late cally close to anarchism (or, more accu- 1890’s, the links that existed between rately, anarcho-syndicalism). Gabriel moderate anarchists and less extreme Alomar was an atheist, a Catalan na- modernista intellectuals weakened. tionalist, and a political radical.7 Jaume Most modernists—even those who fer-
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Eduardo Ledesma, Terrorism Revisited
vently desired social justice—did not and in some cases like the respected support violence,11 and as Lubar re- Güell family, through the slave trade). marks “intellectual anarchism as a pos- Despite Falgàs’ astute point, one ture for social reform remained at a cannot deny the social quality (in both significant distance from the cause of style and theme) of much of Moderniste direct action.”12 art. See, for instance, Ramon Casas The However, at around 1900, subject Charge 1899,15 rejected by the Paris matter for the Modernistes remained fo- World Fair of 1900—perhaps because of cused on the urban and proletarian, its highly ‘charged’ message of social and had taken what art critic Cristina unrest.16 The main action depicts a Mendoza calls “a radical turn,”13 which mounted Assault Guard (Guardia de attempted to synthesize the aesthetic Asalto) trampling a protester, a com- and the political. Jordi Falgàs com- mon form of crowd control, strike reso- ments that the Modernistes “not only lution and worker suppression. Radi- tried to make political statements in cally from a pictorial standpoint the ac- terms of subject matter but also at- tion in the foreground occurs at the ex- tempted to experiment with their treme right of the painting, while the work’s formal qualities.” Most failed to crowd flees the police in the back- conjoin their new ‘revolutionary’ aes- ground. The painting represents a rup- thetic with a radical ideology, and al- ture with neoclassic tendencies— though they achieved a certain “the- typically showing a few well propor- matic and formal freedom,”14 their po- tioned figures, calm, static poses, a litical statements remained considera- composition centered in middle of the bly more ambiguous (at times clearly canvas, etc.—as well as an obvious so- troubled) and did not articulate any cial critique. An asymmetrical composi- clear social message. Falgàs attributes tion that rejects academic uniformity the lack of political clarity to the “tena- and centralized action (and locates the cious grip” of their bourgeois back- observer in the fray, forced to make a ground and catholic upbringing; they choice), it also depicts an asymmetrical were, undoubtedly, indebted to the sys- struggle which pits unarmed protesters tem they opposed; they hailed from the against the forces of police repression, bourgeois families they ridiculed and clearly placed on a plane of aggression they had achieved their status as inde- by virtue of being on horseback.17 Con- pendent artists in most cases thanks to cepts of order and disorder—as well as the wealth those families had accumu- uniformity and uniform—transcend lated through often questionable mans mere notions of artistic composition and (at the very least worker exploitation in enter the realm of the political. textile and other industries, but also In The Garroting (1894),18 Casas de- land speculation, colonial commerce, picts the execution of nineteen year old
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THE ROMANCE SPHERE, I, 2011
Aniceto Peinador. According to Carmen ago Rusiñol—painter, writer, and art Belén Lord, the painting demonstrates collector—arrives at Monmartre in the Casas’ “disquieted reaction.”19 Although company of fellow artist Ramon Casas. the work shows a certain distance—an His stay in the neighborhood of bohe- elevated point of view, the lack of close mians and the working class poor, with up features—it also provides a sense of its brothels, cabarets and dives, brought the collective character of the public him into contact with the lower strata execution: the shame, the horror, and of Parisian life, including—quite possi- the spectacle associated with it. The bly—anarchist agitators.22 Alexander death penalty was highly criticized by Varias in his book Paris and the Anar- many of the Modernistes, especially by chists: Aesthetes and Subversives Dur- Alomar and Maragall,20 but also by Ru- ing the Fin de Siècle,23 identifies Mont- siñol. By placing the viewer in the posi- martre as an anarchist enclave, home to tion of a spectator to the execution, avant-garde artists and revolutionary Casas might be indicating that guilt artisans, amongst them propagandist does not lie exclusively with the crimi- and working class agitator Emile nal, or the executioner, but is collective, Pouget who was one of the first anar- the burden of an unjust society. And chist journalists to use artists for his yet, despite the sense of the collective agit-prop ventures. Basing his research (guilt), the distance and the faceless- partly on police records (and thus, per- ness of the executioners and their vic- haps, one might cast some doubt and tim create a sense of ambivalence. It is further ambivalence even into this hard to identify with the pain of those methodology), Varias identifies Mont- whose faces we cannot see, and even martre as a focal point for the anar- when those faces become visible, “we” chists’ activities.24 These probable en- might not see “them,” or perhaps we counters might have left a mark on a simply look away. This act of not- young, sensitive and impressionable looking, of remaining distant, however, Santiago Rusiñol. In his novel L’auca remains a political one, perhaps the del senyor Esteve (1907) Rusiñol would very act Casas is trying to invoke demonstrate a deep concern for the role through the “aesthetic” distancing effect of the artist in society, and to a lesser of the painting. extent, a growing awareness toward so- cial inequality. Partly autobiographical,
