1906 Russian Duma SILTMUN IV
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Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
The Russian State Duma , On-Stage and Off: Inquiry, Impeachment , and Opposition
The Russian State Duma , On-Stage and Off: Inquiry, Impeachment , and Opposition MARTHA MERRITT L egislatures in mixed regimes the world over are often less popular than pres- identa, dismissed as "talking shops" while executive power lays claim to active and decisive leadership.l This tendency is clear in Russia's relatively new political institutions, with the State Duma rated in December 1999 as the Ieast trusted organ of government.z Both reflecting and helping to consolidate this atti- tude, the harsh national media routinely belittle the Duma: Deputies are said to "scurry like cockroaches" as they register electronic votes for themselves and their absent colleagues during the allotted fifteen-second period, the television news describes deputies as "babbling" while reporters discuss crises as yet unad- dressed, and during election periods television talk shows run polis to ask view- ers whether the country needs a national legislature at all. Not surprisingly, those who choose to telephone in this most unrepresentative of surveys defeat scattered support and record thousands of antiparliament "votes" Duma-bashing is something of a national sport in Russia, but it was also a use- ful resource for executive power as exercised by President Yeltsin. Although some commentators predicted a dramatic lessening of tension between Yeltsin's suc- cessor and the Duma after the relatively pro-government parliamentary elections of December 1999,3 the very majority that they had anticipated led to a dramat- ic walk-out of minority parties in early 2000 when the two largest legislative blocs, the Communists and Unity, found common ground in dividing committee chairperson positions. -
Background Guide, and to Issac and Stasya for Being Great Friends During Our Weird Chicago Summer
Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) MUNUC 33 ONLINE 1 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR LETTERS………………………….….………………………….……..….3 ROOM MECHANICS…………………………………………………………… 6 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM………………………….……………..…………......9 HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM………………………………………………………….16 ROSTER……………………………………………………….………………………..23 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………..…………….. 46 2 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online CHAIR LETTERS ____________________________________________________ My Fellow Russians, We stand today on the edge of a great crisis. Our nation has never been more divided, more war- stricken, more fearful of the future. Yet, the promise and the greatness of Russia remains undaunted. The Russian Provisional Government can and will overcome these challenges and lead our Motherland into the dawn of a new day. Out of character. To introduce myself, I’m a fourth-year Economics and History double major, currently writing a BA thesis on World War II rationing in the United States. I compete on UChicago’s travel team and I additionally am a CD for our college conference. Besides that, I am the VP of the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, previously a member of an all-men a cappella group and a proud procrastinator. This letter, for example, is about a month late. We decided to run this committee for a multitude of reasons, but I personally think that Russian in 1917 represents such a critical point in history. In an unlikely way, the most autocratic regime on Earth became replaced with a socialist state. The story of this dramatic shift in government and ideology represents, to me, one of the most interesting parts of history: that sometimes facts can be stranger than fiction. -
2. Maxim Vinaver and the First Russian State Duma ————————————
———————————— 2. Maxim Vinaver and the First Russian State Duma ———————————— 2. Maxim Vinaver and the First Russian State Duma The name, Maxim Vinaver, became associated with the First Russian State Duma. He wrote two books on the subject, Conflicts in the First Duma (Konflikty v pervoi Dume) (1907) and The History of the Vyborg Ap- peal [Memoirs] (Istoriia vyborgskogo vozzvaniia [vospominaniia]) (written in 1910 and published in 1913). This output, emerging in the years fol- lowing the closure of the First Duma, memorializes the short period between spring and fall of 1906. At the same time, these two memoirs reflect the time in which they were written, and allude to new realities in Russian political life between 1906 and the First World War. They are redolent of internecine disputes within the Russian Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadet), the