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Sikh Ethnonationalism and the Political Economy of the Punjab BY Sikh Ethnonationalism and the Political Economy of the Punjab BY Shinder Purewal A thesis submitted to the Department of the Political Studies in conformity with the requiremeots for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada February 1998 copYright@shinder Purewal, 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 .Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada Your fi& Votre réldmce Our fi& Notre référence The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/iilm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. A bstract The political economy approach to the study of the violent outbursts of Sikh ethnonationalism in the 1980s shows that these were a product of the struggle for domination between the Sikh capitalist farmers, who sought to establish their complete hegemony over the home market of the Punjab, and the largely 'Hindu' industrial bourgeoisie of India. Various studies of ethnonationalism seek to explore the realm of identities and culture without taking into account the matenal context in which identities take shape and the culture is influenced. As a result, these studies have failed to explain why certain aspects of identity become hegemonic at a particular historic moment. The political economy approach, on the other hand, studies the phenornenon of identity formation and ethnonationalism in its material context by explaining what constitutes power and what gives rise to conflict in society. It seeks to understand the connection between economics and politics, and explain how the relationship between the two works. The transition to capitalism in Punjab agriculture, the dominant sphere of economic activity of the state, has concentrated the land and other assets in the hands of a srna11 but powerful ciass of capitalist famers (the Kulaks). In theu struggle with the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie for domination, Sikh Kulaks have invoked the ideology of Sikhism to build a common bond with the marginal and landless Sikh peasantry. In the narne of Sikhism, the Kulaks seek to strengthen their domination over the home market of the Punjab by either demanding the transfer of al1 jurÎsdîctions except communikations, currency, defense, and foreign &airs to the provinces, or by asserting complete independence fiom India. The militant brigades of the Kulaks, which had their ongin in the political economy of predatory capitalism, fought pitched battles with the central govemment, which defended the interests of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The massive use ofstate's coercive apparatus, dong with the (0 inability of the Kulaks to make any headway to broaden their front arnong the Sikhs of al1 classes, eliminated the force of the Kulak brigades in the early 1990s. Thus, the violent outburst of Sikh ethnonationalism came to a violent end. Chapten One and Two are introductory in nature and explain the problematic, define the approach, and review the literature. Chapter Three gives a political economy perspective on how the question of the outside boundaries of Sikhism has been closely linked with the interests of different power blocs that came to dorninate Sikhism at different times in history. Chapter Four sketches the transition to capitalism in Punjab agriculture by focusing on the political economy of the green revolution. Chapter Five focuses on the ideology, organization and the strategy of the Kulaks to maintain their hegemony in the state. Chapter SU( deals with the struggles of the Kulaks and the industrial bourgeoisie in the domain of center-state relations. Chapter Seven focuses on the political economy of the Kulaks Ied religious agitation of the Sikhs. Chapter Eight outlines the Kulak struggle for separation and the industrial bourgeoisie's stem response. Chapter Nine is a summary and conclusion. Ac knowledgment This study would not have been possible without the help of many people, and the author would like to express his thanks to those who gave him special assistance. First and foremost, I am thankful to Professor Jayant Lele for his guidance through al1 stages of the study. The careful readings of the rough drafis and thought provoking cornments of Professor Lele added immeasurably to the project's scope and insight. 