Helmut Kohl: the Chancellor Who United Germany
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Voice of America: Soft Power and the Free Flow of Information
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY AND VOICE OF AMERICA: SOFT POWER AND THE FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION JULY 23, 2009 Serial No. 111–24 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 51–255PDF WASHINGTON : 2009 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 17:26 Sep 08, 2009 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\EU\072309\51255.000 HFA PsN: SHIRL COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOWARD L. BERMAN, California, Chairman GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey Samoa DAN BURTON, Indiana DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey ELTON GALLEGLY, California BRAD SHERMAN, California DANA ROHRABACHER, California ROBERT WEXLER, Florida DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York EDWARD R. ROYCE, California BILL DELAHUNT, Massachusetts RON PAUL, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York JEFF FLAKE, Arizona DIANE E. WATSON, California MIKE PENCE, Indiana RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri JOE WILSON, South Carolina ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia J. GRESHAM BARRETT, South Carolina MICHAEL E. MCMAHON, New York CONNIE MACK, Florida JOHN S. TANNER, Tennessee JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska GENE GREEN, Texas MICHAEL T. -
Neoconservatives Among Us? Astudy of Former Dissidents' Discourse
43 L 62 Neoconservatives Among Us? A Study of Former Dissidents’ Discourse* JENI SCHALLER Abstract: Neoconservative political thought has been characterized as “distinctly American”, but could there be fertile ground for its basic tenets in post-communist Europe? This paper takes an initial look at the acceptance of the ideas of American neo- conservative foreign policy among Czech elites who were dissidents under the communist regime. Open-ended, semi-structured interviews with eight former dissidents were con- ducted and then analyzed against a background of some fundamental features of neocon- servative foreign policy. Discourse analysis is the primary method of examination of the texts. Although a coherent discourse among Czech former dissidents cannot be said to ex- ist, certain aspects reminiscent of American neoconservative thought were found. Key words: neoconservatism, Czech dissidents, foreign policy, discourse analysis I. INTRODUCTION Neoconservatism, as a strain of political thought in the United States, has been represented as “distinctly American” and Irving Kristol, often considered the “godfather” of neoconservatism, emphatically states “[t]here is nothing like neoconservatism in Europe” (Kristol 2003: 33). Analyst Jeffrey Gedmin writes that the “environment for neoconservatism as such is an inhospitable one” in Europe, especially Germany (Gedmin 2004: 291). The states of Cen- tral Europe, in contrast to many of the established continental EU members, represent a rather more pro-American stance. With groups of former dissi- dents whose political leanings are in part informed by the American anti- communist, pro-democracy policies of the 1970s and 1980s, could there be a more hospitable environment for neoconservative ideas in a Central Euro- pean state such as the Czech Republic? The Czech dissident community was not as extensive or well-organised as that in Poland or even Hungary, largely due to the post-1968 “normalisation” in Czechoslovakia. -
Just Rewards? Communism's Hard Bargain with the Citizen-Consumer
JUST REWARDS? COMMUNISM’S HARD BARGAIN WITH THE CITIZEN-CONSUMER Patrick Patterson University of California, San Diego The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 2601 Fourth Avenue Suite 310 Seattle, WA 98121 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Patrick Patterson NCEEER Contract Number: 821-12g Date: August 6, 2008 Copyright Information Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded through a contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research (NCEEER). However, the NCEEER and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, in written and electronic form, reports submitted to NCEEER to fulfill Contract or Grant Agreements either (a) for NCEEER’s own internal use, or (b) for use by the United States Government, and as follows: (1) for further dissemination to domestic, international, and foreign governments, entities and/or individuals to serve official United States Government purposes or (2) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the public access to documents held by the United States Government. Neither NCEEER nor the United States Government nor any recipient of this Report may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under the Title VIII program. The analysis and interpretations contained herein are those of the author. -
The End of Détente* a Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics
The End of Détente* A Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics By Thomas Smith After the election of autonomous and must resist all pressure of any Jimmy Carter as US kind whatsoever, whether of a political, religious President, Prime or economic nature.”1 With British government Minister Margaret documents from 1980 recently released under the Thatcher flew to Thirty Year Rule, the time seems apt to evaluate the Washington on 17th debate about the Olympic boycott, and to ask the December 1979 for question: to what extent was the call by the British her first official visit. government for a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Five days later NATO Olympics an appropriate response to the invasion of announced the de- Afghanistan? ployment of a new Before the argument of the essay is established, it generation of American is first necessary to provide a brief narrative of the rockets and Cruise main events. Thatcher’s government began discussing missiles in Western the idea of a boycott in early January 1980; however, Europe. On the 25th their first action was to call for the Olympics to be December Soviet moved to a different location. Once the IOC declared troops marched into that relocating the Olympics was out of the question, Afghanistan. Thatcher told the House of Commons that she was now advising athletes not to go to Moscow and wrote Photo: U.S. Government to Sir Denis Follows, Chairman of the BOA, informing Introduction him of the government’s decision. The BOA, which was Britain’s NOC and the organisation that could During the 1970s, relations between the West and the accept or decline the invitation to the Olympics, Soviet Union were marked by an era of détente. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