difficulties of organizing a unified Jewish politics, and the relentless struggle with the government. In this essay I discuss the content of Vinaver’s memoirs while trying to reconstruct the political context in which they were written. My goal is not to provide an exhaustive description of Vinaver’s activities in the Duma or to provide a full description of the memoirs’ content. Rather, I outline Vinaver’s perception of the First Duma and illuminate the politi- cal goals contained in these two books. Lawyer, politician, and memoirist, Maxim Vinaver was born to a middle-class Jewish family in 1862, in Warsaw. After graduating with a degree in law from the University of Warsaw, he settled in St. Petersburg, where he was active both as a trial lawyer and editor of and contributor to the most prestigious legal journals in Russia, including Iuridicheskii vestnik and Vestnik prava. -
Federal Law on Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation
Federal Law On Elections of Deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation Adopted by State Duma February 14, 2014 Approved by Council of the Federation February 19, 2014 Amended: Federal law of 24.11.2014 Nо 355-FZ, 13.07.2015 Nо 231-FZ, 14.07.2015 Nо 272-FZ, 05.10.2015 Nо 287-FZ, 15.02.2016 Nо 29-FZ, 09.03.2016 No 66-FZ, 05.04.2016 No 92-FZ Table of Contents CHAPTER 1. GENERAL PROVISIONS .......................................................................................................... 4 Article 1. Basic Principles of Conducting Elections of Deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly.......................................................................................................................................................................... 4 Article 2. Legislation on Elections of Deputies ................................................................................................. 5 Article 3. Electoral System........................................................................................................................................ 5 Article 4. Electoral Rights of Citizens ................................................................................................................... 5 Article 5. Announcement of Elections of Deputies ......................................................................................... 7 Article 6. Right to Nominate Candidates ........................................................................................................... -
The Russian Parliament
THE RUSSIAN PARLIAMENT – FEDERAL ASSEMBLY The Federal Assembly is the national legislature of the Russian Federation, according to the Constitution of Russian Federation (1993). It was preceded by the Supreme Soviet. Federal Assembly is a Bicameral legislature which comprises of two units: i. Federation council – The Upper House ii. State Duma – The Lower House It consists of the State Duma, which is the lower house, and the Federation Council, which is the upper house. Both houses are located in Moscow. The Chairman of the Federation Council is the third most important position after the President and the Prime Minister. In the case that both the President and the Prime Minister are incapacitated, the Chairman of the upper house of the Russian parliament becomes Acting President of Russia. The jurisdiction of the State Duma includes: consent to the appointment of the Chairman of the Government, deciding the issue of confidence in the Government, appointment and dismissal of the Chairman of the Central Bank, appointment and dismissal of the Chairman and half of the auditors of the Accounting Chamber, appointment and dismissal of the Commissioner for Human Rights, proclamation of amnesty, advancing of charges against the President for his impeachment and others. The jurisdiction of the Council of the Federation includes: approval of changes in borders between subjects of the Russian Federation, approval of the decree of the President on the introduction of a martial law or on the introduction of a state of emergency, deciding on the possibility of using the Armed Forces of Russia outside the territory of the Russia, appointment of elections of the President, impeachment of the President, appointment of judges of higher courts of Russia, appointment and dismissal of the Procurator-General of the Russian Federation, appointment and dismissal of Deputy Chairman and half of the auditors of the all Accounting Chamber and others. -
