Urban Studies, Vol. 42, No. 11, 1969–1990, October 2005

Towards Alternative Model(s) of Local Innovation

Frank Moulaert, Flavia Martinelli, Erik Swyngedouw and Sara Gonza´lez

[Paper first received, June 2004; in final form, June 2005]

Summary. This paper introduces a Special Topic on social innovation in the governance of urban communities. It also seeks to widen the debate on the meaning of social innovation both in social science theory and as a tool for empirical research on socioeconomic development and governance at the local level. This debate is organised around ALMOLIN—i.e. alternative models for local innovation as utilised in the SINGOCOM (social innovation in governance in (local) communities) research. The first section explains the role of social innovation in neighbourhood development and how it is best addressed from theoretical, historical and experience-oriented viewpoints. The second section provides a survey of the definitions of social innovation in a variety of social science fields, while the third section mobilises various strands of literature that will be of use for the analytical refinement of ALMOLIN. Section four illustrates how ALMOLIN is used as an analytical tool for empirical research. The final section shows some avenues for future research on social innovation.

1. Introduction within the debate on the transformation of society as a whole (see, for example, This Special Topic deals with the role of social Chambon et al., 1982). This is particularly innovation in neighbourhood development. Its the case for political science arguments main focus is theoretical. It surveys the theor- on the role of civil society in social change etical literature on social innovation across (Swyngedouw, in this issue) and the counter- the social sciences: social and institutional cyclical role of the social economy in the economics, regional and local development overall macroeconomic dynamics (Moulaert theory, political science, institutional and and Ailenei, in this issue). Secondly, the topic urban sociology, planning and geography, of social innovation is a relatively new one. with occasional references to other disciplines It was used at the turn of the 19th century with an interest in spatial development. Not by Max Weber (‘social inventions’) and in all theory that is mobilised in these theoretical the 1930s by Joseph Schumpeter; but until papers refers to the spatial or the local. There some 20 years ago it was not a predominant are many reasons for this. We mention only theme in social science analysis (Moulaert two here. First, many of the analytical lines and Nussbaumer, 2006). But the discontent relevant to the understanding of ‘social inno- with the technological bias in economic inno- vation’ have been developed as arguments vation literature and innovation policy, the