François Mitterrand, of Germany and France
François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France Caption: In 1996, François Mitterrand, President of France from 1981 to 1995, recalls the negative attitude of Margaret Thatcher, British Prime Minister, towards German reunification. Source: MITTERRAND, François. De l'Allemagne. De la France. Paris: Odile Jacob, 1996. 247 p. ISBN 2- 7381-0403-7. p. 39-44. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/francois_mitterrand_of_germany_and_france-en- 33ae0d5e-f55b-4476-aa6b-549648111114.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/3 François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France […] In Great Britain, on 10 November 1989, the Prime Minister’s Press Office published a statement in which Mrs Thatcher welcomed the lifting of the restrictions on movements of the population of East Germany towards the West, hoped that this would be a prelude to the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, looked forward to the installation of a democratic government in the German Democratic Republic and warned, ‘You have to take these things step by step.’ On the subject of unification, however, she said not a word. Three days later, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet at the Guildhall in the City of London, she spoke about free elections and a multiparty system in East Germany, cooperation with the emerging democracies of Central Europe and the new role which NATO would have to play. -
The Brookings Institution Center on the United
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER ON THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE Second Annual Raymond Aron Lecture IN DEFENSE OF DECADENT EUROPE Speakers: Tony Judt Gilles Andreani Introduction: Philip Gordon November 16, 2005 [TRANSCRIPT PRODUCED FROM A TAPE RECORDING] P R O C E E D I N G S MR. GORDON: Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. Let me welcome you all here, and apologies for the late start. There are a number of people still fighting the elements, but I thank you for doing your best to get here. I'm Phil Gordon, the director of the Center on the United States and Europe here at Brookings. It's really a great pleasure for me to welcome you to the second annual Raymond Aron lecture here. Aron, as everybody knows, was the prominent French scholar, philosopher, political commentator, journalist who was best known for his willingness to follow his ideas wherever the evidence took him rather than supporting the conventional wisdom of the day. He also combined great theoretical and historical work with a deep appreciation for the dilemmas of the policymaker and the need to apply those ideas to the real world. He had very little time for intellectuals who couldn't think about the realities of the real world. And finally, he also stood quite strongly for a strong U.S.-French and U.S.- European relationship at a time when that itself wasn't always fashionable. I think in all of those ways he is sort of a symbol for what we aspire to do here, combining theoretical historical work with the dilemmas of the policymaker and the real world. -
The Rise of Entrepreneurship in Turkey and the Middle East
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY BERKELEY ● DAVIS ● IRVINE ● LOS ANGELES ● MERCED ● RIVERSIDE ● SAN DIEGO ● SAN FRANCISCO ● SANTA BARBARA ● SANTA CRUZ The Rise of Entrepreneurship in Turkey and the Middle East: Successes, Failures, and the Future October 12, 2013 at UC Berkeley Glimpse at the Past With the introduction of multiparty politics in 1950, Turkey’s political trajectory began to diverge form the closed, authoritarian, and repressive political systems that were fast becoming entrenched in virtually every country in the Middle East. In spite of its relatively open, democratic, and pluralistic (though flawed and military-dominated) political system, however, for most of the post- WWII period Turkey’s economic structure and patterns of development bore an uncanny resemblance to the regional norm of underperformance and unfulfilled potentials. Although largely bereft of abundant natural resources and export commodities, Turkey was nonetheless saddled with a state-dominated, inward looking, uncompetitive, corrupt, and inefficient economy that was beset with anemic growth and chronically high levels of inflation, unemployment, disparity, mismanagement, debt, and deficit. The primary foundations for economic takeoff, including the dismantling of import substituting industrialization, encouragement of private initiative, retreat from autarky, and embrace of export led growth, were laid during the premiership/presidency of Turgut Ozal in the 1980’s. Nevertheless, the 1980’s were also a time of turmoil and disruptive transition during which inflation averaged 75 percent and the ratio of government debt to GDP was consistently and excessively high. The period also witnessed the emergence of cozy and unsustainable relations between the government, bureaucracy, banks, and corporations, which paved the way for subsequent financial scandals and crises. -
Anti-Europeanism and Euroscepticism in the United States
