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Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
Toolkit: Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process
This publication was made possible with financial support from the Government of Canada. About ParlAmericas ParlAmericas is the institution that promotes PARLIAMENTARY DIPLOMACY in the INTER-AMERICAN system ParlAmericas is composed of the 35 NATIONAL LEGISLATURES from North, Central and South America and the Caribbean ParlAmericas facilitates the exchange of parliamentary BEST PRACTICES and promotes COOPERATIVE POLITICAL DIALOGUE ParlAmericas mainstreams GENDER EQUALITY by advocating for women’s political empowerment and the application of a gender lens in legislative work ParlAmericas fosters OPEN PARLIAMENTS by advancing the principles of transparency, accountability, citizen participation, ethics and probity ParlAmericas promotes policies and legislative measures to mitigate and adapt to the effects ofCLIMATE CHANGE ParlAmericas works towards strengthening democracy and governance by accompanying ELECTORAL PROCESSES ParlAmericas is headquartered in OTTAWA, CANADA Table of Contents Toolkit Co-creation Plan 6 Contributors 8 Introduction 9 Objective 9 Using this Toolkit 9 Defining Citizen Participation 10 Importance of Citizen Participation 10 Participation Ladder 11 Overview of Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process 12 Developing a Citizen Participation Strategy 15 Principles of Citizen Participation 16 Resources to Support Citizen Participation 17 Educating Citizens and Promoting Participation 18 Awareness Raising Programs and Campaigns 18 Citizen Participation Offices and Communications Departments 19 Parliamentary Websites -
01 Extract from Constitution.Pdf
PART I EXTRACTS FROM THE CONSTITUTION * * * * * PART V THE UNION CHAPTER I.—THE EXECUTIVE The President and Vice-President 52. The President of India.—There shall be a President of India. * * * * * 54. Election of President.—The President shall be elected by the members of an electoral college consisting of— (a) the elected members of both Houses of Parliament; and (b) the elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States. 1[Explanation.—In this article and in article 55, "State" includes the National Capital Territory of Delhi and the Union territory of 2[Puducherry].] 55. Manner of election of President.—(1) As far as practicable, there shall be uniformity in the scale of representation of the different States at the election of the President. (2) For the purpose of securing such uniformity among the States inter se as well as parity between the States as a whole and the Union, the number of votes which each elected member of Parliament and of the Legislative Assembly of each State is entitled to cast at such election shall be determined in the following manner:— (a) every elected member of the legislative Assembly of a State shall have as many votes as there are multiples of one thousand in the quotient obtained by dividing the population of the State by the total number of the elected members of the Assembly; (b) if, after taking the said multiples of one thousand, the remainder is not less than five hundred, then the vote of each member referred to in sub-clause (a) shall be further increased by one; (c) each elected member of either House of Parliament shall have such number of votes as may be obtained by dividing the total number of votes assigned to the members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States under sub-clauses (a) and (b) by the total number of the elected members of both Houses of Parliament, fractions exceeding one-half being counted as one and other fractions being disregarded. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
The Legislature
6 The Legislature Key Terms Ad hoc Committees (p. 241) Also known as a working legislative committee, whose mandate is time-limited. Adjournment (p. 235) The temporary suspension of a legislative sitting until it reconvenes. Auditor General (p. 228) An independent officer responsible for auditing and reporting to the legislature regarding a government’s spending and operations. Backbenchers (p. 225) Rank-and-file legislators without cabinet responsibilities or other special legislative titles or duties. Bicameral legislature (p. 208) A legislative body consisting of two chambers (or “houses”). Bill (p. 241) A piece of draft legislation tabled in the legislature. Budget (p. 236) A document containing the government’s projected revenue, expenditures, and economic forecasts. Budget Estimates (p. 237) The more detailed, line-by-line statements of how each department will treat revenues and expenditures. By-election (p. 208) A district-level election held between general elections. Coalition government (p. 219) A hung parliament in which the cabinet consists of members from more than one political party. Committee of the Whole (p. 241) Another name for the body of all legislators. Confidence convention (p. 208)The practice under which a government must relinquish power when it loses a critical legislative vote. Inside Canadian Politics © Oxford University Press Canada, 2016 Contempt (p. 224) A formal denunciation of a member’s or government’s unparliamentary behaviour by the speaker. Consensus Government (p. 247) A system of governance that operates without political parties. Crossing the floor (p. 216) A situation in which a member of the legislature leaves one political party to join another party. -
Legislative Chambers: Unicameral Or Bicameral?
Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? How many chambers a parliament should have is a controversial question in constitutional law. Having two legislative chambers grew out of the monarchy system in the UK and other European countries, where there was a need to represent both the aristocracy and the common man, and out of the federal system in the US. where individual states required representation. In recent years, unicameral systems, or those with one legislative chamber, were associated with authoritarian states. Although that perception does not currently hold true, there appears to be a general trend toward two chambers in emerging democracies, particularly in larger countries. Given historical, cultural and political factors, governments must decide whether one-chamber or two chambers better serve the needs of the country. Bicameral Chambers A bicameral legislature is composed of two-chambers, usually termed the lower house and upper house. The lower house is usually based proportionally on population with each member representing the same number of citizens in each district or region. The upper house varies more broadly in the way in which members are selected, including inheritance, appointment by various bodies and direct and indirect elections. Representation in the upper house can reflect political subdivisions, as is the case for the US Senate, German Bundesrat and Indian Rajya Sabha. Bicameral systems tend to occur in federal states, because of that system’s two-tiered power structure. Where subdivisions are drawn to coincide with other important societal units, the upper house can serve to represent ethnic, religious or tribal groupings, as in India or Ethiopia. -
Parliament of Canada.—The Parliament of the Dominion Of
574 ADMINISTRATION Parliament of Canada.—The Parliament of the Dominion of Canada consists of the Senate with 96 members and of the House of Commons with 235 members, senators being appointed for life by the Governor-General and members of the House of Commons being elected by the people. The ordinary legal limit of duration for each parliament is five years; but by Act of the Imperial Parliament (6-7 Geo. V., c. 19), passed June 1, 1916, and intituled an Act to amend the British North America Act, 1867, the duration of the 12th Parliament of Canada was extended until October 7, 1917. The 12th Parliament was dissolved by proclamation of the Governor General on October 6, 1917; and the 13th Parliament of Canada was elected on December 17, 1917. A Redistribution Act passed after each census readjusts the number of representatives in the House of Commons in accordance with rules laid down in Section 51 of the British North America Act, 1867, of the Imperial Parliament (30-31 Vict., c. 3). These rules provide that the province of Quebec shall always have the fixed number of 65 members, and that there shall be assigned to each of the other provinces such a number of members as will bear the same proportion to the number of its popu lation (ascertained by the census) as the number 65 bears to the population of Quebec. However, by an amendment to the British North America Act passed in 1915, (5-6 Geo. V., c. 45), it was enacted that "notwithstanding anything in the said Act, a province shall always be entitled to a number of members in the House of Commons not less than the number of senators representing such province." As a consequence of this amendment the representation of Prince Edward Island has remained at 4 members. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Implementing the Conservative Agenda
DRAFT for discussion only Not for publication without the permission of the author The Harper Minority and the Majority Myth: Implementing the Conservative Agenda Brooke Jeffrey Department of Political Science Concordia University Abstract At a Canadian Study of Parliament conference in October 2010, senior Conservative adviser and Harper confidant Tim Powers told participants that the prime minister was increasingly convinced he could implement most of his agenda without achieving a majority. Additional support for Powers’ claim can be found in the memoirs of Harper’s former chief of staff Tom Flanagan, who argues first that Harper’s agenda is not merely short-term policy implementation, but long-term institutional and societal change and, second, that Harper has long had a coherent and deliberate strategy to achieve this broader objective. Few would disagree with the claim that Harper’s aggressive approach to the institutions of government, including his widespread disregard for parliamentary conventions and the oversight role of the legislature, along with his unprecedented control of access to information and centralization of power in the PMO, have played a significant role in enabling his minority government to achieve their immediate objectives. However, seen through the prism of Flanagan’s insight about a longer-term strategy, many of the Harper government’s tactics with respect to extraparliamentary democratic institutions -- including the marginalization of the media, defunding of interest groups, muzzling of the bureaucracy and blatant disregard for judicial rulings – can also be viewed as contributing to the implementation of the Conservative agenda. These tactics in turn bear a striking resemblance to the approach used so successfully by the American New Right during the Reagan and Bush eras, several of whose leading advocates are well-known to Harper and members of the original Reform Party. -