4. Santiago Rusiñol’s political am- the novel narrates how the heir to a line bivalence of bourgeois shop owners refuses to take over the family business, becoming In 1889, having rejected the lucra- a sculptor instead. In the Auca, Rusiñol tive career the directorship of the fam- captured the tensions between the ily textile factory offered him,21 Santi- Catalan bourgeoisie and the bohemian
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Eduardo Ledesma, Terrorism Revisited
artists who may have flirted with work- social preoccupations, as Salas points ing class ideology as a way to deny what out “espacios marginados, personajes they hated in themselves, their bour- enfermos, calles aisladas, vistas del ce- geois birth, but never fully overcame menterio o retratos de la casa de their economic and ideological depend- préstamos.”25 According to Josep Lap- ence on their middle class origins. lana, Rusiñol’s later work in the 1890’s, Art historian Teresa M. Sala posits takes an even more intense social sig- that Rusiñol’s pictorial work “oscila en- nificance.26 Rusiñol’s pictorial modern- tre el registro popular y el refinamiento isme derived from a combination of elitista.” The same oscillation between French Naturalism and Impressionism, the popular and the elite is inherent in Art Nouveau and a dose of Decaden- Modernisme itself (as Brad Epps de- tism—as seen in the self-referential scribes it, the oscillation between painting Morphine—, but despite its splendor and misery), manifested in modernity it falls short of the more ag- both the aesthetic—which never fully gressive rupture with the past achieved breaks with naturalism—and the politi- by the avant-garde of the 1920’s. cal—which never fully embraces the In an engaging article about one of revolutionary. In Rusiñol, the aesthetic Rusiñol’s lesser known drawings, Caps front represents a tendency to reject d’anarquistes (Anarchists’ heads), Brad academic classicism and naturalism, Epps delves into the “ambiguous fasci- and to move toward symbolism and art nation” that anarchism held for the art- nouveau; on the political front, Rusiñol ist. The drawings show the heads of the was interested in the regeneration of suspects rounded up after the Liceu Catalan culture and language and also bombing, rendered in a stark naturalist entertained nationalist aspirations, style that remits to criminal phrenol- both values he shared with the majority ogy, a pseudo science that retained its of the Catalan middle class. Sala positivist vigor well past the turn of the defines his complex nature as “mesiáni- century. At least that is what critics co redentor al mismo tiempo que soña- such as Juan José Lahuerta have seen dor-revolucionario, con una marcada in these sketches, pointing out that mitificación del yo creador.” they reveal “las características físicas During his first period as a painter del hombre criminal.”27 Epps, in con- in the 1880’s Rusiñol had not com- trast, sees the drawings as responding pletely departed from naturalism, to a much more nuanced, ambiguous showing only a few characteristics of motivation that eludes such clear (re- the modern (grey tones or certain light ductive) interpretation. What is signifi- patterns suggesting impressionist in- cant is that even if only momentarily, fluences, a penchant for plein air paint- Rusiñol stopped painting bohemians ing), yet his subject matter reflected his and languid morphine addicts to turn
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THE ROMANCE SPHERE, I, 2011
his attention to this “group” of anar- bruises of torture, indeed they might be chists, some of whom would be executed an indictment on society’s own inhu- after their ‘trial.’ For Epps, Rusiñol’s in- manity to its less fortunate members. terest is noteworthy, since even though The eyes of the accused stare at us im- he had written works criticizing the co- passibly, their fate as uncertain (uncer- lonial wars,28 and did sometimes retreat tain to them, the spectator knows of from certain (strictly) aesthetic, elitist their unfortunate end) as their humble tendencies, the sketches quite possibly social condition is apparent. revealed something personal; perhaps Santiago Rusiñol’s shifting concep- they were “the product of an artist who tion of the Modernistes’ mission was a in drawing the anarchists is drawing complicated amalgam of the aesthetic himself” [my translation]. As was the and the political, in which the two were case with the Casas’ paintings, “the dialectically inseparable, in constant drawings present an unbalanced