1 am also thankful to Professors Abigail Bakan and Bruce Berman for their helpful comments dunng the thesis proposal defense. The study would not have been possible without the field research trip to the Punjab from September 1996 to December 1996. During my trip, I came in contact with a large number of academics, bureaucrats, joumalists, politicians, and, of course, ordinary folks from al1 walks of life. The space is too limited to thank al1 of them by mentioning their names, but those who gave special assistance deserve to be mentioned. I am thankful to Professor Harish Puri of the Guru Nanak Dev University whose advice and guidance before and dunng the field trip speeded the work considerably. 1 am also thankful to Shri Rashpal Malhotra, director, Center for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (O),Chandigarh, for providing beautiful accommodation in the state's capital and the research facilities of the institute. My fkiend, Harbhajan Halwarvi, editor, Punjabi Tribune, Chandigarh, is not only a walking encyclopedia of information but also an important source for establishing contacts in the Punjab. Despite his busy schedule, he met with me on severd occasions to share his views on the Punjab problem. The study would have been impossible without the help of many family memben. My mother, Darshan Kaur Purewal, and sister, Nannder Kaur Basra, have been constant sources of encouragement throughout most of my ad& Life spent in the Canadian universities. Just like any other trip to India, the recent field trip to the Punjab sailed smoothly with the helping hand of my elder brother, Major MD. Singh. My father-in- law, Colonel Raghbir Singh, Commandant, Border Security Force (BSF)gave me an insider's perspective on the border smuggiing operations in the Punjab. Of course, the study would not have been possible without the love and support of his daughter, my wife Jeetender. Finally, my two beautiful daughters, Tavleen and Avneet, both bom in Kingston during rny doctoral program, reminded me with their laughters and cries that life involved more than work on a thesis. Glossary Ad1 Granth: The Sikh holy book compiled by the fifih Guru, A jun Dev, in 1603-04. Akali Da(: Literally the party of the immortals; the main political party of Sikh Kulaks in the Punjab. Akal Takhal: The seat of temporal authority inside the Golden Temple, Amritsar. Amritcihari: A baptized Sikh. Ar&: A Sikh prayer. Ava Sam$ A Hindu refom movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Bubu: A term of respect for 'holy' men. Buhujan Surnuj Pariy: Majority Community party; the national political party of the 'lower castes', especially the untouchables. Bughti: Literally devotion, the enlightenment movement of the middle ages. Baisakhi: A north Indian harvest festival in Apnl. Bani: Compositions of the Gurus and other saints. Bhai: Literally brother, a title of respect. Bhartaya Janafa Party: The Indian Peoples' party; the main Hindu political organization. Chuhra: A mernber of the 'low caste' of sweepers; also referred to as Mazhbi. Dharm: Religion. DharmsaIa: A Sikh temple; previous to this centuq the Sikh temples were called dharmsalas. Gumr: The teacher- Gurdwara: Literally Guru's abode; reference is to the Sikh temples. Cumat: The teachings of the Gurus. Halal: Muslim way of killing animals. Hurijan: Member of the 'untouchable' caste. Janata Party: People's party; a national party dominated by the agrarian landed classes. Jathedar: Leader of a Sikh formation known as Jatha. Jatt: Member of the landowning caste of the Punjab. Kachha: Breeches; one of the five Ks in the KhaZsu dress code. Kunga: Comb (part of five Ks). Kara: Bangles (part of five Ks). Kesh: Uncut hair (part of five Ks). Keslldhori: A Sikh who keeps unshorn hair. Khafistun: Literally the land of the pure; the proposed Sikh state. Khalsa: The baptized Sikh who observes the dress code of five Ks. Khutri: A member of the trading caste. Al1 Sikh Gurus belonged to this caste. Kirpan: Sword (part of five Ks). Kuku Lehar: A nineteenth century Sikh revolt against the British under the leadership of Baba Ram Singh. Langar: A custom of community kitchen. Lohar: A member of the ironsrnith caste. Masand: The appointees of the Guru who headed local Sikh congregations. Mazhbi: A member of the 'low caste' of sweepers, also referred to as Chuhra. Miri-Piri: The religious and temporal spheres. Mid: A Sikh ditary formation under the command of a Sardar. Nanak Punth: The community of Nanak's followers. Nirankari: A Sikh heterodox sect; particularly popular arnong the subaltem classes. Puntlz: Cornmunity. Radhaswarnies: A Sikh-Hindu heterodox sect. Rahitnama: A code of conduct. Raj Karega Khalsa: The Khalsa shall rule. Rashtrqu Swayamsevak Sangh: National Volunteer Organization; a Hindu organization. Sahajdhari: A non-Khalsa Sikh who does not observe the dress code; ofien Hindu followers of the Sikh Gurus are referred to as Sahajdhari Sikhs.
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