A Note Concerning the Early Career of Valentinian I

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Note Concerning the Early Career of Valentinian I A NOTE CONCERNING THE EARLY CAREER OF VALENTINIAN I In 357 the future emperor Valentinian I was dismissed from the army by the emperor Constantius II, and returned to his native land in disgrace. Unfortunately, this incident is only recorded by Ammianus Marcellinus1. His brief account omits many details which would otherwise be required for a full understanding of this incident, including the exact position held by Valentinian when he fell from grace2. It is my purpose here to re- examine the evidence as a whole in order to determine what Valentinian’s position most probably was at the time of his dismissal. Let us begin with a brief description of the circumstances surrounding this dismissal. Constantius had planned a twin-pronged attack against the Alamanni to take place during the campaign season of 357. One force commanded by Julian Caesar advanced to Rheims from interior Gaul, while the other force commanded by the magister peditum Bar- batio advanced to Augst from Italy. However, a barbarian host slipped between the two armies and made a surprise attack upon Lyons. Julian despatched three detachments of cavalry to wait in ambush upon three possible return routes. These ambushes were successful. Unfortunately, however, some barbarians did escape by routes which had been left to 1 Amm. XVI 11.1-7. The ecclesiastical historians give confused and contradictory accounts of a dismissal of Valentinian when Julian was the sole emperor. J. MATTHEWS, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court AD 364-425, Oxford 1975, p. 34, wisely advises, «the story told by the ecclesiastical historians of his dismissal and exile for cross- ing Julian on a religious matter can safely be ignored». An unsuccessful attempt is made to reconcile the testimony of the ecclesiastical historians with one another and the evi- dence of Ammianus in PLRE I, p. 933-934. However, a comparison of Sozomen, HE VI 6, and Theodoret, HE III 12, does suggest that Sozomen had some knowledge of the his- torical dismissal of Valentinian in Gaul. It would seem, in fact, that he tried to reconcile two separate traditions, an accurate historical account of Valentinian’s dismissal in Gaul and a second account which described his dismissal on religious grounds and located it at Antioch during the sole reign of Julian. See D. WOODS, Valens, Valentinian I, and the Ioviani Cornuti, in Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History VIII, ed. C. DEROUX, Brussels (forthcoming), where I argue that this second account related rather to the dis- missal by Julian at Antioch of the future emperor Valens during the New Year festival of 363. 2 As P. DE JONGE, Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XVI, Groningen 1972, p. 151-152, cautiously states: «Which rank Valent. had here is not clear from the text. Probably also tribunus with the mounted troops». Most commentators are careful not to commit themselves on this issue. 274 D. WOODS Barbatio to guard. In particular, two tribunes were held responsible for the escape of the raiders, Bainobaudes and the future emperor Valentin- ian. The tribunus scutariorum Cella who was Barbatio’s colleague had forbidden them to guard the road over which they had been informed the raiders would return. In a report to Constantius Barbatio claimed that the tribunes had used the pretext of public business to disturb the soldiers under his command. Thus, they were dishonorably discharged from the army, and returned to their homes. Although we are informed of the rank of Valentinian, tribune, we do not learn the title of the unit to which he belonged, if any. However, the first clue to the identification of his unit is provided by the identity of that which his companion Bainobaudes commanded. He seems to be identifiable with the Bainobaudes who as tribunus scutariorum, that is commander of a schola palatina, was sent by Constantius to Constan- tinople in 354 to keep an eye on Gallus Caesar3. There were certainly two units of scutarii among the scholae palatinae by 363 at latest when Ammianus specifically refers to a schola scutariorum secunda4. How- ever, Ammianus’ references to the visits in close succession by Scudilo 3 Amm. XIV 11.14; PLRE I, p. 145. The best account of the origin and history of the scholae palatinae remains that by D. HOFFMANN, Das spätrömische Bewegungsheer und die Notitia Dignitatum I, Düsseldorf 1969, p. 279-308. The survival of the Notitia Digni- tatum (ND) reveals that seven scholae palatinae served under the command of the east- ern magister officiorum (ND Or. XI 4-10), and five under the command of the western magister officiorum (ND Oc. IX 4- 8), by