Frank Moulaert is in the Global Urban Research Unit (GURU), University of Newcastle, Newcastle, NE1 7RU, UK. Fax: 0191 222 6008. E-mail: [email protected] and CNRS-IFRESI, France. Flavia Martinelli is in OASI (Dipartimento di progettazione per la citta`, il paesaggio e il territorio), Universita` Mediterranea di Reggio Calabria, Italy. E-mail: [email protected]. Erik Swynge- douw is in the School of Geography and the Environment, University of Oxford, Mansfield Road, Oxford, OX1 3TB, UK. Fax: 44 (0)1865 271929. E-mail: [email protected]. Sara Gonza´lez is in CNRS–IFRESI, France, and in the Global Urbanþ Research Unit (GURU), University of Newcastle, Newcastle, NE1 7RU, UK. Fax: 0191 222 6008. E-mail: [email protected]. The authors wish to thank Bernie Williams for the language editing of this article and all the other articles in this Special Topic. The SINGOCOM research project was funded by the European Commission’s Framework 5 Programme. 0042-0980 Print=1360-063X Online=05=111969–22 # 2005 The Editors of Urban Studies DOI: 10.1080=00420980500279893 1970 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. technocratic approach to urban planning in the residents and associations and initiation of late 20th century and the mildly positive results projects in the neighbourhood. It has been obtained from local development initiatives in particularly successful in integrating groups Europe and Australia increased the enthusiasm of German resettlers from the Soviet Union for social innovation as a lead theme in the in the governance structures of neighbourhood theorising of human development and emanci- management, thus establishing a direct link pation as well as in local development between the needs and demands of this strategies (Hillier et al., 2004). excluded group and the resources to tackle The starting-point for this Special Topic them. In Naples, a Catholicism-rooted group lies with SINGOCOM, a socioeconomic of volunteers established an informal social research project dealing with ‘social inno- network to help people in the deprived area vation in governance for local communities’, of Quartieri Spagnoli. Over time, the funded by the Framework 5 Programme of network acquired institutional capacity and the European Commission.1 This project was became a node in the management of funds in part meant as a reaction against the nar- from different governmental levels such as rowly defined deterministic views of inno- the EU or the Naples city council. In Sunder- vation as a driving force in urban land, north-east England, a workers co-operat- development strategies policy and in the so- ive and a housing association came together in called New Urban Policy (Swyngedouw the early 1980s to share their skills and help et al., 2003; Moulaert et al., 2003). During new co-operatives start, and to become a their extensive experience as researchers and central part of the economy in the area. activists in civil society and local government, Social and co-operative enterprises assisted the proposers of SINGOCOM had become by them now employ over 400 workers (full- impressed by the mushrooming of high- and part-time) and have a collective turnover quality and innovative community develop- exceeding £5 million (around E7 million) up ment initiatives in European cities and to June 2002. In Antwerp, BOM (meaning wanted to provide these initiatives with a Bomb, but also the Dutch acronym of the new synthesis of theoretical foundations. Neighbourhood Development Corporation) A sample of some of these innovative was born in reaction to the economic, socio- initiatives can be found in the Small Databank cultural and physical decay of the most that has been produced in the course of the deprived neighbourhoods in the city. BOM SINGOCOM research and that is available promotes the concept of community-based on the project website. Concepts of innovation economic regeneration and integrated area used in this sample range from attempts to development by bringing together the supplement gaps in the welfare state to crea- resources in order to improve the living con- tive community arts initiatives and organis- ditions of the most deprived people, to reinte- ations. But the general social rationale of grate them into the economy through these initiatives is to promote inclusion into customised training and individual counsel- different spheres of society (especially the ling and to reinforce the economic base of labour market, education system and socio- the district. BOM has networked private and cultural life), while the political rationale is public partners from a variety of spheres in to give a ‘voice’ to groups that have been society, organised at different spatial levels traditionally absent from politics and the (local, regional, national, EU). In Milan, a politico-administrative system at the local psychiatric hospital has been (re)integrated and other institutional/spatial scales. in the public, social and economic space of In Berlin, for example, the Quartiers the city and the metropolitan area by Agentur Marzahn NordWest, a local mediat- opening its doors and setting up economic ing organisation or ‘integrated neighbour- activities run and used by patients and neigh- hood action’ carries out the task of project bours. In Cardiff, Wales, a project was co-ordination, activation and participation of initiated by an American anthropologist to MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1971 record the heritage and social history of a movements can be very pragmatic in origin, deprived and excluded neighbourhood threa- a plain reaction to mechanisms of exploitation tened by property development. The project’s or oppression; but they can always be related objectives include building awareness and to some grand social philosophy or norm, critical engagement of citizens by using colla- such as bourgeois philanthropy, liberal borative arts-based projects. Other cases have justice, anarchist liberty, socialist solidarity been recorded that cannot be dealt with here, or revolution. Finally, even such grand philos- which all show, across different institutional ophies can acquire peculiar features, can be settings and through different trajectories, reversed and even reshaped by the pressures the relevance of the social dimension in inno- of local political, social and cultural contexts. vation dynamics and in political governance. All this said, a number of features of change In order theoretically to orient and methodo- dynamics, as well as tensions, can be ident- logically to structure the case study work in the ified and seem to be shared among the move- SINGOCOM project, alternative model(s) for ments and places, which constitute the core of local innovation (or ALMOLIN) were devel- the ALMOLIN analytical framework. oped. Originally, in the proposal to the EC’s Focus on community, governance and Framework 5 Programme, ALMOLIN was reproduction. The post-Fordist social move- only meant as a heuristic device with which ments mostly focus on the reproduction to organise the case study work on social inno- sphere and on consumption, away from the vation at the local level; but later it also became traditional struggle in the workplace and in a framework for the discussion of the meaning the production sphere. They also target gov- of social innovation, from both an analytical ernance, meant as a more democratic and and a normative point of view. To develop direct form of government from below. In such a framework for analysis, three lines of fact, most contemporary social movements thought were combined: a movement and aim at recovering a ‘local’ and community philosophy line; a line of living experiences; dimension in government. On the other and a line of the theoretical debate on the hand, this revival of a community dimension, various dimensions of social innovation. linked to the notions of ‘local identity’ occurs In the ‘movement and social philosophy precisely when phenomena of social exclusion line’, we looked at which visions, philos- also reappear, after some decades of relative ophies and movements have inspired or weakening. founded social change both at the local and The re-emergence of the social economy broader scales in Europe. To this end, we and the self-help tradition. It is not surprising, have undertaken a transverse survey of the then, that with the faltering of the ‘safety-net’ multitude of ideologies and social movements of the welfare state, which had somewhat in the various national and local contexts. This compensated for social disintegration, survey starts in the 19th century and ends with especially in large metropolitan areas, the phi- contemporary society (Moulaert et al., 2005). losophical tradition of the social economy— Results of this survey can be summarised as i.e. self-help, mutual aid, civic or religious follows. associationism—makes its reappearance, Common roots and national specificities. even in public discourses. The world of social change movements is end- Tensions between community initiatives lessly broad. Movements can arise at various and the central state. The recent focus of spatial scales: at the local level, against social research on ‘governance’ is generally urban renewal projects eradicating a neigh- oriented towards stressing the inherently bourhood; at the regional level against positive features of local democracy and, changes in regional policy or oppressive prac- therefore, of community-oriented, grassroots tices of a retail chain; at the national level, initiatives. More or less explicitly, there is a against changes in employment policy or to criticism of central state welfarism as author- achieve greater civil rights. Moreover, itarian. And, indeed, a large number of 1972 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. contemporary social movements are geared— highlight quite well how, in the post-modern as already stressed—to achieving more demo- age of renewed social exclusion, the commu- cratic control over local government, as nity ideal can actually be quite exclusionary, opposed to the central government. Other whereas the cosmopolitan ideal does accom- initiatives aim at replacing state governance modate cultural diversity. and service provision, a tendency that may or Product vs process innovation. Most con- may not lead to a hollowing-out of state power temporary discussions about social innovation and representative democracy (Swyngedouw; stress the ‘process’ dimension of social inno- and Gerometta et al., both in this issue). vation—i.e. the governance and capacity Social innovation vs institutionalisation. building (empowerment) dynamics of social The more grassroots, spontaneous, creative movements and initiatives. On the other initiatives, those which develop against or hand, our survey of recent movements and seek to change established practices from initiatives has highlighted the fact that, in the below, are also the most innovative, as the current phase of welfare state retrenchment, survey shows. This may be true, but it also the ‘product’ dimension—i.e. the provision raises the issue of the sustainability of inno- of public services and redistributive vation—i.e. the tension between innovation measures—is re-emerging as a major issue: and the institutionalisation (often under the as