A Dwellers-Focused Design Tool for Upgrading Living Space in Dharavi, Mumbai
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Commission for Development Studies at the Austrian Academy of Sciences FINAL REPORT Project number: 184 “Dharavi - Ground Up”: A Dwellers-Focused Design Tool for Upgrading Living Space in Dharavi, Mumbai AUTHORS: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Amita Bhide Arch. Mag.arch Martina Spies Research project conducted by the following partners: Centre for Urban Planning and Governance in the School of Habitat Studies, TATA Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Amita Bhide Institute of Architecture, University of Applied Arts, Vienna, Austria: Ao.Univ.-Prof. Dipl.Ing. Dr. Karin Raith, DCOOP Mumbai, Shilpa Ranede and Quaid Doongerwala Univ.-Prof. Dr. Marie-France Chevron, Universität Wien Submitted 9 April, 2013 OUTLINE OF THE REPORT ABSTRACT 4 PART I BACKGROUND 5 Introduction PART II (A. Bhide) GROUND UP_ THE STUDY 6 2.1 Dharavi Through the Lens of Livelihoods 2.2 Slums and Livelihoods 7 2.3 The History of Dharavi 8 PART III METHODOLOGY 12 3.1 Combining research methods of architecture, urban morphology and sociology 12 3.2 Research methods of architecture and urban morphology 12 3.3 Research methods of sociology 13 PART IV and V (A. Bhide, M.Spies) FINDINGS 4. Research of architecture and urban morphology: The Different Scales of the System Dharavi : 4.1 The “City Scale” 15 4.2 The“ Intermediate Nagar Scale” 16 4.3 The “INagar Scale” 17 4.4 The“Quarter Scale” 19 4.5 The “Cell Scale” 21 Summary of the Architectural Research (M. Spies) 22 5. Research of Sociology: Study of the livelihoods within the communities (A. Bhide) 2 5.1 Broom makers 24 5.2 Dhobis 27 5.3 Papad makers 30 5.4 Recyclers 32 5.4.1 Scale 1: Kabadi walas (shop owners) 33 5.4.2 Scale 2: Waste picker 37 PART VI (A. Bhide) TRACING PATTERNS (A. Bhide) 40 6.1 Patterns 40 6.2 Changing Livelihoods ,Changing Spaces 42 6.3 Dharavi as a Mosaic of Livelihoods 45 6.4 Current concerns, Conclusions 46 BIBLIOGRAPHY 47 RESEARCH/CASE STUDIES (M.Spies) 53 8.1 Recycling case studies 8.2 Broommakers case studies 8.3 Transit Camp Case studies 8.4 Dhobi Ghat Cluster 8.5 Hanuman Chowk 3 ABSTRACT Dharavi, a central area within the megacity Mumbai and probably the largest informal settlement of Asia consists of about 80 “Nagars”. In these maximum density neighbourhoods ("Nagars") people from different backgrounds are living together under poor hygienic conditions. In 1971, Dharavi was declared a slum by the government of Maharahstra and since then, the Slum Rehabilitation Authority has initiated numerous redevelopment projects. But the high-rise buildings which have been built ignore the vital connection between home and workplace neglecting community spaces and references to the traditional housing culture of India. The research focused on the livelihoods of the investigated communities/clusters and the solutions of spatial organization developed by the inhabitants. The investigation of the social fabric and the spatial situation have revealed how the built structures ("hardware") reflect the social structures ("software"). Case studies show the coherences of the social, economic and architectonic changes during the last decades, through the lens of the inhabitants´livelihoods. The outcome of this interdisciplinary cooperation between Indian and Austrian scientists and the combination of research methods in sociology, architecture and urban morphology has resulted in a body of acquired knowledge of the selected communities/clusters and the habitat demands of the inhabitants. Based on this a development strategy for the upgrading of Dharavi and a guideline („design tool“) for a careful and socially responsible structural transformation of the district has been designed. For a sustainable improvement this transformation has to meet the dwellers’ present needs as well as giving leeway to future developments. 4 PART I BACKGROUND During the colonial period Mumbai grew to an industrial town and in the course of globalization to a mega city with about 18 million inhabitants. The economic capital still attracts tens of thousands people each year who come in search of work from all different rural parts of India. The development of infrastructure and housing construction cannot keep up with the growth of population: Nearly 50 percent of Mumbai's population is homeless or lives in illegally built slums on urban leftover spaces. Dharavi was set up by immigrants from Gujarat who built their first houses in the late 19th century on a mangrove swamp filled up with garbage, fish scraps and coconut leaves. Another community of tanners from Tamil Nadu settled nearby. Over the next few decades immigrants came from all parts of India to work in the booming textile industry. Extremely dense and complex living and working quarters have been developed covering an area of two and a half km - small huts, workshops and also higher buildings along the main