the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries respectively. An examination of this document suggests that a number of original scholae palatinae had each been divided to produce two homonymous or similarly entitled units where only one had existed previously. This division, however achieved, has usually been identified with the division of the army by the emperors Valentinian and Valens in 364. See, for example, R. TOMLIN, Seniores–Iuniores in the Late Roman Army, AJPh 93 (1972), p. 253-278. A single original schola scutariorum prima gave rise to two homonymous units of the exact same title, one in the East (Or. XI 4), and one in the West (Oc. IX 4), as seems to have been the case also with the schola scutario- rum secunda (Or. XI 5; Oc. IX 5). However, in the case of the original schola gentilium and the schola armaturarum, these units seem to have been divided to form pairs of units dis- tinguished by the titles seniores and iuniores. The existence of the schola scutariorum cliba- nariorum (Or. XI 8) before 364, even though it does not seem to have been divided in the manner of the other scholae, seems proven by CTh. XIV 17.9-10. In brief, it is my con- tention that for the period with which we are here concerned there existed only five scholae palatinae: the schola scutariorum prima, the schola scutariorum secunda, the schola scu- tariorum clibanariorum, the schola armaturarum, and the schola gentilium. 4 During the winter of 362/63 Romanus and Vincentius, the tribunes of the scholae scutariorum prima and secunda respectively, were both exiled by Julian: Amm. XXII 11.2. See R. TOMLIN, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 277, who also argues that there were only two scholae scutariorum until the accession of Valentinian and Valens in 364. A NOTE CONCERNING THE EARLY CAREER OF VALENTINIAN I 275 and Bainobaudes, each as tribunus scutariorum, to Gallus Caesar seem to suggest that the two scholae of scutarii were already in existence by 354 even5. Thus, the identification of Cella as tribunus scutariorum in 357 does not preclude the possibility that Bainobaudes was still tribunus scutariorum also in 357, but of a different schola scutariorum6. In so far as late Roman military units often operated in pairs of similar status, this immediately raises the possibility that Valentinian was tribune of a schola palatina also7. A number of pieces of evidence are supportive of such a hypothesis. Firstly, there is Valentinian’s military background to be taken into consideration. His father, Gratian, had held a number of senior military commands, including that of comes Africae, before his disgrace and the confiscation of his property c. 353 for the support which he was alleged to have shown the usurper Magnentius8. Aged 54 when he died in 375, Valentinian had probably been recruited into the army by about 20 years of age, that is to say c. 3419. Thus, he would have joined the army long before the final disgrace of his father. His acceptance, therefore, as a recruit to the scholae palatinae was highly likely given his background10. His case should be considered similar to that of Martin of Tours, for exam- ple, whose father was able to get him accepted as a recruit to the scholae palatinae because of his own status as a former tribune11. The circumstances of the reinstatement of Valentinian as a military officer also support the suggestion that he had risen through the ranks of 5 Amm. XIV 11.11; 11.14. On Scudilo, PLRE I, p. 810-811. 6 For an attempt to reconstruct the succession of tribunes to the two scholae scutario- rum based on the evidence of Ammianus, see D. WOODS, Ammianus Marcellinus and Some Tribuni Scholarum Palatinarum c. AD 354-364, CQ (forthcoming). 7 R. TOMLIN, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 276, draws attention to the fact that the gentiles and scutarii were regularly associated together by Ammianus. 8 Amm. XXX 7.2-3: PLRE I, p. 400. 9 Socrates, HE IV 31.6; Amm. XXX 6.6. The epigraphic evidence suggests that recruits were normally about 20 years of age when conscripted. See T. DREW-BEAR, A Fourth-Century Latin Soldier’s Epitaph at Nakolea, HSCP 81 (1977), p. 257-274, for example, on the career of Flavius Aemilianus, an almost exact contemporary of Valentin- ian, who had served 27 years by the time of his death at the age of 47 in 356. See also nos. 1, 8, 12, and 32, in the collection of late fourth-century inscriptions published by D. HOFFMANN, Die spätrömischen Soldatengrabschriften von Concordia, MH 20 (1963), p. 22-57, which also reveal that conscription took place at 20 years of age. 10 See R.I. FRANK, Scholae Palatinae: The Palace Guard of the Later Roman Empire, Rome 1969, p. 72-76, on the privileged treatment of veteran’s sons, particularly the sons of former officers. 11 The comparison is often made, as by J.