the needs grow, the return of bread-and- wings of the state) of changes. The more refor- butter measures becomes more explicit. mist movements may in general have had a Secondly, the line of ‘living experiences’, longer life, a wider spatial impact or broader with or without a link to history, adopts prob- social benefits, but in contrast to the more ably more pragmatic approaches to social grassroots-based or even utopian experiments, change than those developed along the move- they have also been more prone to bureaucra- ment and philosophy line, or in the theoretical tisation and have lost touch with their original debate covered further on. Evidence on the hunger for social innovation. In fact, long- living experiences that were analysed to lived social movements often go through design ALMOLIN can again be found on the a life-cycle, which involves increasing SINGOCOM website and will not be dealt formalisation, professionalisation and possi- with in this Special Topic. However, we will bly co-optation into the established political illustrate in section 4 how the ALMOLIN system. The most typical phenomenon is model can be used the better to analyse such the integration of successful civil society living experiences of social innovation strat- organisations into local public administrations egies and processes. or services (Moulaert, 2002, ch. 4). The third line is the theoretical debate on Community vs society. All social move- the meaning of social innovation, especially ments have to deal with the tension between with respect to social relations in governance, community and society (Gemeinschaft and pinpointed as a strategic ingredient of any Gesellschaft). This tension has various dimen- social change or innovation strategy or sions: the embedding of the (smaller or more process. It is the real focus of this Special specific) communities into the broader society Topic. where the dominant trends often alienate the The second section dwells on definitions of emancipatory strategies of the communities; social innovation in the social science litera- the ‘e´litist’ character of the development ture of the past 20 years; it shows how paths in ‘daringly’ innovative communities; social innovation has become increasingly the exclusion of ‘non-communitarians’; the important in the analysis of society, its deve- moving-away from mainstream institutional lopment and governance at various spatial models ‘paternalising’ community initiatives levels. The third section provides an overview (such as welfare institutions, laws establishing of the literature dealing with social innovation the co-operative enterprise system), etc. Some as it is relevant to the study of such dynamics of the Belgian experiences, in particular, at the local level and to the governance of MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1973 neighbourhood and community development (Moulaert et al., 2002). For example, strategies in particular. It shows how ALMOLIN, our of neighbourhood development should pursue alternative model, has mobilised a variety of the satisfaction of failed needs, through theoretical reflections on social innovation at innovation in governance relations in the neigh- the local level. The fourth section will then bourhood and the wider communities (for a provide indications on how ALMOLIN is a survey of the literature, see Moulaert et al., useful tool for case study analysis, whereas 2002). These governance relations include the the last section dwells on future challenges interaction with and the embedding into the for locality and local development research. politico-administrative system of the demo- cratic states of the countries to which the com- munities belong. Therefore, innovation in 2. Definitions of Social Innovation governance relations also means innovation in The concept of ‘social innovation’ has, by representative democracy and governance of now, become a commonly—but not consist- state institutions. ently—used term in the literature on inno- Unfortunately, in most contemporary social vation. This SINGOCOM research network, science literature, on the other hand, the that started as a smaller group in the late concept of social innovation, despite its 1980s, could be considered as having coined spreading use, is not treated in depth. In the social innovation as a scientific concept in ter- next few pages, the main strands of literature ritorial and innovation analysis, although the on social innovation—those most directly term had been used before by other authors connected with our view—and our own in reaction to or as amendment to outspoken approach will be highlighted. It is important technological and managerial views of inno- to stress that we only cover the literature vation and innovation strategies in economics, that explicitly uses the concept of social inno- sociology, business administration, etc. vation—related concepts are not covered, they (Hillier et al., 2005). will be examined in section 3. However, we In fact, social innovation was the structuring will indicate how social innovation is a com- concept in a new approach which tackled prehensive concept, pointing to a multidimen- neighbourhood development as a strategy sional process of social change and its various against poverty in the European Community dimensions. (Moulaert et al., 1992). Integrated Area Deve- lopment was defined as an alternative to sec- 2.1. Contemporary Literature on Social toral, ahistorical and top–down strategies for Innovation local development—especially neighbour- hood development. For local development to In the mainstream social science literature of be successful, various domains of intervention the 1990s, the notion of ‘social innovation’ (economy, housing, education and training, was almost exclusively confined to manage- local democracy, culture, etc.) had to be inte- ment science and business administration as grated; but the agencies and the spatial scales a dimension of innovative ‘business strategy’. of intervention needed to be articulated in ter- Its meaning in these disciplines basically ritorial social networks, often consolidated in implied a change in human and institutional territorial pacts or agreements. The integrating and/or social capital that would contribute dynamics had to come from ‘social innovation’ to improved competitiveness. The term thus in at least two senses: social innovation through referred primarily to the transformation and the satisfaction of unsatisfied or alienated restructuring of organisations with an eye human needs; and, innovation in the social towards improving organisational efficiency. relations between individuals and groups in However, long before social theory began neighbourhoods and the wider territories engaging with ‘innovation’, economic theory embedding them. In an ideal situation, both had of course considered the importance of views of social innovation should be combined ‘innovation’. Therefore, it is imperative to 1974 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. readdress briefly the debate on innovation in positive effects in terms of social innovation economics. across the sector. An interesting spin-off Economics, in conjunction with manage- quite relevant for ALMOLIN, is about ment science and organisational sociology, social innovation in the non-profit sector has long monopolised the theorisation of inno- (see, for example, the Stanford Social Inno- vation, particularly within firms. Although the vation Review). Damanpour (1991), in his notion of ‘social innovation’ has almost never meta-analysis of organisational innovation, been used in the economic literature since distinguishes between the effects of its ‘deter- Joseph Schumpeter, who is considered to be minants’ and of its ‘moderators’. He verifies the godfather of the analysis of innovation in the relevance of several existing theories of economics, we can clearly discern a tendency innovation in the search for an improved towards addressing the ‘social’ nature of inno- understanding of contemporary organisational vation in economic theory over the past half- innovation. The Stanford Social Innovation century or so. Schumpeter, of course, was Review equally considers various aspects of the first to underline the necessity of social ‘social innovation’ as emerging in a variety innovation in order to guarantee an economic of initiatives throughout society, including effectiveness that would parallel technologi- the role of leadership and the innovative cal innovation (Schumpeter, 1942). Although processes taking place in philanthropic and his perspective underscored the pre-eminent non-profit organisations. role of technological innovation in his view The second strand of literature consists of a of the innovation process, he clearly recog- more multidisciplinary approach which nised the central importance of social inno- addresses, by combining management prac- vation. This positioning has had an influence tice and scientific research, the complex on the development of innovation theory in articulations and interactions between economics, which today explicitly under- ‘business success’ and social/environmental scores the social character of innovation in progress. This link is also quite important for firms and the increasing recognition of the rela- ALMOLIN—i.e. with respect to the definition tive autonomy of social innovation in organis- of the social economy and its relationships ations. A new survey of recent EU research with the market economy (see Moulaert and shows the importance of innovation processes Ailenei, in this issue). A well-known initiative which combine strategic behaviour with in this domain is the ‘Business and Society dynamics of business culture and both intra Programme’, originally called the Aspen and inter organisational learning (Moulaert Institute. This programme focuses on provid- and Hamdouch, 2005). But Schumpeter also ing assistance to companies that seek to recognised the role of social innovation in marry commercial and financial objectives other spheres of society as well as the with social and environmental concerns. economic—i.e. in cultural, social and political The third strand of literature belongs to the life (Moulaert and Nussbaumer, 2006). field of fine arts. It centres around theories on In what follows, we outline four strands or ‘Art and Creativity’ and considers the role of approaches that have either mobilised or social innovation in intellectual and social analysed ‘social innovation’, including our creativity. A seminal contribution to this own, and that have had an influence on the approach was made by Michael Mumford, construction of ALMOLIN. who defined social innovation as The first strand is related to the discussion in ‘management science’ already signalled the generation and implementation of new above. In this literature, emphasis is put on ideas about how people should organize the role of ‘improvements’ in social capital interpersonal activities, or social inter- which can subsequently lead to better- actions, to meet one or more common working (more effective or efficient) organis- goals. As with other forms of innovation, ations in the economy and thereby generate the production resulting from social MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1975