Legislative Council
About Parliament - Sheet 06 Legislative Council History The effect of the new Constitution was to substitute the old Legislative Council for two houses of he Parliament of Western Australia has, as its T Parliament – the Legislative Council and the genesis, an Order‐in‐Council issued in England in Legislative Assembly in order to form a true November 1830, and received and published in Parliament of Western Australia. Western Australia in December 18311. The Order‐in‐Council allowed for the establishment of a Legislative Council to make all necessary laws and to constitute all necessary courts for the ‘peace, order and good government of the settlement’. Legislative Council Chamber The Legislative Council, also known as the upper house, is based on the House of Lords in Britain Membership and Term of Office where in the 13th century they formed two houses Members of the Legislative Council are elected for of Parliament. The House of Lords, having a fixed term of four years from the time they take representatives of the religious leaders their seats following their election. There is no (Lord Spiritual) and magnates (Lord Temporal) waythat the Legislative Council can be dissolved came to be known as the upper house. prior to the end of each four‐year term, even if there is an early election for the Legislative The House of Lords is superior in degree to the Assembly. House of Commons as it has both a legislative and judicial function. The House of Lords is the highest In 1987 a system of proportional representation court of appeal in both civil and criminal cases. -
Electing the Parliament Legislative Assembly
Legislative Assembly Procedural Publications Factsheet No. 1 – Electing the Parliament Voting is an essential part of democracy and representative government. This factsheet gives a brief overview of who can vote in New South Wales, the framework of NSW General Elections, the State’s electoral districts and the key events and dates for General Elections. Contents Who can vote in NSW? NSW General Elections Electing the Legislative Assembly Electing the Legislative Council When does Parliament meet? Key events/dates for General Elections By-elections Who can vote in NSW? Voting is compulsory in Australia and all eligible persons are required to enrol to vote in Federal, State and Local Council elections. An ‘eligible person’ is defined as all Australian citizens aged 18 years or more. NSW General Elections The term of a Parliament in NSW is 4 years. The Constitution Act 1902 specifies that, if the previous Parliament has expired, a General Election will take place on the fourth Saturday in March following the expiration. Electing the Legislative Assembly The NSW Legislative Assembly comprises of 93 Members, each elected at a general election to serve four year terms. Each Member represents a single electoral district (or electorate) in NSW. State electoral district boundaries are determined by a distribution process which provides for an approximately equal number of electors in each electoral district. Each electorate has on average 53,000 voters. In each election, electors can only vote for candidates seeking election for their electoral district. The party or parties that win the majority of seats of the Legislative Assembly forms the Government. -
Committees in a Unicameral Parliament: Impact of a Majority Government on the ACT Legislative Assembly Committee System *
Grace Concannon is Senior Manager, Governance and Ministerial Support, Canberra Institute of Technology and a former secretary to the ACT Legislative Assembly Standing Committee on Health, Community and Social Services Committees in a unicameral parliament: impact of a majority government on the ACT Legislative Assembly committee system * Grace Concannon Introduction Parliamentary committees are a common feature of the westminster system of government and over recent decades have taken on more wide ranging roles in the conduct of parliamentary business. According to House of Representatives Practice , ‘the principal purpose of parliamentary committees is to perform functions which the Houses themselves are not well fitted to perform, that is, finding out the facts of a case, examining witnesses, sifting evidence, and drawing up reasoned conclusions’.1 This description does not include the enhanced scrutiny and oversight role of committees in a unicameral parliament. In a comparative study of six unicameral legislatures, committees were identified as a prominent feature and it was argued that a comprehensive committee system can ‘take care of the second chamber review function’.2 The Legislative Assembly for the ACT (Assembly) was established in 1989 under the Australian Capital Territory (Self Government) Act 1998 (Commonwealth) as a unicameral legislature of 17 members. Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) are elected by the Hare-Clark proportional representation system (also known as the ‘single transferable vote’). The ACT is a young legislature, and of the eight assemblies to date, seven have been controlled by a minority government. 3 The government of the day is responsible for both ‘state’ and ‘local government’ functions.