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UK's TRADE DEALS ARE BANANAS CAMEROON PALESTINE
2021 no. 4 June - £6.50 (free to members) UK’s TRADE DEALS ARE BANANAS CAMEROON PALESTINE Belarus Hijack Sakharov EVENTS CONTENTS 7th June LIBG Forum on Afghanistan – see page 3 Afghanistan Forum page 3 21st June Chesham & Amersham by-election. Selling Our Souls for Bananas: Global Britain’s Trade Deals, and Reasons to be Fearful, by 30th June Lib Dems Overseas Zoom Webinar Focus Rebecca Tinsley pages 4-5 on Hong Kong. 12.00-01.30pm – see pages 17-18 Rebuild Samir Mansour’s Bookshop. page 5 1st July Batley & Spen by-election 21st July Paddy Ashdown Forum – What makes a A tribute to Jonathan Fryer, by John good COP? (UN Climate Change Conference). Alderdice pages 6-8 Conversation with LI President Hakima El Haité & Tony Greaves, by David Scott page 8 the UK Liberal Democrats Leader Ed Davey. NLC 6.30-8.00pm – see page 19 Cameroon Forum Report pages 9-10 17th - 20th September – Liberal Democrats Autumn Yabloko host conference and exhibition to Conference. mark centenary of human rights defender Andrei Sakharov. pages 10-11 October 63rd LI Congress will be held online. Details to follow International Abstracts pages 11 & 16 For bookings & other information please contact From the Conference Fringe – Liberal the Treasurer below. Democrat Friends of Palestine report. page 12 NLC= National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place, London SW1A 2HE Belarus Banditry page 13 Underground: Embankment Reviews pages 14-17 Focus on Hong Kong Webinar pages 18-19 Liberal International (British Group) Treasurer: Wendy Kyrle-Pope, 1 Brook Gardens, What makes a good COP (Paddy Ashdown Barnes, Forum) page 20 London SW13 0LY email [email protected] Photographs: Stewart Rayment, Jonathan Fryer, Rebecca Tinsley, Yabloko, Samir Mansour InterLib is published by the Liberal International (British Group). -
Tony Greaves
TONY GREAVES An Appreciation Liberal History Group by Michael Meadowcroft Tony Greaves never seemed to age. He had a firm belief that politics was capable of transforming society, and his consistent advocacy of local campaigning, community politics and the necessity for both to be anchored in a radical Liberalism had hardly changed from his Young Liberal days. His election to the Lancashire County Council, in 1973, disqualified him legally from his job teaching geography and from then on to his sudden death almost fifty years later he became one of that committed band of Liberals who put the cause before comfort and struggled to find a succession of jobs that would enable him to keep politics as his first priority. His life before politics captured him was that of a scholarship boy separated from his background by intelligence and an ability to pass exams. Born in Bradford into a family with no direct political involvement, he passed the extremely competitive examination for the direct-grant Bradford Grammar School, but an employment move by his police driving- instructor father took him instead to Queen Elizabeth Grammar School in Wakefield. His successes at ‘O’, ‘A’ and ‘S’ levels enabled him to go to Hertford College, Oxford, and to gain a BA in geography. He followed this with a Diploma in Economic Development at Manchester University. By this time, he had discovered a passion for politics and particularly for political debate. By personality – and influenced by the non-statist radicalism of the then party leader, Jo Grimond – Greaves naturally gravitated to the Liberal cause. -
43 Sell Wyburn Powell Clement Davies Review
REVIEWS Raising more money is vital. He a swimming pool and friends. I the youngest King’s Counsels of is enjoying his relatively new role also like cooking. I am very for- his day, he subsequently went as Chief Executive, in which he tunate in my very supportive wife on to achieve a successful busi- retains his overall campaigning Ann. She’s a teacher and was an ness career in which he became responsibility. He believes he activist in the party in Liverpool a director of Unilever. has helped to raise headquarters when we married in 1989. She He was elected to Parlia- morale and that he now has a comes to lots of party functions ment for Montgomeryshire, his very effective team to whom he with me and in by-elections she home county, in 1929. Liberal can delegate, but he also knows catches up with me for an inti- politics were fluid in the 1930s he must raise more funds. ‘That mate Chinese meal at midnight and Davies became a Simonite. must be my principal priority. with twenty other workers! And He seconded the motion on the Lack of money holds us back. We yes, I do enjoy being a peer but, King’s Speech in 1932. His early need it, not to spend on advertis- apart from voting, I don’t play a political career is a paradox. As ing but to get ourselves more free very active part.’ Liberal Party leader Davies was to publicity and to boost our target Well, there is an admission! champion the party’s independ- seats’ he says. -
Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 4 2002 Article 10 The Government of Memory: Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland Angela Hegarty∗ ∗ Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Government of Memory: Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland Angela Hegarty Abstract The purpose of this Article is to examine the exercise and the usefulness of the public inquiry model, in the Northern Ireland conflict. This Article examines its role as both an accountability mechanism and a truth process, and in doing so I consider the proposition that public inquiries are employed by governments not as a tool to find truth and establish accountability for human rights violations, but as a way of deflecting criticism and avoiding blame. THE GOVERNMENT OF MEMORY: PUBLIC INQUIRIES AND THE LIMITS OF JUSTICE IN NORTHERN IRELAND Angela Hegarty* INTRODUCTION That States commit violations of human rights is an undeni- able, if much denied, truth. These violations are often not offi- cially acknowledged until some time after they have been carried out, and the complete account of such violations may not emerge until the regime responsible has been removed from power. The events and the acts complained of are often denied by the State responsible until it is obliged, sometimes as a result of a political settlement, to submit to an investigation. Much of the dialogue about how to address such violations has therefore been in the context of transitional justice or of societies emerg- ing from conflict. -
Individual Responsibility of Ministers: an Outline of the Issues
The Individual Responsibility of Ministers: An Outline of the Issues Research Paper 96/27 21 February 1996 The individual responsibility of ministers is a vital aspect of accountable and democratic Parliamentary government, yet it is a 'convention' which is difficult to define with certainty and which, to a large degree, depends on the circumstances of each individual case. This Paper seeks to explore, in general terms, the subject as a whole and several interesting examples from the era of Crichel Down in 1954 onwards to illustrate the issue. It does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of ministerial responsibility (including collective responsibility) or Parliamentary accountability. Barry K Winetrobe Janet Seaton Home Affairs Section Reference and Reader Services Section House of Commons Library Summary Individual ministerial responsibility is an important if complex constitutional issue. It is often described as a constitutional convention, and this Paper examines its nature in that context, and in relation to collective responsibility and in the light of developments such as the growth of select committees, the development of Next Steps agencies and quangos, and the publication in 1992 of Questions of procedure for Ministers. The nature of individual responsibility in action is described briefly, including aspects short of a ministerial resignation or dismissal. The interesting, if short, debate on ministerial responsibility on 12 February 1996 is considered. A number of modern examples of situations where individual responsibility could be said to have arisen are examined, purely to illustrate various aspects of the 'convention'. It is not intended to be a comprehensive list. It covers significant episodes such as Crichel Down in 1954 (in which Sir David Maxwell Fyfe set out what is often regarded as the classic statement of the traditional doctrine), the Falklands (1982) and Westland (1986), and includes instances where resignation demands were successfully restricted such as Court Line (1975) and the Maze Prison escape (1983). -
Adroddiad Blynyddol / Annual Report 1974-75
ADRODDIAD BLYNYDDOL / ANNUAL REPORT 1974-75 WILLIAM GRIFFITHS 1975001 Ffynhonnell / Source The late Miss A G Jones, M.A., Aberaeron, per Miss Olive M Jones, Aberaeron. Blwyddyn / Year Adroddiad Blynyddol / Annual Report 1974-75 Disgrifiad / Description Correspondence, journals, diaries, etc., of Rev William Griffiths (1788-1861), Calvinistic Methodist minister in Gower, co. Glamorgan, including journals for the years 1816-19, 1822-7 (numbered vol. 5), 1827-34 (vol. 6), 1834-42 (vol. 7), 1842-7 (vol. 8), and 1848-55 (vol. 9) (for vol. 4, 1819-22, see Calvinistic Methodist Archives 8710); printed diaries 1837; 1943-5; 1850-1 (very few entries); a `day book' or diary, 1854-61, with additional entries at the end by his son also named William Griffiths; a note-book containing autobiographical