innovation may vary with regard to their creative learning on the other. Communi- breadth and impact (Mumford, 2002, p. 253). cation, adaptation, creative acts and learning experiences within organisations fuse together Mumford, who has written extensively on at the intersection of structural changes and the role of social innovation in creative and innovative behaviour and offer opportunities artistic processes, identifies a wide array of for the social innovation of human and creative innovations, ranging from the ‘great social capital. And when this is extended to innovations’, such as those inspired by not-for-profit organisations, the objectives Martin Luther King, Henry Ford or Karl and finalities of innovation broaden out to Marx, to ‘micro-innovations’, such as the incorporate social emancipation, a concern creation of new procedures to structure or for the quality of the environment, the organise the labour process or improve sharing of creativity, etc. This opens a new modes of co-operation, the introduction of perspective on socially innovative agency new social practices within social groups, or styles and governance dynamics—including the development of new commercial practices personal and collective empowerment. or methods. These all feed into several dimen- From this perspective, social innovation sions of ALMOLIN. achieved by means of ‘socially’ transforming The fourth strand of literature relates to the organisations is an equally important aspect process of social innovation in territorial or of the second line of inquiry which links com- regional development. It includes our own mercial success to social and environmental understanding and research on social inno- improvements. The research on social or vation at the local level. Moulaert et al. ethical entrepreneurship mobilises and opens (1990/2002) have stressed the problems of up a vast terrain of findings and observations local development in the context of European on social innovation that relate to themes cities: the dispersal of competencies across a such as self-management, ecological pro- wide range of political domains, the absence duction, the influence of companies on inter- of integration of or co-ordination between national trade policies of ‘their’ countries or different geographical scales and, most impor- of international organisations, and the like. tantly, the marginalisation of the needs of The third approach, focusing on arts and fragile or weaker social groups within the creativity, is particularly interesting because urban fabric. In order to overcome these it is less constrained by the structural or organ- significant barriers, Moulaert (2002) suggests isational thinking of management science. It organising neighbourhood development along links the role of organisational innovation an Integrated Area Development approach, as with initiative and individual leadership in outlined earlier in this article. shaping the process of social innovation. Moreover, it takes into consideration not only the learning processes and outcomes gen- 2.2. Social Innovation: A Multidimensional erated through best-practice experiences, but Concept also the insights derived from historical The literature cited above opens a range of studies that can inspire or trigger social inno- avenues which, depending on their particular vation at the micro or even macro level. intellectual trajectories, emphasise various The fourth approach is, by definition, the specific aspects, but ultimately offer comp- most ‘territorial’, but may also offer the most lementary dimensions for the analysis of structural and ‘integrative’ perspective. It social innovation. Moreover, other literatures, emphasises the importance of the social struc- which do not explicitly use the concept of ture as a catalyst, but also as an ensemble of social innovation, are of relevance here. constraints for social innovation in a territorial Management science emphasises the context at the regional, local or neighbourhood dynamic interrelationship between organis- level. By situating these constraints within a ational restructuring on the one hand and social structure, this approach offers less 1976 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. potential for overcoming constraints to the in this paper. We especially stress three integration of new ideas concerning social dimensions, preferably occurring in inter- development. This is particularly so in com- action with each other parison with the organisational innovation —Satisfaction of human needs that are not approach or the perspectives stressing leader- currently satisfied, either because ‘not yet’ ship-based creativity that both emphasise the or because ‘no longer’ perceived as import- role of key individuals as main drivers for over- ant by either the market or the state coming barriers to change and innovation (content/product dimension). The stress (Mumford, 2002, p. 255). An integration of will be on the satisfaction of alienated the various dimensions of social innovation is basic needs, although it is admitted that therefore required: creative ideas have to be these may vary among societies and combined with innovative actions, organis- communities. ational changes with individual initiative, —Changes in social relations, especially with including the role of leaders, the dialectics regard to governance, that enable the above between history and contemporary change, satisfaction, but also increase the level of the need to transform governance dynamics at participation of all but especially deprived various scales or levels through personal and groups in society (process dimension). collective empowerment and juridico-insti- —Increasing the socio-political capability tutional changes. and access to resources needed to The latter leads us to a fifth dimension of enhance rights to satisfaction of human social innovation, political governance, which needs and participation (empowerment has remained largely outside the scope of dimension). analysis since Schumpeter’s time. An example here is the anti-globalisation literature If we were engaged in a mainstream debate on that does not focus explicitly on social inno- innovation, we would argue that an innovation vation, but stresses the social change potential process is effective if it contributes to higher of new institutions and practices to promote productivity and greater competitiveness of a responsible and sustainable development of firm, an organisation, a community. But of communities as well as more democratic gov- course the concept of social innovation is ernance structures (Seoane and Taddei, 2002). more comprehensive, more context- and com- This strand also has links with the second munity-dependent, and not so easily assessa- strand of socially responsible business prac- ble as within the mainstream approach to tices and social economy as shown by innovation. Therefore, we need to use a Neamtan (2002). Initiatives such as the more indirect assessment approach. Global Ideas Bank, the anti-globalisation We can then say that social innovation in the movements, indigenous populations’ resistance SINGOCOM context means changes in insti- practices, social economy, protests in Latin- tutions and agency that are meant to American countries and most notably the contribute to ‘social inclusion’ (see Figure 1). World Social Forum have been key to the ‘Institution’ is used here in its most general building of a collective utopia under the meaning—i.e. as a set of laws, regulations, common slogan of ‘another world is possible’. organisations, habitus—that is, formal and Table 1 summarises these interrelated informal socialisation mechanisms and pro- dimensions of social innovation. cesses that have attained a certain stability and/or regularity over time in the form of habits, laws and rules of behaviour and 2.3 Dimensions of Social Innovation sanctioning, as well as organisations as institu- In all the above approaches, the definitions of tionalised multimember agents. ‘Social social innovation are both analytical and nor- inclusion’ refers to a condition of (partial) mative. Various dimensions of social inno- exclusion at the outset, a condition that is to vation are stressed, several of which we use be transformed through institutional changes Table 1. Dimensions of social innovation Role of the ‘special’ Role of ‘path How to overcome the Disciplinary Change in the organisation agents: leadership, dependency’ and of the tensions between approaches Aim of the initiative of the initiative creative individuals structural constraints normativity and reality? Management and Improve the coherence Build a space for the The innovative actors Awareness of path Tangibility of objectives organisational of an organisation in exchange of information in the organisation dependency in relation Regularisation of the science order to achieve its and ideas are empowered to the business culture relationships between objectives (financial ‘Horizontalise’ the within the and its organisation the organisational e´lites profits, ethical work, decision-making and organisation and the rest of the ecological products) communication systems organisation Learning dynamics Relationships Integrate the social and Stress the human relations Tension between the Interfaces between