power tension. Despite their best intentions play that implicates the artist, the an- the Modernistes could not sever their archists and the spectators” [my trans- ties to the bourgeoisie whose patronage lation ].29 Without revealing the motiva- they depended on, and whose ideology tion of the artist, the portraits of the— had raised them, much like the anar- already dead—condemned raise the chists could not effectively change a so- same questions about collective guilt ciety controlled by the privileged. Mod- and responsibility that permeate other erate anarchists who sought not de- modes of Moderniste art, from the Ex- struction, but rather a gradual evolu- piatory Temple of the Holy Family (the tion of society toward greater equality, Sagrada Familia)—ostensibly built to not chaos but individual rights, argua- expiate the sins of the Catalonian work- bly had much more in common with ing class, but also to draw them in, Modernistes than those who advocated bring them back to the religious fold— direct action. Rusiñol articulates the to Joaquim Mir’s possible social criti- connection between art and anarchy cism of the costly structure in his paint- when speaking about the Modernisme ing The Cathedral of the Poor which de- movement, even as he retains the am- picts beggars panhandling outside the bivalent tension between the terms: “el construction site of the (still, and per- brote de hoy viene cansado de abusos de haps forever so) to be completed cathe- naturalismo y busca espiritualidad […] dral. In Anarchists’ Heads, the faces of El brote de hoy tiene de mística, por lo the abject show something beyond their que tiene la anarquía de fantasía impo- possible guilt or innocence—the bumps sible […] tiene de revolucionaria ideal and deformities which can be read as por la poca fe en las prácticas de los phrenology’s dictum on predetermined hombres; tiene todo lo que sea soñar, criminal behavior might also reveal the soñar solo, sin estorbos de burgueses ri-
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Eduardo Ledesma, Terrorism Revisited
cos ni pobres, burgueses del arte.”30 tiness that Rusiñol declared turned The absence of a clear denunciation men into “the gears of a machine with- by Rusiñol and other Modernistes of out a soul.”31 Others sensed this societal such events as the Barcelona Liceu or emptiness and the general apathy to- the Corpus Christi procession bombings ward the less fortunate, and tried to leaves our contemporary sensibility at a awaken feelings of collective responsi- loss. Rusiñol’s personal stakes were bility. Poet Joan Maragall uttered an significant, as his wife and brother were impassioned cry in The City of Forgive- both wounded in the Liceu incident, ness, an article written to halt the exe- and therefore an angry, retributive re- cutions of suspected anarchists,32 and action might have been expected. Lap- appealed to the bourgeoisie by pointing lana places Rusiñol’s reaction to the out common guilt and appealing to terrorist act as somewhere between re- common humanity: “Just look inside pugnance and forgiveness, but this is their eyes: See! It is yourselves: a man mere conjecture based on the Anar- like yourselves: and with that there is quists’ heads sketches. What we know enough.”33 Catalan society chose not to of Rusiñol was that he condemned a look into the eyes of the condemned, situation that went much further than and the penance for this sin of omission a handful of terrorist acts, placing fault would come in a later conflagration, in partly within society itself. The country 1936. was ‘sick’, and the ailment was an emp-
1 During a performance of Rossini’s William Tell, which is also the tune some bohemian wall paint- ers significantly whistle in Rusiñol’s celebrated novel L’auca del senyor Esteve (1907). 2 In “The New Art: Modernisme” (Barcelona and Modernity: Picasso, Gaudí, Miró, Dalí, Yale Univer- sity Press, 2006, 34), Carmen Belen Lord calls it “the most important Catalan artistic movement of the 19th century.” While the adjective “modern” is already used by Cadalso in his Cartas Marruecas (1793) in a pejorative sense, the term Modernismo in regards to an artistic current was vaguely used by Rubén Darío in 1888, and later officially at the launching of the distinct Latin American move- ment in 1896. The origin of the term in Catalunya is much earlier, dating from an 1884 article pub- lished by Ramon Casas in L’Avens. The term becomes fully ‘cemented’ by the 1888 Universal Exposi- tion in Barcelona, which featured several buildings in that style and arguably ushered in the move- ment in full force. In fact, Darío experienced Catalan Modernisme during a visit to Barcelona in 1898, where he befriended its foremost figure, Santiago Rusiñol. 3 Despite these pitfalls, the topic is worth exploring since it might counter the false ‘sanitized’ image of an artist whose praxis has been charged with keeping the spheres of art and politics apart, under the motto ‘art for art’s sake.’ Although there have been some efforts recently directed at investigating this aspect of Rusiñol’s life (as well as those of other Spanish and Latin American modernists, such as Darío), we are far from a clear understanding of his political motivations.
