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2 Two Sixteenth-Century Guidebooks and the Bibliotopography of Rome Victor Plahte Tschudi 2 Two Sixteenth-Century Guidebooks and the Bibliotopography of Rome “How great Rome was, these ruins teach us”–Nam quanta Roma fuit ipsa ruina docet – Francesco Albertini wrote in his guidebook to Rome published in 1510.1 The fact is, however, that the ruins taught Albertini next to nothing. Albertini was a scholar from Florence who needed the help of an expert, the antiquarian Andrea Fulvio, to be able to orientate himself in Rome at all. What the sentence, therefore, teaches us is that Rome in Renaissance guidebooks, above all, is a rhetorical construction – aunitbornfrom books and not from buildings. This essay analyzes two Renaissance guidebooks, namely Francesco Albertini’s Opusculum and Bartolomeo Marliano’s Topographia from 1534, from a novel angle. Both guidebooks have in common a structuring of respective texts that reorganized real, sprawling Rome into a captivating albeit ideal order, which, in turn, formed the perception of travelers, fueled the imagination of patrons, and possibly also spurred city planners into action. Guides made Rome intelligible as a form. The idea of Rome as the “Eternal City”–as a resurrected imperial urbs and the Second Jerusalem – arguably thrived better in conditions that were textual than in the reality of sorry ruins and crooked alleyways. It was in fact printed guides that first formulated the idea of a new Rome, a recast metropolis emancipating from the debris of the legacy of the ancients. The idea of “newness,” however, was borrowed, I argue, from book- making itself – from numeric order, indexed content, and from the repeatability and standardization of mechanized typography.2 Moreover, guidebooks promoted not only a new city but also a new man, one who was no longer lost in reveries about the past but at work calculating the city’s circumference (Albertini) and plotting its heights (Marliano). This essay aims to define the novelty of these two guides by using the concept of bibliotopography, a concept I have invented in order to describe how the book and the city artfully overlap. Arguably, the texts of Albertini and Marliano are both biblioto- pographies, that is to say structured in imitation of ideal city layouts, but as I will demonstrate, they qualify as such in very different ways. 1 The quote appears in the introduction to Book III. Sebastiano Serlio repeats the phrase in the frontispiece to Book III of I sette libri dell’architettura, published in 1540. The ultimate reference for the dictum is probably alluding to Hildebert de Lavardin’s twelfth-century poem Par tibi, Roma, nihil, cum sis prope tota ruina; Quam magni fueris integra fracta doces (Carmina minora 36). 2 On this theme, see for instance Eisenstein (1979/2009) 80–88. Open Access. © 2019 Victor Plahte Tschudi, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110615630-003 90 Victor Plahte Tschudi The Opusculum The Opusculum de mirabilibus novae et veteris urbis Romae roughly translates as “Essay on the marvels of new and ancient Rome” and it came off the press in Rome on February 4, 1510. The author was Francesco Albertini and the publisher Jacopo Mazzocchi. The book was dedicated to Pope Julius II, the Vicar of Christ on earth and the figurehead of the Della Rovere family – a dual role that we shall see determined the content and structuring of the Opusculum.3 Francesco Albertini was a learned man. As he left Florence for Rome around 1505, he also left the post he held as canon of the church of San Lorenzo as well as the thriving artistic and intellectual milieu of late fifteenth-century Florence. Well versed in the visual arts, a student of music and poetry, and probably familiar with the neo- platonic ideas of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and Marsilio Ficino, Albertini was a theoretician on Rome more than an archaeologist.4 On Rome’s ancient monuments, as briefly mentioned, he was helped out by experts in the field such as Andrea Fulvio, whom he thanked in a celebratory verse on the title page (Fig. 2.1). The Opusculum, not surprisingly therefore, presented Rome on a new level of erudition and learning. The references in the book to humanists such as Poggio Bracciolini, Giovanni Tortelli, Flavio Biondo, and Pomponio Leto indicate the amount of scholarship that went into composing the text.5 This was always going to be more than a plain instruction on what to see and how to get there. Here, the author reconsidered the conventions of textual Rome more than he reconsidered Rome itself. The Opusculum is divided into three books, which in turn consist of a number of chapters. The chapters order the description of the various constructions and monu- ments in Rome by types, beginning with the gates, streets, and