Recommended publications
  • Roman-Barbarian Marriages in the Late Empire R.C
    ROMAN-BARBARIAN MARRIAGES IN THE LATE EMPIRE R.C. Blockley In 1964 Rosario Soraci published a study of conubia between Romans and Germans from the fourth to the sixth century A.D.1 Although the title of the work might suggest that its concern was to be with such marriages through- out the period, in fact its aim was much more restricted. Beginning with a law issued by Valentinian I in 370 or 373 to the magister equitum Theodosius (C.Th. 3.14.1), which banned on pain of death all marriages between Roman pro- vincials and barbarae or gentiles, Soraci, after assessing the context and intent of the law, proceeded to discuss its influence upon the practices of the Germanic kingdoms which succeeded the Roman Empire in the West. The text of the law reads: Nulli provineialium, cuiuscumque ordinis aut loci fuerit, cum bar- bara sit uxore coniugium, nec ulli gentilium provinciales femina copuletur. Quod si quae inter provinciales atque gentiles adfinitates ex huiusmodi nuptiis extiterit, quod in his suspectum vel noxium detegitur, capitaliter expietur. This was regarded by Soraci not as a general banning law but rather as a lim- ited attempt, in the context of current hostilities with the Alamanni, to keep those barbarians serving the Empire (gentiles)isolated from the general Roman 2 populace. The German lawmakers, however, exemplified by Alaric in his 63 64 interpretatio,3 took it as a general banning law and applied it in this spir- it, so that it became the basis for the prohibition under the Germanic king- doms of intermarriage between Romans and Germans.
    [Show full text]
  • Rome Vs Rome Ing Late Romans Come from the Cover of the Roman Empire in the Middle of the Fourth
    THE BATTLE OF MURSA MAJOR THEME Left-handed warriors? Yes, the image has been mirrored. These charg- Rome vs Rome ing Late Romans come from the cover of The Roman Empire in the middle of the fourth Ancient Warfare VI-5. V century found itself in crisis. It had been split by Constantine the Great between his three surviving sons, Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans. However, soon the brothers were at each other’s throats vying for power. By David Davies onstantine II was defeated by the forces of Constans in AD 340, leav- ingC him in control of the western half of the Roman Empire. Howev- er in AD 350, he in turn was usurped by one of his own generals, Mag- nentius, who took the title Emperor of the West- ern Empire. Constans fled but was ambushed and killed by a troop of light cavalry while his party at- tempted to cross the Pyrenees. Magnentius quickly wooed support from the provinces in Britannia, Gaul, and Hispania with his lax approach to pagan- ism. Other provinces remained hesitant and many remained loyal to the Constan- tinian dynasty. The new Western Roman Emperor tried to exert his control directly by appointing his own men to command provinces and legions, ex- ecuting commanders loyal to the old regime, and by moving his forces into poten- tial rebel territories. When Nepotianus (a nephew of Constantine the Great) stormed Rome with a band of gladiators and pro- claimed himself em- peror, the revolt was swiftly dealt with. It became clear to 1 Wargames, soldiers & strategy 95 Cataphracts from the Eastern and Western Roman Empires square off.