between ecological aims within dimension of work mainstream and the business and society MODELS economy, the mainstreams Quality of work and ethical Ethical forums society and agendas of businesses social relations entrepreneurship environment (represented by the

(including social tension between OF responsibility) professional organisations) LOCAL Art and creativity Social innovation Cognitive processes open to Particular attention Historical inspiration for The role of information

sciences all ideas attributed to contemporary social and its assimilation by INNOVATIO Communication between individually created innovation (grand the creative community individuals; the role of initiatives examples, practical The discovery of the relationships and experiences) constraints and inter-personal activities solutions

Revision and interactive N refinement of the proposed solutions Territorial Satisfaction of human . . . in accordance with Increased focus in the Substantial importance of Through multilevel approach needs . . . changes in the role of the the historical governance and the (Integrated Area governance relations community and its reproduction of creation of networks of Development) social agents institutional capital co-operation between community agents ‘Another world is Alternative economy and Participatory democracy Importance of Awareness of the Through collective possible’ sustainable and direct action charismatic and structural mobilisation development status quo overdetermination of challenging leaders capitalist-led

globalisation 1977 1978 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL.

Figure 1. A working definition of social innovation. and agency. Understanding the nature of social the danger of socio-political localism: an exclusion processes is an essential step in the exaggerated belief in the power of the local- process of determining inclusive actions and level agency and institutions ‘to improve the strategies. world’, disregarding the interscalar spatiality It is important to stress that such changes do of development mechanisms and strategies. not necessarily refer to something ‘new’. A Secondly, there is the danger of ‘existential’ return to old institutional arrangements or localism, the idea that all needs should be agencies can sometimes be quite innovative satisfied within the local heimat, by local insti- in the social sense (for example, the reintro- tutions. This of course does not make sense, for duction of free education for all; free art economic, social, cultural and political reasons. classes for all citizens). Social innovation in Thirdly, there is the trap of ‘misunderstood the sense of changes in institutions can, there- subsidiarity’, by which the higher state and fore, also mean a return to ‘old’ institutional economic power levels tend to ‘shed’ their forms, forms that could even be considered budgetary and other responsibilities to the as reformist. This means that ‘novelty’ could lower and especially the local levels. involve (re)turning to mechanisms towards Therefore (see, for example, Moulaert and inclusion—if the old serves inclusion better, Nussbaumer, in this issue) social innovation then opt for the old. at the local level must be interpreted in an Also, in contrast with mainstream institutionally and spatially embedded way approaches to innovation, we do not talk —innovation in local community dynamics, about innovative behaviour as ‘optimal’ beha- according to the norms for innovation in viour: best practices are a normative concept, development agenda, agency and without real meaning in reality or for actual institutions; socially innovative strategies. What counts —innovation in the articulation between for social innovation is ‘good practice’—i.e. various spatial levels, benefiting social a practice that has shown some contribution progress at the local level (agendas, insti- to social innovation in other or similar con- tutions, responsibilities). texts, or ‘good formulae’ that could contribute to social innovation in the future. The latter can mean a number of things: SINGOCOM is of course also about social multiscalar institutions (networks), spatially innovation at the ‘local’ level. However, as combined progress agendas, with a division the literature argues, there is an escapist ten- of labour according to spatial reach and dency in prioritising the local as ‘the’ appropri- power constellations. What should always ate level for social change. This holds a number be avoided is local-level institutional of analytical and strategic risks. First, there is dynamics that would completely conform to MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1979 higher-level political decision-making and and in articulating modes of organisation that institutionalisation: we do not propose a operate outside and beyond-the-state, and Russian-dolls local development model, in give an important role to civil society (Mitch- which the little one in the dark centre is in a ell, 2002; Jessop, 2002; Swyngedouw, 2000; straitjacket formed by the outer dolls. Whitehead, 2003). It is not surprising, there- fore, that the notion of civil society has gained greater currency, particularly with 3. ALMOLIN as a Framework for respect to its role in social innovation and its Theoretical Discussions about Social changing relationship to both state and Innovation market. In this issue, Swyngedouw maintains In the discussion geared to framing theoreti- that this reorganised state–civil society– cally the alternative model(s) of local inno- market relationship is related to the alleged vation (ALMOLIN), we have developed shift from ‘government’ to ‘governance’. This several themes, all referring to dynamics of rearticulation, in turn, has created new insti- social exclusion and inclusion, as well as tutions and empowered new actors, while dis- social innovation processes. The interdepen- empowering others. It is argued that this shift dency between these themes—listed in the from ‘government’ to ‘governance’ and the first column of Table 2—is shown in rise of ‘social economy’ or ‘civil society’- Figure 2. The thematic papers in this Special based initiatives are closely related. The incor- Topic cover several dimensions of these poration of civil society or social economy dynamics. Table 2 provides a matrix where initiatives within the institutional frames of the different themes analysed in the papers urban governance is associated with the conso- are crossed with the main dimensions lidation of new technologies of government derived from preliminary philosophical, (Foucault, 1979) on the one hand, and an argu- theoretical and empirical discussions about ably profound restructuring of the parameters ALMOLIN. Some of these links will be of political democracy on the other. From this explained by use of illustrations in section 4. perspective, Swyngedouw maintains that As argued before, our model has been built social innovation in governance through the from various sources, including theoretical emergence of new participatory technologies inputs stemming from different social is fundamentally Janus-faced. While promising science literatures. In the contributions to empowerment and satisfaction of basic needs this Special Topic, the role of the state, civil as defined by the ALMOLIN model, it may society, community and neighbourhood equally harbour highly selective and exclusive development and organisation, of the social mechanisms of governance and control. economy, of economic democracy (participa- tory budgeting) and of participatory planning 3.2 Civil Society and Political Governance are critically surveyed and ‘mobilised’ or at the Local Level ‘reconstructed’ to improve our understanding of social innovation in local development in Two papers in this issue are strongly related to reaction to processes of alienation, exploita- the above theme, but more concerned with tion and exclusion of different types. local action, and not entirely in agreement with Swyngedouw’s viewpoint. Gerometta, Ha¨ussermann and Longo develop a concept 3.1 Civil Society, the State and the Market of civil society that relates explicitly to In recent years, there has been a proliferating social exclusion and social integration pro- body of scholarship that attempts to theorise cesses and to social innovation at the local and substantiate empirically the emergence (urban, neighbourhood) level. Novy and of arrangements of governance that, while Leubolt root their contribution in the model often still including or articulating with state of budgetary participation launched in Port institutions, engage in the act of governing Alegre and today also influential in democratic 1980

Table 2. Surveying theoretical elements useful for analysing social innovation dynamics, in relation to dynamics of inclusion and exclusion Theoretical contributions in this Special Topic Civil society Dimensions of Neighbourhoods— ALMOLIN Civil society participatory budgeting Sociological institutionalism Social economy Territory, population Changing state–civil Social exclusion processes and Social innovation not a Path-dependency and context and development/ society relations segregated neighbourhoods, predictable trajectory but a sensitivity of social planning have impact on boundaries between social multifaceted search for economy initiatives FRANK territorial milieus mechanisms organisation and development MOULAER Satisfaction of human Civil society and Complementary arrangement Involvement of non-traditional Economic functions needs—strategies neighbourhood between welfare state and actors in governance who Social innovative

to meet them networks civil society, associative open up chances for development strategies T Solidarity networks democracy, social capital innovation ET

between privileged building AL. and deprived groups Resources for local Shifting power Mobilisation of creative and Governance network resources Funding mechanisms (public/ social economy— geometries have productive resources within may help to mobilise private) human, impact on civil society initiatives, if have Temporalities and their organisational, associational appropriate qualities impact on resource financial dynamics at availability various spatial scales Organisational and Reordering of Reordering of governance Involvement on non-traditional Governance of local economy institutional contours of structures as window of actors in governance (social enterprise, dynamics—civil governability opportunity Challenge of established neighbourhood)— society practices allocation systems— associative economy Local authorities and Rescaling of state as a Gatekeeper to local democratic Relationships between formal State as social entrepreneur? state consequence of processes, public resource government actors and other Role of third sector crisis of state allocation critical actors—how to cultivate positive synergies Culture and identity Institutional planning Negotiation among cultures Shared identity a powerful Culture of economic Civil society and and identities resource for collective solidarity/reciprocity neighbourhoods mobilisation but confrontation of deep cultural frames is a constraint for social innovation Views, visions, Hybrid forms of Public sphere should carry Recognition of plural visions Integrated approach to models of social government and plural visions of governance and working out how they satisfaction of human needs innovation from governance may interact and innovation in MODELS point of view of governance relations in ALMOLIN social economy OF Constraints on Tensions between Social fragmentation and social Local institutional histories and Budget constraints development state–market–civil exclusion may reproduce in cultures can be empowering Norms set by market LOCAL society civil society and governance as well as disempowering competition