bridges, then continu- ing with baths, circuses, theatres, palaces, temples, libraries, and so on. A typological listing of Rome’s structures harks back to medieval texts and ultimately to the late antique regionary catalogues. A novel dimension with the Opusculum,however,isthe division of the described city into an old and a new Rome – novae et veteris urbis Romae – where the sites of new Rome, listed in the third book, shadow the sites of the old one. To my knowledge, Albertini’s book introduces this division, manifesting a dualism that was to prevail in the description and depiction of Rome in guidebooks, maps, and vedute all the way up to or own days. But whereas Albertini’s “old Rome” flags monuments that by 1500 already were canonical, “new Rome” caters to a notion of “newness” that was much more precarious, unstable, and, indeed, novel, both as 3 On Albertini and the Opusculum, see Bianca (2011) 59–70; Murray (1972) introduction (unpagi- nated), and Sturgis (2011) 122–33. 4 Bianca (2011) 60. 5 A letter from Cornelio Benigni to Albertini, printed as an introduction to the Opusculum,mentions Tortelli, Biondo, and Leto. Albertini also reveals his reliance on Pomponio Leto elsewhere in the book, for example in the chapter on circuses. Poggio Bracciolini he names in the first chapter of Book I. 2 Two Sixteenth-Century Guidebooks and the Bibliotopography of Rome 91 Fig. 2.1: Frontispiece to Francesco Albertini’s Opusculum de mirabilibus novae & veteris urbis Romae (1510). Reproduced from the original held by the Department of Special Collections of the Hesburgh Libraries of the University of Notre Dame. 92 Victor Plahte Tschudi concept and as urban reality. New Rome is carefully groomed by Albertini to portray a specific and quite rhetorical construct, which, as I argue, can only be fully realized in and as a printed book. But a recognition of Rome’s “newness” inevitably carries with it another novelty, equally interesting, namely the idea of Rome as old. “Vetus” evokes a Rome that is antiquarian in nature – finite, worth preserving, and also irrevocably past. Apastconfinedtoan“antiquity” is the confident sign of an age that considers itself modern. Albertini coolly surveys the debris of a bygone age as opposed to the nostalgia and lament accompanying early humanist descriptions of vanished Rome, such as voiced by Petrarch in the fourteenth century.6 Albertini, unsentimentally, selects and orders an ancient Rome that serves as a prefiguration of the present. The text is an encomium in which ancient Rome’s main purpose is to be surpassed by the present one. Less a chronology than a competition, the Opusculum presents Roma vetus as a distant rival eyed and defeated at every corner – literally – by the new Rome of the Della Rovere. In a historiographical perspective, Albertini represents the transition of the idea of the past that took place in the first decades of the sixteenth century. Antiquity did not blurredly fuse with the present but seemed to emerge in isolation, as a component of history, thus lending itself to systematic ordering like Raphael had intended with the comprehensive survey of Roman antiquities described in the letter of 1519 to Pope Leo X. Arguably, the Opusculum brought a comparable project to comple- tion, although on a smaller scale, a few years earlier, and, interestingly, Andrea Fulvio, the eminent antiquarian, was central in both projects.7 Opusculum came out in four editions during Albertini’s lifetime. After the editio princeps, new editions came out in Rome in 1515, in Basel in 1519, and in Lyon in 1520.8 In terms of bookmaking, these editions shared important features, but they differed too, as publishers, formats, fonts, and the number and types of illustrations were constantly changed. The first edition contains no illustration apart from the engraved gate framing the text on the title page. The gate is a poignant setup. Like the gates in the wall surrounding real Rome, this gate led to the Rome in print.9 A gate welcomes the visitor of course, but it might also be closed; it signals control of both exits and entrances. The clearest warning against trespassing is the phrase “cum privilegio” that bars the engraved portal in Albertini’s frontispiece. As a clause against unlawful imitation, the privilegio, in this case, was a special favor granted by the pope, 6 On Petrarch’s lamentation of ruined Rome in his letter to Giovanni Colonna, see, for example, Galbraith (2000) 17–26. 7 Many were involved in the project described in Raphael’s letter to Pope Leo X, among them Fabio Calvo, Andrea Fulvio, Giuliano da Sangallo, and Baldassare Peruzzi. See Rowland (1994) 81–104. 8 It was then printed in 1523 as part of Jacobo Mazzocchi’s volume De Roma prisca et nova varii auctores prout in sequenti pagella cernere est.
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