    [Show full text]
  • Exiling Bishops: the Policy of Constantius II
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Classical Studies Faculty Publications Classical Studies 2014 Exiling Bishops: The olicP y of Constantius II Walter Stevenson University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/classicalstudies-faculty- publications Part of the History of Christianity Commons Recommended Citation Stevenson, Walt. "Exiling Bishops: The oP licy of Canstantius II." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 68 (2014): 7-27. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Exiling Bishops: The Policy of Constantius II Walt Stevenson onstantius II was forced by circumstances to all instances in which Constantius II exiled bishops Cmake innovations in the policy that his father and focus on a sympathetic reading of his strategy.2 Constantine had followed in exiling bishops. While Though the sources for this period are muddled and ancient tradition has made the father into a sagacious require extensive sorting, a panoramic view of exile saint and the son into a fanatical demon, recent schol- incidents reveals a pattern in which Constantius moved arship has tended to stress continuity between the two past his father’s precedents to mold a new, intelligent regimes.1 This article will attempt to gather
    [Show full text]
  • Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
    Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgios Kalafikis Ammianus Marcellinus on the Military Strategy
    Georgios Kalafikis Ammianus Marcellinus on the Military Strategy of the emperor Valentinian I (364-375 AD): General Principles and Implementation* The purpose of this article is to focus on aspects of Late Roman strategy during the 4th century AD and more particularly in the reign of the emperor Flavius Valentinianus (364-375 AD). In attempting this, modern science will afford the theoretical background, since the pro- cessing and the consequent interpretation of the relevant evidence are based on the science of strategic studies. Only a balanced blending of Late Antiquity sources and contemporary science can lead us to correct conclusions in the best possible or feasible way; the first provide us with the “raw material”, while the latter offers to us a “key to understanding”. The strategy performed by Roman emperors of the 3rd and the 4th centu- ries AD is an enticing question, which I have already dealt in detail while preparing my doctoral thesis on the organization of the Late Ro- man Army1. This paper relies on additional evidence gathered about the strategy of the 4th century AD. I aspire to publish in due time all the rel- * This article partially rests on a paper presented in Greek at the 34th Pan-Hellenic History Conference held at Thessaloniki (May 31 – June 2, 2013) under the title “Στρα- τηγικός σχεδιασμός των αυτοκρατόρων Βαλεντινιανού Α΄ και Βάλη (364-378 μ.Χ.): σχετικές μαρτυρίες των πηγών [Strategic Planning of the Emperors Valentinian I and Valens (364-378 AD): Evidence on relevant Sources]”. I wish to express my gratitude to both Mrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Ammianus' Res Gestae XXVI
    FACULTEIT LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE ACADEMIEJAAR 2010-2011 Ammianus’ Res Gestae XXVI Een hedendaagse vertaling Verhandeling voorgelegd aan de Faculteit Letteren en Wijsbegeerte voor het verkrijgen van de graad van Master in de taal- en letterkunde: Latijn en Nederlands door Jan Raeman Stamnummer: 0074802 Promotor: Prof. Dr. W.M. Verbaal i WOORD VOORAF Vooraleer ik het in deze masterscriptie uitvoerig zal hebben over de strijd die Valens en Valentinianus voeren tegen barbaren en opstandelingen, wil ik nu enkele woorden wijden aan de strijd die ikzelf als vertaler aanging met Ammianus’ gecompliceerde proza. Hoewel Ammianus het mij hoegenaamd niet gemakkelijk maakte, kruiste ik desondanks met plezier de degens. Ik werd immers bijgestaan door vele trouwe bondgenoten. In eerste instantie wil ik professor Verbaal bedanken die me aanstak met het vertaalvirus. Met zijn heldere kijk en vruchtbare suggesties slaagde hij erin mijn vertaling naar een hoger niveau te tillen. Daarnaast bracht hij me een kritische omgang met secundaire literatuur bij. Voorts gaat mijn dank uit naar professor Hans Teitler. Dankzij zijn expertise op het gebied van Ammianus wist hij duistere