Relations with Rescaling of relations Structuring social forces are How multiple spatial scales are Multiscalar organisation with INNOVATIO ‘outside world’— between civil active on all larger spatial implicated in all levels of conflicting temporalities spatial scales society, economy scales and add significantly governance and how these between agencies and state to place-making may be negotiated

Methodological Structural constructivism Analyses of processes of Holistic definition and theory N reflections Local–global tensions change in governance 1981 1982 FRANK MOULAER T ET AL.

Figure 2. Dynamics of social exclusion/inclusion and social innovation. MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1983 participation in public budgeting in other Contemporary incomplete welfare state cities. Using a critical perspective on bour- arrangements face crisis because of individua- geois civil society approaches, the authors lisation processes in the household sphere and reconstruct the linkages between social move- as a result of the second demographic tran- ments and state functions—instead of adher- sition, as well as labour market distortions. ing to the semi-autonomous governance Civil society is in this debate seen as an interpretation of civil society organisations. additional sphere of welfare provision. It pro- For Gerometta, Ha¨ussermann and Longo, vides the necessary ties of solidarity among its the starting-point for ‘Social innovation and members and in some manifestations of social civil society in urban governance’ is urban economy based on these ties (Mu¨nkler, 2001). social exclusion processes and social fragmen- A concept of civil society based on a tation in European cities in the context of chan- Hegelian approach of legality, plurality and ging welfare state arrangements in the association is developed further, leaning transition to post-Fordism. These processes towards a concept of civil society which is lead to a spatial pattern of social segregation related explicitly to the crucial social exclu- and culminate in distressed neighbourhoods sion and social integration processes and where social problems concentrate and which which makes use of social capital as well as then affect the city as a whole (Ha¨ussermann social milieu approaches. The relations et al., 2004). A multidimensional model of between the powerful and the marginal social exclusion is sketched out, highlighting actors in civil society, which can be grasped social affiliation (integration into social and using these concepts, are most relevant to labour market relations), as well as material, social innovation processes in localities. political and cultural participation. In their article Novy and Leubolt deal with Civil society and the dynamics therein are the model of budgetary participation in Porto then extracted from debates in planning Alegre. Lessons for social innovation in theory, social science and political science. Europe can be drawn from this concrete state While there are strong expectations of the initiative, which links civil society to the local socially innovative capacity of this sphere of state that is seeking to become more open. social organisation, the conditions under Social movements resisting the military dicta- which cohesive and inclusive practices torship (1964–1982/89) were critical of both develop within or involving civil society are state and capital. However, in the 1980s, this matters of debate. Forms of participation and critical interpretation of urban neighbourhood identity politics that are ignorant of lines of development movements gave way to a liberal social exclusion and fragmentation in society interpretation. Against Gramsci’s intention and civil society may lead to the reproduction (Gramsci, 1971), civil society was increasingly or even deepening of the dividing lines interpreted as the autonomous organisation of between the integrated social groups and non-state-organisations. Thus, not only the those excluded. core insights of critical state theory were aban- A growing body of literature in democracy doned, but at the same time the ingredients for theory deals with state–civil society arrange- liberal reform of the state structure were pro- ments in decision-making that normatively vided. Hence, local initiatives were interpreted suggest growth of the associative sphere, in in a narrow way and their innovative potential which general interest production is handed was not fully recognised. Therefore, a detailed back more closely to the citizens in a pluralist analysis of urban neighbourhood movements model of associative democracy. This bears in Brazil helps to gain a clear understanding advantages in effectiveness (content dimen- of the nature of state and society, as well as sion), empowerment and innovation in gover- the links between them. From the 1970s nance, but should be accompanied by a state onwards, the popular movements demanded which provides a framework against faction not only material improvements in what (Cohen and Rogers, 1992). until then were deprived quarters, but also 1984 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. far-reaching democratic participation (Novy, of this Special Topic, our particular aim is to 2001). A strong political movement saw the develop a capacity to recognise and promote light of day, consisting of the political parties socially innovative area development and to that had again become legal as well as the understand the extent to which governance already well-networked political movements. initiatives from civil society ‘grassroots’ are As a consequence, the day-to-day problems of able to grow and expand. the population were translated into public con- Innovative governance capacity is under- cerns and, from then on, into political demands stood as being located in the practices to be satisfied by the local state (Avritzer, through which governance relations are 2002). played out and not only in the formal rules In 1989, the Workers Party came into and allocation of competences for collective power in Porto Alegre and started the demo- action as defined by government laws and pro- cratisation of local politics by way of partici- cedures. An attempt to identify potential for patory budgeting (Abers, 2000). This social transformation thus needs to probe the gov- innovation in governing is by now known ernance relations that lead to a specific world-wide. In their contribution, Novy and action and the relations which develop follow- Leubolt seek to describe this model of civil ing a specific action. Critical innovations participation, but also to provide an alterna- therefore change these relations in some way. tive interpretation of this political strategy. Innovative governance capacity also needs In opposition to conventional theory on a to be conceptualised as encompassing a public sphere that would exist independently range of levels of power and consciousness, from state and market (Habermas, 1990), from episodes of interaction to the deeper and built on governance by civil society, the structuring of ways of enacting governance authors argue that sustainable social inno- itself. When looking for socially innovative vation can only exist in a new form of state- practices, analysts need to study deeper hood. The state remains the heart of political frames of reference and cultural practices power and the starting-point for transform- which define how people make sense of their ations challenging capitalism. Involving the collective worlds and engage cognitively and people in the public state provides space to bodily in their day-to-day routines (Hajer, experiment with forms of self-administration, 1995; Healey et al., 2003; Innes and Booher, both authors argue. 