DOCSLIB.ORG

The Security Dynamics of Eu-Russia and Asean-China Relations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Security Dynamics of Eu-Russia and Asean-China Relations ROLE BARGAINING AND REGIONAL ORDERS: THE SECURITY DYNAMICS OF EU-RUSSIA AND ASEAN-CHINA RELATIONS By Margaryta Rymarenko Submitted to Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Philosophy Doctor Supervisors: Youngmi Kim, Daniel Large CEU eTD Collection Word Count: 75 448 Budapest, Hungary 2018 DECLARATION I hereby declare that no parts of this thesis have been accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. This thesis contains no material previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Margaryta Rymarenko January 23, 2018 CEU eTD Collection ii To Professor Boris Yatsenko, who inspired my interest in Regional and Area Studies, and to my sister Kate, who encouraged me to do a PhD. CEU eTD Collection iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many wonderful people made my PhD experience truly amazing. I would like to thank my panel members Youngmi Kim, Matteo Fumagalli and Michael Merlingen, who supported me at all stages of this project. They not only helped me to grow as a researcher in my chosen field, but also encouraged me to pursue my interests in other areas and to advance my skills in teaching and research. I would especially like to thank Daniel Large, who was my supervisor during the write-up grant period. His advice and guidance helped to improve my project significantly and enabled me to progress to the submission stage. I am grateful to CEU and its amazing community of people. We shared both challenges and successes as well as great memories. I am thankful to Alex Akbik, Daniel Izsak, Tamas Peragovics, Viktor Friedmann, Philipp Thaler, Annamaria Kiss, Ali Diskaya and Thomas Rooney, who inspired, supported and challenged my ideas, as well as helped to make this draft professional. I am also thankful to CEU for giving me the opportunity to live and study in Budapest and to conduct my research in Belgium, Myanmar, Thailand and Singapore. I would like to thank CEU Hiking and Travelling Club and CEU Rooftop Garden initiative that allowed me to discover the beauty of Hungary, to make true friends and to spend many wonderful and distressful hours outdoors. Most importantly, I am thankful to my family whose love and support helped me to survive this PhD adventure. CEU eTD Collection iv ABSTRACT This dissertation examines how and why regional orders transform into cooperative or conflictual security environments. It develops a role theory approach to the understanding of regional security dynamics, which emphasizes processes of role bargaining between key regional actors and their governance practices. It argues that the co-impact of these two processes determines whether cooperative or conflictual security patterns develop in a region. The framework is applied to examine the evolution of the intersubjective security environments in EU-Russia and ASEAN-China interaction from the end of the Cold War until 2017. It argues that the EU and Russia failed to establish a mutually accepted role relationship though bargaining, which resulted in the reproduction of a conflictual security order. In contrast, the ASEAN-China role bargaining process was successful and maintained a cooperative intersubjective security order. Deviations of regional security patterns from the nature of regional order are analyzed in the cases of EU-Russia confrontation over Ukraine in the Eastern Partnership and ASEAN-China contentions over the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea. In each case, the deviation resulted from actors’ preference for an inclusive or protectionist governance approach and their actual practices supporting or undermining the exiting governance consensus. Focusing on the processes of regional security dynamics, rather than structural or actor- specific factors, allows the fluid nature of regional security to be captured and contributes to our understanding of regional orders as spaces driven by power, interaction and imagination. CEU eTD Collection v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ................................................................................................................................ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................................................. iv ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................ v TABLE OF CONTENTS.................................................................................................................. vi LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ viii LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................................... viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .......................................................................................................... ix INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 1 Research Puzzles .............................................................................................................................. 2 Limitations of Existing Literature .................................................................................................... 4 A Role Theory Approach to Regional Security Dynamics .............................................................. 8 The Focus on Regional Organizations and Great Powers .............................................................. 11 Contributions of the Dissertation ................................................................................................... 