The Root Mission to Russia, 1917. Alton Earl Ingram Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1970 The Root Mission to Russia, 1917. Alton Earl Ingram Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Ingram, Alton Earl, "The Root Mission to Russia, 1917." (1970). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 1786. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/1786 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 71-3418 } INGRAM, Alton Earl, 1934- THE ROOT MISSION TO RUSSIA, 1917. [ [I' The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, Ph.D., 1970 History, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan !■ i I ■ 1 ■■ ■■ ■■ !■ ■■ !■■■■! ■' ....... THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE ROOT MISSION TO RUSSIA 1917 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Alton Earl Ingram B.A., Northeast Louisiana State College, 1958 M.A., Louisiana State University, 1961 May, 1970 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to thank his faculty advisor, professor Burl Noggle, for his assistance during the preparation of this dissertation and his wife, Mimi, who has given unlimited assistance, encouragement, and under standing throughout the entire course of his graduate program. TABLE OP CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...................................... -
Weekly Worker
A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity weekly New light on April theses: n Letters and debate workern Populism’s moment Lars t Lih focuses on Lenin’s n Left unity in Italy polemic with Plekhanov n China Miéville: review No 1168 Thursday August 31 2017 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union £1/€1.10 OUR LADY OF THE TABLOIDS 2 weekly August 31 2017 1168 worker LETTERS Letters may have been Alongside this he rejected any political dumping various manure heaps of are betraying most needs of both than winning local parliamentary shortened because of support to the provisional government, deception and duplicity - in harness our domestic and the international elections. space. Some names critical or otherwise, and put forward with simple hypocrisy - as it did so. working class. Indeed, doing so Speakers at Compass events may have been changed the perspective of “a patient, Here’s a selection. in arguably comparable manner to include Ed Balls, Derek Simpson, systematic and persistent explanation” Via appearances at the head of Corbynist Labour - even if not as Hilary Benn, Hazel Blears, Ed Opportunism that soviets are “the only possible form memorial services and marches outright poisonously as any ‘royal’ Miliband, Dave Prentis, Frances I attended the Communist Party of Great of revolutionary government”. Within for those who died in Barcelona’s families. O’Grady, Jon Cruddas, Jon Trickett Britain’s 2017 ‘Communist University’ about a month (according to Lih’s car-ramming attacks, the so-called Of course, we must dispatch all and Chuka Umunna. How to lose event - the first time I have done so in research) this was to manifest in the ‘king’ of Spain - alongside other of them to that proverbial dustbin elections, anyone? many years. -
11 Russia in the Global Parliamentary Moment, 1905–1918: Between a Subaltern Empire and an Empire of Subalterns
Ivan Sablin 11 Russia in the Global Parliamentary Moment, 1905–1918: Between a Subaltern Empire and an Empire of Subalterns Introduction The establishment of the legislative State Duma (17 October 1905)1 and the adop- tion of the Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire (23 April 1906) by Tsar Nicholas II during the Revolution of 1905–1907 seemed to make Russia a consti- tutional state. In 1907, Vladimir Matveevich Gessen and Boris Emmanuilovich Nol’de, two prominent liberal legal scholars, listed Russia, together with Persia and Montenegro, as the new constitutional states in their comprehensive collec- tion of contemporary constitutions. Articulating a popular progressive view, they claimed that the failures of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905) unmasked the inefficiency of bureaucratic autocracy, spreading the critical attitudes to the an- cien régime beyond intellectual circles and transforming them into a broad liber- ation movement across the whole country.2 Few intellectuals, however, viewed the Duma as a parliament equal to its Western counterparts. It occupied a subordinate position to the State Council, which was reformed into a partly appointed upper chamber, and did not con- trol the cabinet, which contributed to the term “sham constitutionalism”.3 The non-universal, indirect, and unequal elections were further limited with the 1 All dates are given in the Old Style, which is according to the Julian calendar. 2 V. M. Gessen and B. E. Nol’de (eds.), Sovremennye Konstitutsii: Sbornik Deistvuiushchikh Konstitutsionnykh Aktov [Contemporary Constitutions: A Collection of Constitutional Acts in Force], vol. 2: Federatsii i Respubliki [Federations and Republics], Saint Petersburg: Pravo, 1907, pp. -