1999; Hillier, 2002). Gonza´lez and Healey’s approach expands on arguments made by the urban social move- 3.3 Sociological Institutionalism and Planning ments literature (Fainstein and Hirst, 1995; Sociological institutionalist approaches as Mayer, 2000; Pickvance, 2003) to emphasise developed in the fields of policy analysis and that initiatives with transformative potential planning have been preoccupied with the insti- need to be prepared to accumulate power in a tutional conditions that enable individuals and diffuse governance landscape, consisting of groups to generate sufficient capacity to act multiple arenas constituted through episodes, collectively and perform changes (Cars et al., processes and cultural movements which 2002). Gonza´lez and Healey’s paper in this proceed within different time-scales. This is issue develops a methodological approach for in line with Swyngedouw’s, Novy’s and Leu- assessing how the governance capacity for bolt’s arguments in this issue that the state socially innovative action might emerge. and civil society are intertwined. All govern- Thus, it is more centred on the second and ance initiatives, whatever their origin, are third meanings of social innovation as shaped by, and have the potential to change, explained in section 2. Governance capacity the embedded cultures in which they are insti- in the urban context refers here to the ability tutionally located. But state practices, although of the institutional relations in a social milieu permeable and dynamic, are very difficult to to operate as a collective actor. In the context transform because of their internal complexity MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1985 and embedded power. Political practices and downswings during the industrial revolution, the policy cultures of different segments of a the global economic crisis of the 1920–1930s, city council have typically formed over many the unemployment crisis of the 1970s and the years and, directly or unconsciously, defend crisis of the welfare state as of the 1980s and maintain established ‘business as usual’. (Bouchard et al., 2000). It explains how Initiatives with the potential to promote more associations, co-operatives, solidarity networks socially innovative governance practices there- (such as LETS), etc. arose amid circumstances fore need to combine energetic efforts aimed at of deprivation of human needs and filled immediate targets with strategic attention to lacunae in institutional forms to launch alterna- ways of affecting the wider governance tives (co-operative organisation of the social culture and its multiscalar dynamics, while at firm, redistribution mechanisms, legal status the same time learning the dynamics of of third-sector initiatives). current governance processes. This survey shows the high relevance of Therefore, the authors hypothesise that connecting socially innovative dynamics in socially innovative governance initiatives pro- the economy (satisfaction of needs, diversity moted by non-traditional actors and centred in economic allocation systems, egalitarian around area-based development projects are property relations and democratic economic likely to have the greatest potential to governance) with dynamics of alienation and expand and accumulate the power to trans- exclusion—probably one of the main dimen- form established governance discourses and sions of the ALMOLIN model. But these practices, where they have resonance with innovative dynamics were usually part of shifts in the dynamics of underlying govern- larger movements reacting to alienation and ance cultures and where exogenous forces exclusion by building solidarity networks are also promoting parallel ideas and prac- and socio-political mobilisation. tices. Alone, even if they soften a boundary, The second paper on social economy as in the case referred to in this paper, their (Moulaert and Nussbaumer) is more methodo- destiny is likely to be incorporation into an logically oriented. It stresses the importance established ‘mainstream’ practice rather than of working with a two-dimensional approach transformation of dominant governance pro- towards the definition of the social economy cesses, with perhaps a few seeds left around and its governance at the local level: an essen- in institutional memories and governance tialist and a holistic approach. Essentialist cultures for future transformers to build on. definitions, although they often catch the essence of the mechanisms at work in the average social economy initiative, often miss 3.4 Social Economy historical and contextual specificity. As Two papers in this issue deal with theoretical social economy initiatives consist of issues in social economy. The first by responses to historically and institutionally Moulaert and Ailenei examines the relation concrete situations, it is important to integrate between theoretical analysis, social economy these dimensions into the definition of social practice and its institutionalisation since the economy initiatives. As shown by old insti- second half of the 19th century. Using a his- tutional economics (Commons, 1934/1961), torical perspective, it seeks to create some for example, or holistic social analysis in clarity in the wealth of concepts referring to general (Diesing, 1971), holistic definitions the social economy, the third sector, the non- that seek to translate common themes (such profit activities, the solidarity economy, etc. as egalitarian property relations) into specific This historical perspective also helps in concepts and pattern models are better fitted understanding how particular forms of social to express these contextual dimensions of economy initiatives and their institutionalisa- social economy initiatives. To do so, they tion have responded—or failed to respond— compare themes and connections between to crisis mechanisms in particular epochs: the them across a variety of experiences—in our 1986 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. case, local social economies. But holistic defi- social change and innovation), agency target- nitions also directly address the need to ing institutional and structural change, but connect different temporalities of agents and also individual and collective behaviour dynamics as they appear in the ALMOLIN seeking to implement down-to-earth action model. Some of these are expressed in con- agendas. straints on resources of different type—a At the heart of Figure 2, there is on the one major theme in the discussion on the sustain- hand the dynamics of social exclusion and ability of social economy initiatives. For deprivation of human needs, which is (or example: to remain sustainable, many social ought to be) countered by social innovation economy initiatives depend on long-term dynamics. Social dynamics include reaction to funding by public–private partnerships. deprivation and exclusion, organisation about Unfortunately, the latter depend significantly a shared vision of change—often expressed in on the temporality of political commitments, social movements—and reproduction of a which is in general short term (duration of culture of change based on pursuit of a new government, period between two elections). identity—rising out of the depths of humilia- But social economy initiatives also live tion and alienation. But there is no social inno- within the life-cycle of civil society, which vation without public and private agencies may become exhausted because of social seeking to overcome situations of exclusion; conflicts, political pressures, undercutting of these agencies pursue strategies to mobilise income situation of leading figures, etc. resources within organisational and insti- Each of the papers included in this issue tutional dynamics, which they also seek to stresses a particular angle and highlights a change. The figure does not show civil number of dimensions of social innovation society or ‘grand’ political dynamics; these dynamics. Table 2 summarises how theories are included through path dependency and on civil society, participation, sociological the institutional nature of spatial scales institutionalism, institutional planning and (neighbourhoods, localities, cities, regions . . .). social economy can be mobilised to give Time and space are shown in the margin of substance to the various dimensions of the figure; this does not mean that they would ALMOLIN. The authors in the papers show play a minor role, but that they affect or inter- several ways in which this can be done. For fere with almost any of the other elements in example, Gerometta, Ha¨ussermann and the figure. They refer to the importance of Longo show how decentralised governance ‘holistic’ definitions and theories of social dynamics provide opportunities to break exclusion/inclusion and social economy, through fragmentation dynamics in neighbour- which adopt a historical perspective and hood development; Gonza´lez and Healey show recognise spatial specificity. the need to combine energetic efforts aimed at Obviously, the boxes in Figure 2 use a immediate targets with strategic attention to macro-language. When applied in case study ways of affecting the wider governance analysis, they will adopt a concrete content. culture in its multiscalar dynamics, and so on. It is particularly important to try to understand how, over time, organisations and initiatives have determined their particular social inno- vation content and neighbourhood develop- 4. ALMOLIN as a Framework for Case ment strategies in reaction to exclusion Study Analysis dynamics and situations of deprivation; how Figure 2 synthesises the different elements initiatives in the social economy were from the ‘alternative model(s) of local inno- launched, agendas set, institutional dynamics vation’ (ALMOLIN) and puts them into a promoted or hampered by . . . (for example, dynamic perspective. Dynamics are identified institutionalisation of civil society organis- in various ways: social forces calling for reac- ation vs power games of city hall; networking tive social forces (social dialectics leading to as an empowering strategy). MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1987