14 Overview of Dissertation Chapters ................................................................................................ 17 CHAPTER 1: REGIONS AND ORDER ....................................................................................... 20 1.1. Regional Security Complex Theories: Why Focus on Regions? ............................................ 21 1.2. Security Community Theory: Upgrading Regional Impact .................................................... 27 1.3. Socialization as a Process of Regional Transformations......................................................... 31 1.4. Bridging ‘Balance of Power’ and ‘Security Community’: the Role of Agency ..................... 36 1.5. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 44 CHAPTER 2: A ROLE THEORY APPROACH TO REGIONAL SECURITY DYNAMICS 47 2.1. Role Location Approach as a Basis for Theorizing Regional Transformations...................... 49 2.2. Role Bargaining, Role Relationships and Intersubjective Security Orders............................. 54 2.3. Actors’ Governance Approaches and Practices in Regional Security Dynamics ................... 62 2.4. Regional Security Dynamics as a Two-Level Process ............................................................ 70 2.5. Research Design and Methods ................................................................................................ 73 2.6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 84 CHAPTER 3: THE EU-RUSSIA ROLE BARGAINING PROCESS: FROM COMPLEMENTARITY TO RIVALRY ....................................................................................... 86 CEU eTD Collection 3.1. Complementary Roles and Successful Role Bargaining, 1994-2005...................................... 88 3.2. Contradictory Roles and Failed Role Bargaining, 2006-2014 ................................................ 96 3.3. Ukrainian Crisis of 2013-2014 and Consolidation of a Conflictual Security Order ............. 107 3.4. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 113 CHAPTER 4: THE ASEAN-CHINA ROLE BARGAINING PROCESS: CONSOLIDATING ROLE AGREEMENT ................................................................................................................... 115 4.1. The Development of a Complementary Role Relationship, 1993-2001 ............................... 117 vi 4.2. Role Agreement and Sustained Cooperative Security Order, 2002-2012 ............................. 126 4.3. New Round of Role Bargaining and Return to Complementarity, 2013-2016 ..................... 136 4.4. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 150 CHAPTER 5: SECURITY DYNAMICS OF THE EU-RUSSIA RELATIONS: CONFLICT OVER UKRAINE IN THE COMMON NEIGHBORHOOD.................................................... 152 5.1. The EU-Russia Governance Consensus and Non-confrontation in 2009-2013 .................... 154 5.1.1. Initial Consensus over the Common Neighborhood ....................................................... 155 5.1.2. Role Bargaining Without Confrontation ........................................................................ 157 5.2. The EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and Deviation from 2005 Consensus .................. 165 5.2.1. The Importance of Ukraine ............................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Timeline of Key Events: March 2011: Anti-Government Protests Broke
    Timeline of key events: March 2011: Anti-government protests broke out in Deraa governorate calling for political reforms, end of emergency laws and more freedoms. After government crackdown on protestors, demonstrations were nationwide demanding the ouster of Bashar Al-Assad and his government. July 2011: Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States (LAS), paid his first visit to Syria, after his assumption of duties, and demanded the regime to end violence, and release detainees. August 2011: LAS Ministerial Council requested its Secretary General to present President Assad with a 13-point Arab initiative (attached) to resolve the crisis. It included cessation of violence, release of political detainees, genuine political reforms, pluralistic presidential elections, national political dialogue with all opposition factions, and the formation of a transitional national unity government, which all needed to be implemented within a fixed time frame and a team to monitor the above. - The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was formed of army defectors, led by Col. Riad al-Asaad, and backed by Arab and western powers militarily. September 2011: In light of the 13-Point Arab Initiative, LAS Secretary General's and an Arab Ministerial group visited Damascus to meet President Assad, they were assured that a series of conciliatory measures were to be taken by the Syrian government that focused on national dialogue. October 2011: An Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria was set up, including Algeria, Egypt, Oman, Sudan and LAS Secretary General, mandated to liaise with Syrian government to halt violence and commence dialogue under the auspices of the Arab League with the Syrian opposition on the implementation of political reforms that would meet the aspirations of the people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Growing Influence of the Russian Orthodox Church in Shaping Russia’S Policies Abroad
