Sanctions Against Iraq and Human Rights: a Devastating, Misguided, Intolerable Method
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Save the Arms Embargo Peter Wallensteen 100 Hesburgh Center P.O
policy brief No. 14, January 2008 Save the Arms Embargo Peter Wallensteen 100 Hesburgh Center P.O. Box 639 One of the first measures contemplated by the United Nations when confronting a new University of Notre Dame security crisis is to institute an arms embargo. Since the end of the Cold War – which Notre Dame, IN 46556-0639 liberated international action from the constraints of major power confrontation – there have been 27 such embargoes. In addition to these UN embargoes, there are also Phone: (574) 631-6970 unilateral measures: The United States imposes its own arms sanctions on some Fax: (574) 631-6973 countries (including Cuba), as does the European Union, sometimes directed at the E-mail: [email protected] same targets, notably Burma/Myanmar and Zimbabwe. Are they used at the right Web: http://kroc.nd.edu moment, and do they have the effects the UN would want? The list of failures is, indeed, long. The most striking is the arms embargo on Somalia, which has been in place since 1992 without any settlement in sight. Is it time to forget about this meas- ure? Or is it time to save the embargo? If it is time to save the embargo, as this brief contends, what lessons can be drawn about the optimal use of embargoes, and under what conditions can they work? Gerard F. Powers The appeal of the arms embargo to the sender is obvious: It means that “we, the Director of Policy Studies initiators,” are not supplying means of warfare and repression to regimes we think should not have them. -
Security Council Press Statement on the Central African Republic
Code: SC/PR 1/1 Committee: Security Council Topic: The crisis in the Central African Republic Security Council Press Statement on the Central African Republic The members of the Security Council support the results of the presidential elections of 27th December 2020 in the Central African Republic and the officially elected president. They express their concern over the deteriorating military and political situation and the threat of government overthrow. Further, they confirm the importance of restoring state power throughout the entire territory of the country. The members of the Security Council express their deepest concern about the new outbreak of the Ebola disease in the Central African Republic. They urge the international community to provide vaccines and medical equipment to the people of CAR to combat the disease. The Security Council strongly opposes the violence and crimes committed by certain rebellious groups with the support of former President François Bozizé trying to undermine the electoral process, and condemns the violations of the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation, signed by the Government of the Central African Republic and armed groups in Bangui on 6th February 2019. The Security Council urges all signatory parties to fully honour their commitments and join the path of dialogue and peace. The Security Council recalls that individuals or entities who are threatening the stabilization of the country may be targeted under a Security Council sanctions regime. Violence fueled by disinformation campaigns is also strongly condemned. The Security Council stresses the urgent need to end impunity in the CAR and to let justice prevail over perpetrators of violations of international humanitarian law and of violations and abuses of human rights. -
Arms Embargoes Chapter
Sanctions Sans Commitment: An Assessment of UN Arms Embargoes By David Cortright, George A. Lopez, with Linda Gerber An impeccable logic makes arms embargoes a potentially powerful instrument in the array of United Nations (UN) peace- and security-building mechanisms. By denying aggressors and human rights abusers the implements of war and repression, arms embargoes contribute directly to preventing and reducing the level of armed conflict.1 There could hardly be a more appropriate tool for international peacemaking. Moreover, in constricting only selected weapons and military-related goods and services, and in denying these to ruling elites, their armies, and other violent combatants, arms embargoes constitute the quintessential example of a smart sanction. Not only do arms embargoes avoid doing harm to vulnerable and innocent civilian populations; the better the embargoes’ enforcement, the more innocent lives are likely to be saved. This powerful logic may explain why arms embargoes are the most frequently employed form of economic sanction. Since 1990, the UN Security Council has imposed mandatory arms embargoes in twelve of its fourteen sanctions cases. See the table “Selected Cases of Arms Embargoes, 1990-2001” for a complete listing of Security Council arms embargoes in the past decade. Only in the cases of Cambodia and Sudan did the Security Council choose not to apply a restriction on arms imports. In most cases arms embargoes were part of a broader package of sanctions measures. In some cases (Angola, Rwanda since 1995, and Sierra Leone since 1998) arms embargoes have been targeted against rebel movements fighting against an established government. In all other cases arms embargoes were applied against governments deemed to be violating human rights and posing a threat to international peace. -
