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William D. Workman Interview

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William D. Workman Interview William D. Workman Interview Interview number A-0281 in the Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) at The Southern Historical Collection, The Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, UNC-Chapel Hill. Subject: William D. Workman, Jr. Interviewer: Jack Bass February 5, 1974 Topics: Journalist and 1962 Republican candidate for U.S. Senate William D. Workman, Jr. [1914-1990] reflects on the rise of the Republican Party and his attempt to unseat incumbent U.S. Senator Olin Johnston. Workman's statewide campaign is considered by many to have created the organizational skeleton upon which the Party built in later years. Transcriber: Larry Grubbs, Modern Political Collections, The South Caroliniana Library, The University of South Carolina, February 1999 This interview is held by The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. A copy of the tape was provided to the Modern Political Collections Division of the University of South Carolina's South Caroliniana Library for transcription. Unintelligible words and phrases are represented by " " within the transcription. Jack Bass Interview of William Workman, 5 February 1974, p. 2 Bass: Looking back to 1948 in South Carolina, that's really when this whole era really begins, it sort of begins with the Dixiecrat movement, and that's Strom Thurmond, and that goes back to the '48 Democratic convention. What did Strom do at that convention, and then subsequently, and at what point did you think he was really going to run for president? Beyond that, to what extent do you think he had, at least in the back of his mind, setting up a race for the Senate in 1950? Workman: The Truman civil rights message is what triggered the South Carolina reaction. It was first manifested in the General Assembly with speeches from members of the House. I remember some of the Charleston delegation were complaining bitterly about it. Some of them were calling for concerted action throughout the South. Then there was a continuing buildup of resentment against the civil rights message by Truman, plus the beginning of a program in Congress which was to implement this. In 1948, when the political mechanism started developing in South Carolina, quite a number of county conventions, and then leading up to the state convention, took a very critical stand towards Truman, even though they knew that he was logically coming up as the Democratic nominee to succeed himself as president at that time. At that stage of the game, Governor Thurmond, I don't think, had in mind any particular role of leadership other than that of being effective in South Carolina. I was in on all the movements, back and forth, at that time. I recall distinctly when Thurmond was invited to come out to Jackson, Mississippi, prior to the Democratic national convention. I think I've got my sequence of events here right. There was a meeting in Jackson before the Democratic convention, it was a South-wide meeting of irate Democrats. The feeling was there that this ad hoc meeting would be adjourned, and then reconvened after the Democratic convention, to see what was going to happen at that time. At that point, Thurmond was one among a number. Fielding Wright of Mississippi, George Wallace wasn't prominent on the scene then, I think he was a circuit judge at the time. Turner was governor of Oklahoma. I recall when Alfalfa Bill Murray, who was the father of Johnson Murray, got on the stage at Jackson and described Turner, he said that we've got the best governor that money could buy. [Tape stops then restarts] Workman: ...and that's when Hubert Humphrey first hit the national limelight, Andrew B. Miller, both of these being from Minnesota. There was an effort, which succeeded, in having the convention adopt a strong civil rights platform which would in effect ram it down the throats of the South. Which occasioned the Mississippi delegation, in toto, and half of the Alabama delegation, to walk out. It was a considerable sentiment within the South Carolina delegation, led by the late state senator, Bob Kennedy of Camden, for South Carolina to walk out. They didn't walk out. Edgar [Brown] and the others prevailed to stay and fight for the southern position on the floor. The leadership was pretty well fragmented, with Edgar Brown's group, and Strom Thurmond, of course it had to split over the Barnwell Ring [the alleged reigning political faction headed by state senator Edgar Brown and House Speaker Sol Blatt]. Strom was beginning to pick up strength, being governor and being more outspoken in the anti-Truman and anti-civil rights action. After the convention wound up as it did, the States' Rights Democrats, not by that name Jack Bass Interview of William Workman, 5 February 1974, p. 3 at that time, called another convention at Birmingham. The interesting thing is, going into that convention would mean a conflict of a commitment Governor Thurmond had made to go to visit the South Carolina National Guard at Camp Stewart, Georgia. It was determined, as he began planning, that he would go to Birmingham, but only after going to Camp Stewart. Flying there, and then flying out to Birmingham. I was on the plane that made the trip. At the time we were going out, Strom was still working on his speech for the Birmingham meeting, and it was a speech which in no ways indicated any awareness that he was going to come out in a position of leadership, on whatever course the South was going to take. I know that to be a fact from reading, of course, several of the press were on the plane, and read what he was writing. When he got there, he was immediately closeted with Fielding Wright, with the others, this group of strong States' Righters, those who rallied around the ticket. Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana. The upshot was, there was a determination then, that they would put forth a Southern States' Rights Democratic ticket, with Thurmond as the presidential nominee, and Fielding Wright, who was then Governor of Mississippi, as the vice-presidential. These would be the two. There was some speculation as to which would be number one, and which would be number two. As a round about way of answering your question, I think Strom's injection into the nominee, it wasn't actually a nominee, it was a recommendation that they made, that the States Rights Democrats support Strom Thurmond and Fielding Wright, I think this developed as the situation developed, and not as a part of any plan that Strom had prior to that, or even during it. It was a thing that came on. He was then, as now, anxious for national attention, and was responsive to anything which would give him a national platform. I don't know if there was ever any hesitancy on his part about accepting this, I don't know about that, but I'm convinced in my own mind that when he went to the Birmingham meeting, it was not with the idea or any indication that he was going to come out of it as he did. Bass: How about in '54? [Tape stops and then restarts] Bass: This is the '50 Senate race. Workman: This was Strom's last year as Governor. He ran against Olin in the Democratic primary, and it was a horse race right down to the last part of the race. Now at that time, despite the fact that Strom had been the States' Rights candidate in 1948, and that Olin had been a loyalist, Olin was still regarded as a staunch segregationist. It was during his term as governor that they called a special session and divorced the South Carolina Democratic Party from the statutory structure and set it off as an independent party. Olin was right abusive of the black South Carolinians at that time. The race came down to the wire, and Strom, in my judgement, made the mistake of trying to outdo Olin on segregation, and to make a stronger pitch than was necessary. In doing so, I think he alienated a fair number of relatively moderate South Carolinians who were prepared to go with Strom despite the States' Right business, in preference to Olin, because of his somewhat inflammatory actions while he was governor. So that wound up with Olin taking the Democratic primary, which meant re-election in 1950. In 1954, if I anticipate your next , the sequence of events ... Jack Bass Interview of William Workman, 5 February 1974, p. 4 [Tape stops and restarts] Workman: ... but instead, it was perfectly legal to select the replacement for that nominee. They did so by selecting Edgar Brown [to run in the general election for U.S. Senate, to take the place of incumbent Burnett Maybank, who had died suddenly, leaving Democratic Party officials scrambling to determine how best to select a candidate]. Bass: This was after Maybank had died on September first, they had ... Workman: They had until the first Tuesday in November to have a primary. They could have had a primary anywhere in that time. [Tape stops and restarts] Workman: There were candidates who would move into an open primary if Maybank had not been there, back in the June primary at that time. The indignation grew and grew on that thing. Almost all the newspapers were indignant about it. The public was indignant. The net result was that the vote by which Strom went in on a write-in vote in November of '54, reflected popular indignation against a set of circumstances, and against the Democratic Executive Committee, fully as much, if not more, than against Edgar.
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