data compiled at intervals ? up to 1860; thirteen letters, 1825-6, addressed by him to his future wife Miss A. G. Jones, and one letter, 1826, written by him to his wife; twenty-five miscellaneous letters, 1840-60 and undated, received by him; thirty letters, 1846-9 and undated, received by him and his wife from their son William; printed copies of reports and notices of general meetings of the Glamorganshire Banking Company, 1845-58, addressed to him; bundles of sermon notes, 1817-61 ; two note-books containing a record of subscriptions towards the support of the ministry at Bethesda Church, Gower, 1838-43; a manuscript volume described on the title-page as `A Series of Questions and Answers on the more prominent doctrines of the Holy Bible written for the use of the Sabbath Schools belonging to Burry Green and Cherriton Chaples (sic) by Rev. -
REPORTS East by Election in 1960
Wainwright urged them to be bro- ken, as they were with the Bolton REPORTS East by election in 1960. Later in the 1970s Wainwright took part in the Lib–Lab Pact, despite being vulnerable to it, Forgotten heroes for a governing party relying as he did on Tory votes Evening meeting, 20 June 2011 with Dr Matt Cole, Lord in his fight against Labour in his constituency. In part he supported Navnit Dholakia, Baroness Floella Benjamin and Dr Mark the pact because his parliamentary Pack; chair: Baroness Claire Tyler. colleagues had. But, pragmatically, Wainwright sought to use the pact Report by David Cloke to advance policies he believed in: worker representation, through the Post Office Bill; electoral reform; he Group’s July meeting, Wainwright himself was not Dr Matt Cole, a land bank and a minimum wage. chaired by Liberal Democrat keen on hero worship, as a Noncon- Whilst none of these policies were Tpeer Claire Tyler, mused on formist he was not keen on icons. Lord Navnit implemented he brought them out the theme of forgotten heroes for Following a trip to Paris in 1938 he of obscurity. a governing party. Baroness Tyler had written a report on the Radi- Dholakia, Despite this, Wainwright fell out opened the meeting by noting that cal Party in which he had written of love with the Pact fairly quickly, there were many forgotten, some positively of its lack of ties to the Baroness realising that Labour were not going deservedly so, but that others were past noting that ‘there is no Glad- to deliver, notably on electoral sources of inspiration and useful stone, no Cobden, no Asquith. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Where Next for the Liberal Democrats?
Where next for the Liberal Democrats? Tim Bale Aron Cheung Alan Wager It has, to put it mildly, been a difficult twelve months for the Liberal Democrats. A year ago this week, polling conducted by YouGov and Ipsos Mori showed their support at 20% – a level the party had not enjoyed since they’d entered their ill-fated coalition with the Conservatives in the spring of 2010. Nine long years later, they were daring to dream once again: could it be that, under Jo Swinson, we would soon see the UK’s electoral map coloured with the same amount of Lib Dem yellow that Charles Kennedy and, latterly, Nick Clegg had once achieved? The answer, of course, was no. The general election that followed was a not just an electoral disappointment but a disaster – so much so that Swinson herself lost her seat. Not only that, but the party’s main policy aim – to reverse the Brexit decision – lay in tatters. Yet, despite these setbacks, the new electoral geography of the post-Brexit era brings with it challenges but also opportunities for the Liberal Democrats – existential questions but also, if they can exploit their new electoral coalition, some potential answers. This short paper hopes to set all this out just as ballots open for the party’s new leader. Putting the 2019 result in historical context The eleven seats the Liberal Democrats won in December 2019 may have represented a slight decline on the dozen the party achieved in 2017 under Tim Farron; but they also represented a near-halving of the 21 which, following multiple defections, the party went into the general election defending. -
Austerity, Affluence and Discontent: Britain, 1951-1979