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4 Modernisme rejected middle class values, and embraced a fiercely independent bohemian lifestyle. Without making overt political statements, modernistes paid close attention to class conflict and the political turmoil of their times. Paintings and drawings by Santiago Rusiñol, Ramón Casas, Joaquim Mir, Isidre Nonell, Pablo Picasso and others depict gypsies, beggars, prostitutes, and the wealthy bourgeoisie; they portray the suffering of the less fortunate with a pathos that challenges the notion of an apolitical Modernisme. Other works depict anarchist bombings, public executions, strikes and scenes of police repression. 5 A Romantic revivalist movement focused on Catalunya’s medieval past, an era of empire and ex- pansion under Jaume I the Conqueror. 6 Robert S. Lubar “Art and Anarchism in the City of Bombs,” in Barcelona and Modernity, 106. 7 Later Alomar abandoned anarchism, became a socialist, and a prominent political figure 8 Joan Ramón Resina, “Observaciones sobre la vanguardia catalana” in Joan Ramón Resina, ed. El aeroplano y la estrella. El movimiento de vanguardia en los Países Catalanes, 1904-1936 (Rodopi, 1997), 14. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. According to Resina after the magazine was shut down—because of its connection with anar- chism—several of the modernistes, Jaume Brossa, Ignasi Iglèsies and Pere Coromines founded an activist group called Foc Nou (New Fire), a provocative name considering Barcelona’s nickname, the Rose of Fire, —a reference to bombs and burning churches. The group presented modernist plays in the Teatre Independent, held conferences in worker centers and printed and distributed social agita- tion propaganda. Foc Nou was dismantled during the repression that followed the bombing of the Corpus Procession in 1896. 11 In Barcelona the possibility of intellectual anarchism was further complicated by the rise of Cata- lan nationalism within the bourgeoisie, and an associated project of cultural regeneration. In this re- spect, the Moderniste artist found himself torn by two opposing tendencies, the destructive desire of a violent rupture with the past, and the drive to consolidate and construct a sense of what it meant to be Catalan, of revitalizing the language and recuperating lost traditions. Ultimately the regenera- tive, constructive tendency would win out. 12 Robert S. Lubar, “Art and Anarchism in the City of Bombs,” in Barcelona and Modernity, 109. 13 Cristina Mendoza and Doñate (eds.), Isidre A. Nonell, 1872-1911 (MNAC/Fundación Cultural Mapfre Vida, 2000), 25. Mendoza is speaking specifically about Isidre Nonell’s work, but this is ap- plicable to several other modernistes. 14 Jordi Falgàs, “Picasso’s Fellows at the Tavern. Beyond Modernisme?,” in Barcelona and Moder- nity, 102. 15 Oil on canvas, 298x470.5 cm, Museu d'Art Modern (MNAC), Olot. 16 Although in 1904 it won a first prize medal in Madrid, at the National Fair (Exposición Nacional). 17 The painting was important enough to Casas that he painted a smaller version, as well as a char- coal self-portrait of himself painting The Charge. Interestingly, in 1910 he painted a different smaller version where the charging guard is on foot—perhaps a reflection on Casas less radicalized politics at that time? This smaller painting is in a private collection in the United States.
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18 Oil on canvas; 50 x 65 1/2 in. (127 x 166.2 cm), Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, Madrid, Spain. 19 Carmen Belen Lord, “Casas and the Chronicle of Social Life,” in Barcelona and Modernity, 120. 20 Joan Maragall made impassioned pleas to Barcelona’s bourgeoisie to grant a reprieve from execu- tion for the anarchists condemned to death after the Liceu bombing. 21 Although he still received support from the factory’s proceeds. 22 Paris was also a hotbed of anarchism. Worthy of note were the Ravachol bombings which took place in 1892. 23 Alexander Varias, Paris and the Anarchists: Aesthetes and Subversives During the Fin de Siècle (St. Martin's Press, 1996). 24 Other well known anarchists such as art critic Felix Feneon, who might have also been involved in direct action, made their home in Montmartre. The anarchist group Les Naturiens, was also based there. 25 Teresa M. Sala, “Bajo el signo de la melancolía: El ideario estético,” in Margarida Casacuberta, Rusiñol Desconocido (Grupo 3, 2006), 18, 22, 24. 26 Josep de C. Laplana. Santiago Rusiñol: el pintor, l’home (Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1995), 166. 27 J. J. Lahuerta. “La tentación del hombre: Notas sobre una escultura de Gaudí” in ¿Qué es la escultura moderna? Del objeto a la arquitectura (Fundación Cultural MAPFRE Vida, 2003), 34. 28 A narrative, Llibertat! (Freedom!) and later a play, L’heroi (The Hero). 29 Brad Epps, “Entre l’art i la frenologia: Santiago Rusñol i els anarquistes,” in R. Panyella (ed.), La projecció social de l’escriptor en la literatura catalana contemporània (Punctum/GELCC, 2007), 117, 124. 30 Santiago Rusiñol, Obres Completes, Vol. II (Selecta, 1976), 738, as quoted by Salas, Barcelona and Modernity, 22. 31 Josep de C. Laplana. Santiago Rusiñol, 176, 277. My translation. 32 Maragall tried to publish the article unsuccessfully in several Barcelona newspapers, including La Veu de Catalunya to which he was a regular contributor, but it never went to print, possibly because of its accusatory nature. 33 My translation from the Catalan, Joan Maragall, Elogi de la paraula i altres assaigs (Edicions 62, 1978), 132.
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