passages in de tekst op te helderen. Ten slotte dank ik de vele vrienden en het thuisfront, die allen bereid waren een gedeelte van mijn vertaling te aanhoren en te becommentariëren. In het bijzonder vermeld ik mijn ouders en Anke. In periodes van twijfel wisten zij me steeds aan te moedigen om de strijd met Ammianus verder te zetten. Jan Raeman 28 mei 2011 ii INHOUDSOPGAVE Woord vooraf………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...i 1. Inleiding……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..1 2. Ammianus’ Res Gestae……………………………………………………………………………………… 2 2.1. Leven en werk ................................................................................................................ 2 2.2.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded on 2017-02-12T09:44:40Z
    Title The Saracen defenders of Constantinople in 378 Author(s) Woods, David Publication date 1997-09 Original citation Woods, D. (1997) 'The Saracen Defenders of Constantinople in 378'. Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 37 (3):359-379. Type of publication Article (peer-reviewed) Link to publisher's http://grbs.library.duke.edu/ version Access to the full text of the published version may require a subscription. Rights © 1997, David Woods http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ Item downloaded http://hdl.handle.net/10468/837 from Downloaded on 2017-02-12T09:44:40Z . GREEK~ ROMAN., AND~ BYZANTINE~ MONOGRAPHS GREEK~ROMAN~AND 1. GEOR.GE L. HUXLEY, Antbemilu of TraUes: a StHdy in LAter Greek Geometry. 1959. $4.00 BYZANTINE~ STUDIES 2. EMnsoN BucHANAN, Aristotk•s Theory of Being. 1962. $4.00 3. jACK L. BENSON, Ancient Leros. 1963. $4.00 4. WILLIAM M. CALDEk lll, The Inscription from Temple G at Selinut. 1963. Out of print . 5. MEilVIN R. DILTS, ed., Heraclidis Lembi Excerpta PolitiaTNm. 1971. $4.00 ' 6. Ealc G. TullNEP., The Papyrologist at Work. 1973. $4.00 . Volume 37 Fall1996 Number 3 7. RoGER. S. BAGNALL, The Floridtz Ostraka: Documents from the Roman Army in Upper Egypt. 1976. $8.00 8. GllAHAM SPEAitE, A Collation of the MatJMscripts of Sophocles' Oedipus Coloneus. 1978. $4.00 9. K£v!N K. CAJ.aoLL, The Parthenon Inscription. 1982. $5.00 10. Sa~dies Presented to Sterling Dow. 1984. $16.50 11. MICHAEL H.}AMESON, DAVID R.JollDAN,ANDROY D. KoTANSKY, A Lex Sacrafrom Selinous. 1993. $25.00 Also available: KEITH STANLEY, A Gener4tion of .A.ntiq.Ws: Tbe Dule1 Classical Collection 1904-1994: 1994.
    [Show full text]
  • Żołnierze Scholae Palatinae – „Nowi Pretorianie” Późnego Cesarstwa**
    VOX PATRUM 36 (2016) t. 66 Ireneusz ŁUĆ* ŻOŁNIERZE SCHOLAE PALATINAE – „NOWI PRETORIANIE” PÓŹNEGO CESARSTWA** Powstanie oddziałów scholae palatinae1, jako nowej formacji straży przy- bocznej cesarzy rzymskich, łączy się z okresem tetrarchii i z faktem definityw- nego rozwiązania kohort pretoriańskich (cohortes praetoriae) w Rzymie. Taką decyzję po bitwie przy Moście Mulwijskim (28 X 312) podjął Konstantyn I, zwany Wielkim2, wykorzystując fakt, że pretorianie i jeźdźcy należący do jednostki equites singulares Augusti, walczyli przeciwko jego armii po stronie Maksencjusza3. Gwardziści z obu tych formacji zostali najpierw rozbrojeni, a następnie zmuszeni do opuszczenia Rzymu. Zniszczeniu uległy baraki ulo- kowane na terenie koszar pretoriańskich (castra praetoria). Wyburzony został, co podkreśla Michael Speidel, kompleks „Nowego Obozu” equites singulares Augusti. Zniszczono też cmentarz żołnierzy tej jednostki przy Via Labicana4. * Dr hab. Ireneusz Łuć – adiunkt w Zakładzie Historii Starożytnej w Instytucie Historii na Wydziale Humanistycznym Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie; e-mail: ireneusz. [email protected]. ** Zarys niniejszego tekstu został zaprezentowany na posiedzeniu Komisji Bizantynologicznej PTH, które odbyło się w dnia 28 listopada 2015 r. w Collegium Joannis Pauli II Katolickiego Uni- wersytetu Lubelskiego Jana Pawła II. 1 Por. O. Seeck, Scholae Palatinae, RE II A.1 621-624; R.I. Frank, Scholae Palatinae. The Pa- lace Guards of the Later Roman Empire, Ann Arbor (Mi.) 1965, passim; K. Narloch, Jazda rzymska od połowy III wieku po podział cesarstwa, Oświęcim 2014, 70, 75 i 77-80. 2 Gaius Flavius Valerius Constantinus, por. PLRE I 223-224; E. Konik, Cesarz Konstantyn I, zwany Wielkim, „Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis” 1523, „Classica Wratislaviensia” 17 (1993) 133-134.