roads. Dharavi is composed of 80 districts, so-called "Nagars" (in hindi: "city") built and dominated by different ethnic groups and communities. From their original villages the inhabitants brought along specific occupations, food habits, clothing styles and cultural and religious practices. The urban structure is very intricate, as the Nagars are composed of a dense pattern of tiny apartments. In the building types within the Nagars, living and work space are always inextricably linked: Space is used in multiple ways as living and work area, due to the extreme lack of space and the further agglomeration by constant migration. Not only life in cramped conditions but also the knowledge of a constant uncertainty is a heavy burden on most residents: Security issues are not only associated with material subsistence- many people work in the so-called informal sector as day labourers or do unhealthy and inhumane activities - but also with the right to keep on staying in their homes. Only a minor group of people living in the slum have property rights on land and housing; most of them live in constant fear that their neighbourhood is being cleared and destroyed for public interest reasons. This is especially true for those who settled after 1995 while people who arrived before have at least the right for resettlement. The hygienic conditions are inhumane. The houses are poorly lit and ventilated. Private toilets are an exception rather than the rule, and public toilets are in a catastrophic condition. The daily routine of most women in Dharavi revolves around water supply which is usually only an hour per day available. On average, fifteen families share a water pipe. 5 PART II GROUND UP_ THE STUDY 2. DHARAVI THROUGH THE LENS OF LIVELIHOODS (A. Bhide) 2.1 Slums and Livelihoods The research focuses on understanding Dharavi – reputed as one of the largest slums in Asia, through the lens of livelihoods. Slums have emerged as a contemporary urban challenge to policy makers and visionaries who view cities as the engines of growth for developing economies. The view points on what slums represent differ tremendously. Most policy makers view slums as a challenge, a problem generated by the contradictions of urbanization in developing countries and a product of flawed land and housing policies. In contrast, Robert Neuwirth portrays slums as shadow cities that represent an assertion of right to be in cities on part of those who have no access to property. Jeb Brugman furthers this view stating that slums are the next urban revolution, which democratizes right to the city that was hitherto confined to the privileged. Slums are also seen by him as the harbingers of sustainable living. In summary, the view of slums even now is as highly contested as it was in the post Second World War era from problematizing viewpoints to those that view slums as solutions. The actual policies lie somewhere in between. As Geoffrey points out, policies need to address themselves o two goals – one, to prevent further slum formation and two, to redress the current issues of slum dwellers. Settlements like Dharavi which are large, third generation slums present yet another challenge to policies. This is because they have evolved through years of encounters with the city and the state and managed to make a place with considerable layers of complexity. These complexities are not amenable to simplistic notions of either solutions or problems and demand a highly nuanced and complex understanding. This research is an attempt to do the same. In recent years, much of the discourse around slums in India has revolved around housing. The most recent urban policy – Rajiv Awas Yojana which is an ambitious nationwide scheme begins with a declaration of slums being an integral feature of urbanization in India but declares its objective as creating slum free cities. Slum free cities are to be created through rehabilitation of existing slums through city wide strategies that could comprise upgradation, in situ rehabilitation or resettlement and through creation of affordable housing. The financing of this scheme hinges on award of property rights to slum dwellers. Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) is but a continuation of a trend seen over the last ten years or so of viewing slums through a property or housing lens. This trend was first seen in metros like Mumbai where high real estate prices were utilised to redevelop slums to high rise buildings, thereby freeing up lands for infrastructure and real estate development, offering slum dwellers free apartments of 225sqfeet. It was carried forward in schemes of the Central Government like Basic Services for Urban poor (BSUP)in 2005-12 period and RAY is the latest avtar of this evolving policy discourse. It is evident that in this discourse, the primary need of slum dwellers is seen as housing. The current housing is seen as problematic and the rehabilitation of this housing is equated to the rehabilitation of the residents.