The United States Arms Embargo Against South Africa: an Analysis of the Laws, Regulations, and Loopholes
Comment The United States Arms Embargo Against South Africa: An Analysis of the Laws, Regulations, and Loopholes Raymond Paretzkyt Introduction With reports of violence and unrest in the Republic of South Africa a daily feature in American newspapers, public attention in the United States has increasingly focused on a variety of American efforts to bring an end to apartheid.. Little discussed in the ongoing debate over imposi- tion of new measures is the sanction that the United States has main- tained for the past twenty-three years: the South African arms embargo. How effective has this sanction been in denying South Africa access to items with military utility? Are there ways to strengthen the arms em- bargo so that it achieves greater success? An evaluation of the embargo is complicated by the fact that there is no one place in which the laws implementing it can be found. Rather, the relevant regulations have been incorporated into the existing, com- plex scheme of U.S. trade law. This article offers a complete account of the laws and regulations implementing the embargo, analyzes the defects in the regulatory scheme, and recommends ways to strengthen the em- bargo. The first part outlines the background of the imposition of the embargo, while the next three parts examine the regulations that govern American exports to South Africa and explore the loopholes in these reg- ulations that hinder their effectiveness. Part II discusses items on the t J.D. Candidate, Yale University. 1. Congress recently imposed various sanctions on South Africa. See Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, Pub. -
Socio-Economic and Political Consequences of Economic Sanctions for Target and Third-Party Countries
Socio-Economic and Political Consequences of Economic Sanctions for Target and Third-Party Countries Dursun Peksen, Ph.D. Assistant Professor University of Memphis Possible Effects of Economic Sanctions on Human Rights, Democratic Freedoms, and Press Freedom in Target Countries Economic sanctions fail between 65-95% of the time in achieving their intended goals. Evidence suggests sanctions are also counterproductive in advancing human rights, democracy, and press freedom. Why? 1. Imposed sanctions often fail to impair the capacity of the government in part because the target elites might respond to foreign pressure by: * changing their public spending priorities by shifting public resources to military equipment and personnel to enhance their coercive capacity * redirecting the scarce resources and services to its supporters such as those in police, military, and civil services to maintain their loyalty and support; and * actively involving themselves in sanction busting activities through illegal smuggling and other underground transnational economic channels. Thus, trade and financial restrictions imposed on the target government are unlikely to exact significant damage on the coercive capacity of the government to induce behavioral change from the targeted elites. 2. When an external actor demands political reforms from another regime, the targeted leadership usually perceives the foreign pressure as a threat to sovereignty and particularly to regime survival. To mitigate any possible domestic “audience costs” caused by conceding to the sanctions, the regime has an incentive to put greater pressure on opposition groups to show its determination against any external pressure for reform and policy change. Socio-economic and Political Effects of Sanctions on the Vulnerable Segments (Women, Children, and Minorities) of Target Populations Sanctions, conditional on the severity of the coercion, might cause significant civilian pain by worsening public health conditions, economic well-being, and physical security of the populace in target countries. -
Verifying European Union Arms Embargoes
Verification Research, Training and Information Centre Verifying European Union arms embargoes Paper submitted to the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) for the European Commission project on ‘European Action on Small Arms, Light Weapons and Explosive Remnants of War’ Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views or opinion of the United Nations, UNIDIR, its members or sponsors. 18 April 2005 1 Verifying European Union arms embargoes Introduction 1. Analysis of the current situation 1.1 What is the role of monitoring and verification in making arms embargoes effective? 1.2 EU arms embargoes and UN arms embargoes 1.3 The link between EU arms embargoes and UN arms embargoes 1.4 How EU member states currently implement EU and UN arms embargoes 1.5 Monitoring and enforcing EU and UN embargoes 2. Recommendations 2.1 Drafting EU arms embargoes 2.2 Monitoring and enforcement 2.3 Additional recommendations Annex 1: Table of current EU and UN arms embargoes Introduction1 There are many reasons why sanctions—coercive measures undertaken by a group of nations in an effort to influence another nation into following international law or submitting to a judgment—may be adopted against a state. One of the most common is to improve the human rights situation in the sanctioned state by targeting the perpetrators of human rights abuses, who may be individuals, non-state actors, government elites or the military. They are also used to change the behaviour of a state which is undermining democracy or the rule of law, or which has threatened the security of a particular region. -