    [Show full text]
  • Calendar of Roman Events
    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
    [Show full text]
  • HISTORY of the DECLINE and FALL of the ROMAN EMPIRE Edward Gibbon
    HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE Edward Gibbon Vol. 2 Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part I. The Conduct Of The Roman Government Towards The Christians, From The Reign Of Nero To That Of Constantine. If we seriously consider the purity of the Christian religion, the sanctity of its moral precepts, and the innocent as well as austere lives of the greater number of those who during the first ages embraced the faith of the gospel, we should naturally suppose, that so benevolent a doctrine would have been received with due reverence, even by the unbelieving world; that the learned and the polite, however they may deride the miracles, would have esteemed the virtues, of the new sect; and that the magistrates, instead of persecuting, would have protected an order of men who yielded the most passive obedience to the laws, though they declined the active cares of war and government. If, on the other hand, we recollect the universal toleration of Polytheism, as it was invariably maintained by the faith of the people, the incredulity of philosophers, and the policy of the Roman senate and emperors, we are at a loss to discover what new offence the Christians had committed, what new provocation could exasperate the mild indifference of antiquity, and what new motives could urge the Roman princes, who beheld without concern a thousand forms of religion subsisting in peace under their gentle sway, to inflict a severe punishment on any part of their subjects, who had chosen for themselves a singular but an inoffensive mode of faith and worship.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ruin of the Roman Empire
    7888888888889 u o u o u o u THE o u Ruin o u OF THE o u Roman o u o u EMPIRE o u o u o u o u jamesj . o’donnell o u o u o u o u o u o u o hjjjjjjjjjjjk This is Ann’s book contents Preface iv Overture 1 part i s theoderic’s world 1. Rome in 500: Looking Backward 47 2. The World That Might Have Been 107 part ii s justinian’s world 3. Being Justinian 177 4. Opportunities Lost 229 5. Wars Worse Than Civil 247 part iii s gregory’s world 6. Learning to Live Again 303 7. Constantinople Deflated: The Debris of Empire 342 8. The Last Consul 364 Epilogue 385 List of Roman Emperors 395 Notes 397 Further Reading 409 Credits and Permissions 411 Index 413 About the Author Other Books by James J. O’ Donnell Credits Cover Copyright About the Publisher preface An American soldier posted in Anbar province during the twilight war over the remains of Saddam’s Mesopotamian kingdom might have been surprised to learn he was defending the westernmost frontiers of the an- cient Persian empire against raiders, smugglers, and worse coming from the eastern reaches of the ancient Roman empire. This painful recycling of history should make him—and us—want to know what unhealable wound, what recurrent pathology, what cause too deep for journalists and politicians to discern draws men and women to their deaths again and again in such a place. The history of Rome, as has often been true in the past, has much to teach us.
    [Show full text]
  • Ammianus and Constantius: the Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 12-2009 Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae Sean Robert Williams University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Williams, Sean Robert, "Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2009. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/572 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Sean Robert Williams entitled "Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History. Michael Kulikowski, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Maura Lafferty, Christine Shepardson Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Sean Robert Williams entitled “Ammianus and Constantius: The Portrayal of a Tyrant in the Res Gestae .” I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in History.
    [Show full text]