Bolshievik Revoluition Background Guide
Tsar to U.S.S.R: A Joint Crisis Committee on The Bolshevik Revolution Bolshevik Revolution 1 Table of Contents Overview 3 Tsar to USSR Sta 4 Letter From the Chairs 7 Logistics of this Committee 8 Tsar Nicholas II and the Romanov Family 10 Revolutionaries and the Revolution Party 11 Russo-Japanese War 12 Revolution of 1905 13 Russia and the Great War 14 Timeline 15 Characters: 16 Revolutionaries: 16 Royal Cabinet/Duma: 21 Position Paper Guiding Questions 24 Bolshevik Revolution 2 Overview The Great Empire of Russia has existed for over 450 years and the Romanovs have been in power for ⅔ of that time, but now the patched up cracks are hard to ignore. Change and innovation are slow to arrive in Russia, with the Industrial Revolution arriving decades after it emerges in Europe, making life difficult for people even before the Great War begins. Whispers of a constitutional monarchy make its way through the land as new political parties like the Constitutional Democracy Party (Cadets) emerge. The economy improves little by little but it is simply not enough to sustain the population when war begins to tear the region to shreds. The economy is in a crisis and citizens are looking for some semblance of leadership to not only improve their lives, but also their international reputation. Delegates in this joint crisis committee will get to determine the fate of Russia and her people through negotiations within their own crisis room and with delegates from the opposing side. We will begin in August of 1915 after the Russian Empire is forced to retreat from Russian Poland. -
Lenin-Cw-Vol-41.Pdf
W O R K E R S O F A L L C O U N T R I E S , U N I T E! L E N I N COLLECTED WORKS 41 A THE RUSSIAN EDITION WAS PRINTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH A DECISION OF THE NINTH CONGRESS OF THE R.C.P.(B.) AND THE SECOND CONGRESS OF SOVIETS OF THE U.S.S.R. ИНCTИTУT МАРÇCИзМА — ЛЕНИНИзМА пpи ЦK KНCC B. n. l d H n H С О Ч И Н E Н И Я И з д a н u е ч е m в е p m o e ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ ИЗДАТЕЛЬСТВО ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ M О С К В А V. I. L E N I N cOLLEcTED WORKS VOLUME 41 18oO – October 1o 17 PROGRESS PUBLISHERS MOSCOW TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY YURI SDOBNIKOV From Marx to Mao M L © Digital Reprints 2014 www.marx2mao.com First printing 1969 Second printing 1971 Third printing 1977 10102—210 л беэ объявл. 014 (01)—77 7 C O N T E N T S Page Preface ....................... 27 1896-1904 COMMUNICATION ON BEHALF OF THE “STARIKI” TO THE MEMBERS OF THE ST. PETERSBURG LEAGUE OF STRUGGLE FOR THE EMANCIPATION OF THE WORKING CLASS .... 33 FOR THE DRAFT AGREEMENT WITH STRUVE ....... 34 SECRET DOCUMENT .................. 35 REMARKS ON RYAZANOV’S ARTICLE “TWO TRUTHS” .... 36 MATERIAL FOR WORKING OUT THE R.S.D.L.P. PROGRAMME 38 1. OUTLINE OF VARIOUS POINTS OF THE PRACTICAL SECTION OF THE DRAFT PROGRAMME ...... 38 2. OUTLINE OF PLEKHANOV’S FIRST DRAFT PRO- GRAMME WITH SOME AMENDMENTS ....... -
The Duma Committee and the Monarchy
chapter 23 The Duma Committee and the Monarchy Rodzianko and the Monarchy The Duma Committee was confronted with three crucial issues on the problem of power.The first was what to do with the monarchy, second, what government should be formed, and third, what relations the new government was to have with the Petrograd Soviet. And all these questions were closely connected with the power struggle within the Duma Committee. Two ambitious men, Rodzianko and Miliukov, struggled for the position of power, while Kerenskii, using his popularity among the insurgents, quietly extended his influence.1 Guchkov, though himself not officially a member of the Duma Committee, kept constant and close contact with the Duma Committee members, and sought to achieve his goal of a palace coup, taking advantage of the pressure of the revolution. Eventually at the crucial meeting on the night of 1–2 March, the Duma Committee made three critical decisions: first, it decided to seek Nicholas ii’s abdication, second, it decided to form a provisional government separate from the Duma Committee and the State Duma, and third, it decided to gain the support of the insurgents by gaining the approval of the Soviet Executive Committee for the Provisional Government. In the previous chapter, we saw the result of negotiations between the Duma Committee and the Soviet Executive Committee on the conditions of ‘transfer of power’. In this chapter, we will examine the question of the monarchy, and we will turn to the formation of the Provisional Government in Chapter 27. At the beginning Rodzianko, as chairman of the Duma as well as the head of the Duma Committee, enjoyed unquestioned leadership.