Let us focus a bit more on connections 3. The dialectics between the satisfaction of between several elements of the ALMOLIN human needs, the mobilisation of resources for figure, also referring to the role of the theoreti- the local social economy and the organis- cal themes spelled out in section 3, or some of ational as well as institutional dynamics of the case studies in SINGOCOM (Moulaert civil society. These include empowerment and et al., 2005). are the thriving forces of many initiatives for 1. Processes of social exclusion and social innovation. In all cases where alienation inclusion. They may play a particular of basic needs was a fact, either structural role within localities or neighbourhoods; social innovation or direct reliance on the therefore, how these processes have articu- welfare state was pursued. Sometimes the lated themselves at various spatial levels is welfare state became a catalyst through which relevant. Examples: immigration processes social innovation became acceptable to ‘the and reception/rejection of migrants in local larger society’. Theories on the relationships community; complementarity vs reinforce- between civil society and the state are helpful ment of contrast between civil society and in understanding the various configurations welfare state. Questions about the role of which the relations between state and civil migrants in civil society—and, for example, society may adopt (see Swyngedouw, Novy their relation to the bourgeoisie—are of par- and Leubolt, Gerometta et al., in this issue). ticular relevance here. But if ethnicities 4. Visions, movements and empowerment. become completely marginalised as in Bute- Movements for change in all their forms town, Cardiff, their mobilisation can become and spatial scales (community committees, exclusively defined in terms of their specific nation-wide civil society organisations, ‘alter- identities. One of the most remarkable obser- native globalisation’ movements in Europe or vations in the SINGOCOM research is that at a wider scale) are at the core of the dynamics social innovation is almost always a reaction of social innovation. Visions may change against social exclusion and only in excep- through strategy and action; but they can also tional cases is it an improvement of a situation change as part of institutional transformations of inclusion or harmony among social groups. (visions not only as empowering but also as 2. Mobilisation, empowerment and power organisational movement cultures). relations. These forces do not have an a 5. Path and context dependency. Very priori ‘socially innovative’ impact or important here is the dynamic of ‘being outcome. In reality, there will be (strong) driven by history and social context’. This is antagonisms between movements for social partly structural, partly institutional determi- inclusion and social exclusion, or in favour nation. Structural: community development of the status quo. Example: local empower- in a ‘raw’ capitalist environment is a different ment movements, occasionally in coalition challenge from that in a ‘welfare state’ or with city hall, or neighbourhood councils, ‘mixed economy’ environment. Institutional: must counter mechanisms of social exclusion a long tradition of movement-driven changes stemming from higher-level public authorities in laws and public regulations; or more (such as cuts in social security spending, wage recently, private–public co-operation in cuts, collective redundancies) or from conser- local development will also point the direction vative ‘bourgeoishood’ movements. Grass- of new future institution building and social roots initiatives often play an important role innovation in governance relations. In this here, since the more established movements respect, institutional planning stresses the may operate in an atmosphere of disbelief impact of local institutional histories and cul- and lack of vision. Examples in SINGOCOM tures which can be empowering as well as dis- are the multiscalar networks of grassroots empowering—the cases studies for Berlin and organisations built around the Centro Sociale Vienna are very significant on these issues. Leoncavallo in Milan and in the Brussels pro- However, social innovations can become gressive artists circles. institutional ‘lock ins’ at a later date, probably 1988 FRANK MOULAERT ET AL. involving the need for a repeated or continu- 5. Conclusion ous evaluation of the meaning of social inno- Linking theories that shed light on the vation at a particular time, within a given dynamics of social innovation in local develop- territorial context—see, for example, the ment to specific experiences of resistance Antwerp case study. against social exclusion, movement dynamics 6. Re-ordering of domains of action and and innovative emancipatory strategies is a sig- institution building between civil society, nificant leap ahead in the analysis of human state and market sectors. These dynamics are certainly directly related to those development at the local level. The combi- pointed out in 2–5. But there is also the nation of institutional and strategy analysis role of the struggle and reorganisation allows for the mobilisation of the analysis of within the state and (capitalist) market structural change towards a specific social sectors themselves. And these ‘talk to’ the innovation strategy. This scientific approach constraints on development. Many of them also prepares the ground for multidimensional are real, some of them imaginary. Example: approaches to human development, arguing in how gloomy is the imagining of the global? favour of economic variety in territorial devel- Does globalisation threaten the resources opment (Hillier et al., 2005). In this way, it pro- necessary to social economy development? vides a sound basis for overcoming the The state plays an important role here: the existential unilateralism in which territorial space left by capital for non-market- innovation models for local development economy-oriented social innovation is such as the learning region or the milieu inno- largely dependent on the interpretation the vateur are rooted (Moulaert and Sekia, 2003). state gives to it—and on the state as an However, this is not the end of the role of arena for class struggle. The extent to which science in local renaissance. Obviously, case the state maintains its independence vis- study work will be needed continuously to a`-vis privatisation and deregulation move- lead strategy and policy discussions about ments is key to the definition of the action multidimensional territorial developments space of social innovators in various domains. onto concrete tracks. But ahead of and along- 7. Territorial specificity. This is the final side this on-going research, improvements are piece of a holistic definition of social needed in the theoretical synthesis of social innovation at the local level (see Moulaert innovation dynamics. Even if the various con- and Nussbaumer, in this issue). The specificity tributions in sections 2 and 3 provide the of a local territory is not only defined by the elements for a concrete framework of empiri- factors identified by the dynamics pointed cal analysis, a more coherent confrontation out previously, and by path dependency as and integration of elements stemming from well as context specificity; there is also the different disciplines and theories is necessary. role of contingency and what we could call For example: what are the relationships casual and micro-agency that occur in between civil society and social economy specific territories and, therefore, become development? The UK, Milano and Antwerp constituents of the real character of the cases are quite powerful in showing these territory. Local leaders, charismatic leaders, links—including contradictory forces traditions of economic solidarity, experience between grassroots socioeconomic initiatives with public–private partnerships can ulti- and conservative bourgeois forces and poli- mately determine the strength of local initiat- tics; but what does theory tell us? How does ives in defining their niche in a spatially theory help towards a better understanding broader institutional and economic space. of and strategically underpinning such links? Cases from SINGOCOM that are strongly Theories (especially these covered by Swyn- suggestive regarding local specificity and gedouw and Novy and Leubolt) show the their institutional dynamics are the Quartieri impossibility of analysing the role of civil Spagnoli in Naples and Butetown in Cardiff. society without defining its relationship to MODELS OF LOCAL INNOVATION 1989 the state, also at the local level (Novy and References

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