Austerity, Affluence and Discontent: britain, 1951-1979 Part 5: “The civilised society” - changing attitudes to authority in the 1950s and 1960s Source 1: Striking workers at the British Leyland car plant, Oxford, in the 1970s 2 Austerity, Affluence and Discontent 1951-1979: Part 5 Did the UK become a more ‘permissive society’ during the 1950s and 1960s? Attitudes towards authority The 1968 film If… showed the strict and traditional workings of a boys’ boarding school. Unlike earlier films which used this as the setting for a story about how great the UK had been in the past, the film’s director Lindsay Anderson intended to convey a different message. The climax of the film features a rebel group of boys attacking the school’s Founder’s Day assembly with machine guns and hand grenades. This reflects a change in people’s attitudes towards the elite who ran the country during the 1950s and 1960s – many stopped taking their leaders so seriously and began to question whether or not they were making the right decisions for the people of the UK. 1) What was ‘The Establishment’? ‘The Establishment’ were the privileged elite in UK society who shared similar public school backgrounds or went to Oxbridge. This was sometimes called the ‘old school tie’ network. They were the aristocracy, barristers and High Court judges, high-ranking civil servants and diplomats, Anglican bishops and officers in the Armed Forces. Members of this elite group dominated the Conservative governments of the 1950s and 1960s. Harold Macmillan’s Cabinet included six titled aristocrats and Alec Douglas-Home’s Cabinet had ten Etonians, and out of twenty-three ministers, only three had not been to a public school.1 The old class system based on wealth and inherited titles, defending old-fashioned ideas like imperialism or the importance of the arts rather than science and technology, seemed much less relevant to the UK in the 1950s. -
The Liberal Democrat Journey to a LIB-Con Coalition and Where Next?
The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN aNd where NexT? Southbank house, Black Prince road, London Se1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 20 7463 0632 | [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk richard S Grayson The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN – aNd where NexT? richard S Grayson 2 about the author Dr Richard Grayson is Head of Politics at Goldsmiths, University of London, and is one of three vice-chairs of the Liberal Democrat Federal Policy Committee, but writes here in a personal capacity. He was the party’s Director of Policy in 1999–2004 and stood for Parliament in Hemel Hempstead in 2005 and 2010, adding over 10% to the party’s vote. He was one of the founders of the Social Liberal Forum and was the first chair of its Executive. In September 2010 he takes up the post of Professor of Twentieth Century History at Goldsmiths. Published by Compass − Direction for the Democratic Left Ltd Southbank House, Black Prince Road, London SE1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 207 463 0632 [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk Designed by SoapBox, www.soapboxcommunications.co.uk 3 The Liberal democrat ning both needs to be understood. Doing so begins with a story about how it is possible that a journey to a Lib–Con party which has often over the past decade been seen as ‘left of Labour’ on civil liberties, demo - coalition – and where cratic reform, taxation and public services is engaged quite so enthusiastically in reducing the next? size of the state. -
Members of Parliament Disqualified Since 1900 This Document Provides Information About Members of Parliament Who Have Been Disqu
Members of Parliament Disqualified since 1900 This document provides information about Members of Parliament who have been disqualified since 1900. It is impossible to provide an entirely exhaustive list, as in many cases, the disqualification of a Member is not directly recorded in the Journal. For example, in the case of Members being appointed 5 to an office of profit under the Crown, it has only recently become practice to record the appointment of a Member to such an office in the Journal. Prior to this, disqualification can only be inferred from the writ moved for the resulting by-election. It is possible that in some circumstances, an election could have occurred before the writ was moved, in which case there would be no record from which to infer the disqualification, however this is likely to have been a rare occurrence. This list is based on 10 the writs issued following disqualification and the reason given, such as appointments to an office of profit under the Crown; appointments to judicial office; election court rulings and expulsion. Appointment of a Member to an office of profit under the Crown in the Chiltern Hundreds or the Manor of Northstead is a device used to allow Members to resign their seats, as it is not possible to simply resign as a Member of Parliament, once elected. This is by far the most common means of 15 disqualification. There are a number of Members disqualified in the early part of the twentieth century for taking up Ministerial Office. Until the passage of the Re-Election of Ministers Act 1919, Members appointed to Ministerial Offices were disqualified and had to seek re-election.