The U.S. Arms Embargo of 1975–78 and Its Effects on The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2014-09 þÿThe U.S. arms embargo of 1975ÿ–1978 and its effects on the development of the Turkish defense industry Durmaz, Mahmut Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43905 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE U.S. ARMS EMBARGO OF 1975–1978 AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TURKISH DEFENSE INDUSTRY by Mahmut Durmaz September 2014 Thesis Advisor: Robert E. Looney Second Reader: Victoria Clement Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2014 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS THE U.S. ARMS EMBARGO OF 1975–1978 AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TURKISH DEFENSE INDUSTRY 6. -
Applying Conventional Arms Control in the Context of United Nations Arms Embargoes
Applying conventional arms control in the context of United Nations arms embargoes Acknowledgements Support from UNIDIR core funders provides the foundation for all of the Institute’s activities. This project is supported by the Governments of Germany and Switzerland. This report was made possible through the facilitation and cooperation of former and current members of the Security Council. UNIDIR would like to express its appreciation to the United Nations partners, namely the United Nations Department of Political Affairs, United Nations Mine Action Service and the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs, which all contributed to this study. Additionally, UNIDIR would like to thank former and current members of the Panel of Experts for their valuable inputs and feedback on this report. This report would not have been possible without the support and close cooperation of all partners mentioned above. Savannah de Tessières drafted this report, with support from Himayu Shiotani, Jonah Leff, Franziska Seethaler and Sebastian Wilkin. Himayu Shiotani edited this report, with support from Sebastian Wilkin and John Borrie. At UNIDIR, Himayu Shiotani managed this project. About UNIDIR The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR)—an autonomous institute within the United Nations—conducts research on disarmament and security. UNIDIR is based in Geneva, Switzerland, the centre for bilateral and multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation negotiations, and home of the Conference on Disarmament. The Institute explores current issues pertaining to a variety of existing and future armaments, as well as global diplomacy and local tensions and conflicts. Working with researchers, diplomats, government officials, NGOs and other institutions since 1980, UNIDIR acts as a bridge between the research community and Governments. -
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Service for Foreign Policy Instruments
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Service for Foreign Policy Instruments This list is subject to the legal notice at http://ec.europa.eu/geninfo/legal_notices_en.htm European Union Restrictive measures (sanctions) in force (Regulations based on Article 215 TFEU and Decisions adopted in the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy) This list has been updated on 7.7.2016 Related links: (previous update: 20.4.2016) Sanctions Overview Financial sanctions: Electronic consolidated list EU restrictive measures in force (updated 7.7.2016) 1/114 EUROPEAN COMMISSION Service for Foreign Policy Instruments This list is subject to the legal notice at http://ec.europa.eu/geninfo/legal_notices_en.htm Introduction Article 215 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) provides a legal basis for the interruption or reduction, in part or completely, of the Union’s economic and financial relations with one or more third countries, where such restrictive measures are necessary to achieve the objectives of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This list presents the European Union's restrictive measures in force on the date mentioned on the cover page. It comprises: the legislative measures based on Article 215 TFEU and those based on the relevant provisions of the Treaty establishing the European Community (in the years prior to 1 December 2009: Articles 60 and 301) and the relevant CFSP Decisions and (prior to 1 December 2009) Common Positions, including those which merely provide for measures for which no specific Regulation was made, such as restrictions on admission. In Union law Regulations are directly applicable in all EU Member States. -
The Political Economy of Economic Sanctions*