EUI WORKING PAPERS RSCAS No. 2004/25 Anti-Europeanism and Euroscepticism in the United States Patrick Chamorel EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Transatlantic Programme Series 2004_25 Chamorel Cover.indd 1 10/11/2004 16:31:16 EUI Working Paper RSCAS No. 2004/25 Patrick Chamorel, Anti-Europeanism and Euroscepticism in the United States The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies carries out disciplinary and interdisciplinary research in the areas of European integration and public policy in Europe. It hosts the annual European Forum. Details of this and the other research of the centre can be found on: http://www.iue.it/RSCAS/Research/. Research publications take the form of Working Papers, Policy Papers, Distinguished Lectures and books. Most of these are also available on the RSCAS website: http://www.iue.it/RSCAS/Publications/. The EUI and the RSCAS are not responsible for the opinion expressed by the author(s). EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Anti-Europeanism and Euroscepticism in the United States PATRICK CHAMOREL EUI Working Paper RSCAS No. 2004/25 BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO DI FIESOLE (FI) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the prior permission in writing from the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. Download and print of the electronic edition for teaching or research non commercial use is permitted on fair use grounds—one readable copy per machine and one printed copy per page. Each copy should include the notice of copyright. -
The Curious Relationship
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-76729-3 - Why NATO Endures Wallace J. Thies Excerpt More information 1 The Curious Relationship A curious relationship has developed within the Atlantic Alliance, also known as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), since its inception in 1949. NATO is widely regarded as the most successful alliance ever, and statesmen on 1 both sides of the Atlantic have lavished praise upon it. They also complain incessantly about its shortcomings, most of which they blame on their counter- parts across the sea. These complaints have not gone unnoticed by observers in the press and academia, who have been quick to pronounce the Alliance ‘‘in crisis,’’ or even on the brink of collapse. Looking back over the history of the Alliance, there seems to have been scarcely a year when it was not widely said to 2 be in crisis, or at least in disarray. Is it really the case that NATO is perpetually on the brink of collapse? Claims that NATO is in crisis have been frequent in no small part because the idea of a crisis is a useful one for insiders and outsiders alike. For insiders, warning of an actual or impending crisis is the rhetorical equivalent of a shot across the bow – a way of serving notice that trouble is brewing and something should be done about it forthwith. For outsiders, a crisis in the Alliance is the rhetorical equiv- alent of an alarm bell – a way of dramatizing a problem that might otherwise be dismissed as unworthy of space on a prestigious op-ed page or in a scholarly journal. -
The Revisionist Imperative: Rethinking Twentieth Century Wars* I
The 2012 George C. Marshall Lecture in Military History The Revisionist Imperative: Rethinking Twentieth Century Wars* I Andrew J. Bacevich Abstract What students want (and citizens deserve) is an account of the past that illuminates the present. The conventional narrative of the twenti- eth century, exalting World War II as an episode in which Anglo-Amer- ican good triumphs over Nazi evil, is no longer adequate to that pur- pose. Today, the “lessons” that narrative teaches mislead rather than guide. The moment is ripe for revisionism. Historians need to respond to the challenge, replacing the familiar and morally reassuring story of a Short Twentieth Century with a less familiar and morally ambiguous story of a still unfolding Long Twentieth Century. ot long before his untimely death the historian Tony Judt observed that “For many American commentators and policymakers the message of the twenti ethN century is that war works.”1 Judt might have gone even further. Well beyond the circle of experts and insiders, many ordinary Americans even today at least tacitly share that view. * This essay derives from the George C. Marshall Lecture on Military History, delivered on 7 January 2012 at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, Chicago, Il linois. The Marshall Lecture is sponsored by the Society for Military History and the George C. Marshall Foundation. 1.Tony Judt, “What Have We Learned, If Anything?” New York Review of Books, 1 May 2008. Andrew J. Bacevich is professor of history and international relations at Boston University. A graduate of the U.S. Military Academy, he received his Ph.D. -
KGB Boss Says Robert Maxwell Was the Second Kissinger
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 21, Number 32, August 12, 1994 boss says Robert axwe KGB M ll was the second Kissinger by Mark Burdman On the evening of July 28, Germany's ARD television net Margaret Thatcher, who was frantically trying to prevent work broadcast an extraordinary documentary on the life German reunification. and death of the late Robert Maxwell, the British publishing Stanislav Sorokin was one of several top-level former magnate and sleazy wheeler-and-dealer who died under mys Soviet intelligence and political insiders who freely com terious circumstances, his body found floating in the waters mented on Maxwell during the broadcast. For their own rea off Tenerife in the Canary Islands, on Nov. 5, 1991. The sons, these Russians are evidently intent on provoking an show, "Man Overboard," was co-produced by the firm Mit international discussion of, and investigation into, the mys teldeutscher Rundfunk, headquartered in Leipzig in eastern teries of capital flight operations out of the U.S.S.R. in the Germany, and Austria's Oesterreicher Rundfunk. It relied late 1980s-early 1990s. Former Soviet KGB chief Vladimir primarily on interviews with senior officials of the former Kryuchkov, a partner of Maxwell in numerous underhanded Soviet KGB and GRU intelligence services, who helped ventures who went to jail for his role in the failed August build the case that the circumstances of Maxwell's death 1991 putsch against Gorbachov, suggests in the concluding must have been intimately linked to efforts to cover up sensi moments of the broadcast, that f'the English-American [sic] tive Soviet Communist Party capital flightand capital transfer secret services, who are experienced enough, could, if they to the West in the last days of the U.S.S.R.