Chapter 27 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ECONOMIC SANCTIONS* WILLIAM H. KAEMPFER Academic Affairs, Campus Box 40, University of Colorado, Boulder, Boulder, CO 80309-0040, USA e-mail: [email protected] ANTON D. LOWENBERG Department of Economics, California State University, Northridge, 18111 Nordhoff Street, Northridge, CA 91330-8374, USA e-mail: [email protected] Contents Abstract 868 Keywords 868 1. Introduction 869 2. Economic effects of sanctions 872 3. The political determinants of sanctions policies in sender states 879 4. The political effects of sanctions on the target country 884 5. Single-rational actor and game theory approaches to sanctions 889 6. Empirical sanctions studies 892 7. Political institutions and sanctions 898 8. Conclusions and avenues for further research 903 References 905 * The authors thank Keith Hartley, Irfan Nooruddin and Todd Sandler for valuable comments. Derek Lowen- berg provided technical assistance in preparation of the final manuscript. All errors remain the responsibility of the authors alone. Handbook of Defense Economics, Volume 2 Edited by Todd Sandler and Keith Hartley © 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved DOI: 10.1016/S1574-0013(06)02027-8 868 W.H. Kaempfer and A.D. Lowenberg Abstract International economic sanctions have become increasingly important as alternatives to military conflict since the end of the Cold War. This chapter surveys various approaches to the study of economic sanctions in both the economics and international relations literatures. Sanctions may be imposed not to bring about maximum economic damage to the target, but for expressive or demonstrative purposes. Moreover, the political effects of sanctions on the target nation are sometimes perverse, generating increased levels of political resistance to the sanctioners’ demands. -
Economic Sanctions and Globalization: Assessing the Impact of the Globalization Level of Target State on Sanctions Efficacy1
Journal of Economics, Finance and Accounting – JEFA (2019), Vol.6(1). p.41-54 Duzcu ECONOMIC SANCTIONS AND GLOBALIZATION: ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF THE GLOBALIZATION LEVEL OF TARGET STATE ON SANCTIONS EFFICACY1 DOI: 10.17261/Pressacademia.2019.1027 JEFA- V.6-ISS.1-2019(4)-p.41-54 Murad Duzcu Hatay Mustafa Kemal University, Department of International Relations, Tayfur Sökmen Kampüsü, 31060, Antakya, Hatay, Turkey. [email protected] , ORCID: 0000-0001-5587-4774 Date Received: November 30, 2018 Date Accepted: March 18, 2019 To cite this document Duzcu, M. (2019). Economic sanctions and globalization: Assessing the impact of the globalization level of target state on sanctions efficacy. Journal of Economics, Finance and Accounting (JEFA), V.6(1), p.41-54. Permemant link to this document: http://doi.org/10.17261/Pressacademia.2019.1027 Copyright: Published by PressAcademia and limited licenced re-use rights only. ABSTRACT Purpose - When do states resist the threat of sanctions or comply with the demands of the political unit imposing sanctions? This article argues that if the target has a high globalization index, it conforms to the demands of the sender. Therefore, the article examines the impact of target’s globalization level on the initiation and success of economic sanctions as a frequently used foreign policy tool. Methodology - In combination of two datasets, (for sanctions cases, Hufbauer et al, 2007; and for globalization index Raab et al, 2007), this article, uses 72 sanctions cases from Hufbauer et al. (2007) dataset to examine some indicators of sanctions efficacy. A probit model is used to analyze the hypotheses. -
Export Controls and Economic Sanctions
BUSINESS REGULATION Export Controls and Economic Sanctions JAMES W REED, ALAN WH. GOURLEY, LORRAINE B. HALLOWAY, AND JEFFREY L. SNYDER* I. Introduction Changes in U.S. export controls and economic sanctions during the year 2003 were largely a reflection of three main forces that shaped U.S. security policy: (1) the war in Iraq; (2) continued efforts to deny financial and logistical support to terrorist groups; and (3) a renewed emphasis on stemming the flow of sensitive products and technologies to proli- ferators of weapons of mass destruction. These three themes played out not only in new regulations and policies emanating from the three principal agencies that regulate activity in this area-the Departments of Commerce, State, and Treasury-but they were evident in more aggressive patterns of export enforcement activity. In the sections that follow, we adopt the framework of previous year-end summaries in this journal to trace the highlights of regulatory developments that affected economic sanc- tions and export controls during 2003. While this brief survey does not offer a compendium of all of the developments in this area over the past year, the summaries below describe noteworthy developments that warrant the attention of practitioners in this field. II. Trade and Economic Sanctions A. IRAQ As the United States and its coalition parmers brought major hostilities to a close in Iraq, governments and international organizations strained to adjust the multinational embargo on Iraq to match the realities on the ground. A necessary predicate was achieved when the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1483, which formally lifted all UN sanctions, except those that related to the sale and supply to Iraq of arms and material.' Immediately thereafter, the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) issued a new General License on May 23, 2003, which substantially-although not completely-lifted the U.S.