    02 BLITT.DOC (DO NOT DELETE) 11/28/2011 10:25 PM RUSSIA’S “ORTHODOX” FOREIGN POLICY: THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH IN SHAPING RUSSIA’S POLICIES ABROAD PROF. ROBERT C. BLITT* TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction ................................................................................364 2. The Russian Orthodox Church’s Foreign Policy Mandate ......................................................................................365 3. Russian Foreign Policy and Disregard for the Constitutional Obligations of Secularism, Separation, and Nondiscrimination .............................................................367 3.1. The Ideological Centrality of Orthodoxy in Russian Foreign Policy as Expressed through Euphemism ...................... 368 3.1.1. The Role of “Spirituality" in Russia’s National Security Strategy .................................................................. 368 3.1.2. A Note on Culture as a Synonym for Orthodoxy ......374 3.1.3. “Spiritual Security” & “Spiritual Revival” ..............377 3.2. Putting Rhetoric into Practice: The Ascendancy of “Spirituality” in Russia’s Foreign Policy ....................................380 3.2.1. Russian Orthodox Church-Ministry of Foreign Affairs Working Group .........................................................380 3.2.2. Russkiy Mir Foundation: A Chimera State-Church Foreign Policy Tool ................................................................383 3.2.3. Support for Days of Spiritual Culture .....................390 3.2.4. Facilitating an Exclusive
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction Almost nobody disputes that the end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the whole pattern of international security but, more than a decade after the transition, the character of the post-Cold War se- curity order still remains hotly contested. This book explores the idea that, since decolonisation, the regional level of security has become both more autonomous and more prominent in international politics, and that the ending of the Cold War accelerated this process (Katzenstein 2000). This idea follows naturally from the ending of bipolarity. Without su- perpower rivalry intruding obsessively into all regions, local powers have more room for manoeuvre. For a decade after the ending of the Cold War, both the remaining superpower and the other great powers (China, EU, Japan, Russia) had less incentive, and displayed less will, to intervene in security affairs outside their own regions. The terrorist attack on the United States in 2001 may well trigger some reassertion of great power interventionism, but this is likely to be for quite narrow and specific purposes, and seems unlikely to recreate the general willingness to intervene abroad that was a feature of Cold War superpower rivalry. The relative autonomy of regional security constitutes a pattern of in- ternational security relations radically different from the rigid structure of superpower bipolarity that defined the Cold War. In our view, this pattern is not captured adequately by either ‘unipolar’ or ‘multipolar’ designations of the international system structure. Nor is it captured by the idea of ‘globalisation’ or by the dismal conclusion that the best that IR can do in conceptualising the security order of the post-Cold War world is to call it ‘the new world disorder’ (Carpenter 1991).
    [Show full text]
  • Japan's Security Relations with China Since 1989
    Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989 The Japanese–Chinese security relationship is one of the most important vari- ables in the formation of a new strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific region which has not only regional but also global implications. The book investigates how and why since the 1990s China has turned in the Japanese perception from a benign neighbour to an ominous challenge, with implications not only for Japan’s security, but also its economy, role in Asia and identity as the first devel- oped Asian nation. Japan’s reaction to this challenge has been a policy of engagement, which consists of political and economic enmeshment of China, hedged by political and military power balancing. The unique approach of this book is the use of an extended security concept to analyse this policy, which allows a better and more systematic understanding of its many inherent contradictions and conflicting dynamics, including the centrifugal forces arising from the Japan–China–US triangular relationship. Many contradictions of Japan’s engagement policy arise from the overlap of military and political power-balancing tools which are part of containment as well as of engagement, a reality which is downplayed by Japan but not ignored by China. The complex nature of engagement explains the recent reinforcement of Japan’s security cooperation with the US and Tokyo’s efforts to increase the security dialogues with countries neighbouring China, such as Vietnam, Myanmar and the five Central Asian countries. The book raises the crucial question of whether Japan’s political leadership, which is still preoccupied with finding a new political constellation and with overcoming a deep economic crisis, is able to handle such a complex policy in the face of an increasingly assertive China and a US alliance partner with strong swings between engaging and containing China’s power.
    [Show full text]
  • Promoting Urban Agriculture and Its Opportunities and Challenges—A Global Review
    sustainability Review Promoting Urban Agriculture and Its Opportunities and Challenges—A Global Review Chethika Gunasiri Wadumestrige Dona 1,*, Geetha Mohan 1,2 and Kensuke Fukushi 1,2 1 Institute for the Advanced Study of Sustainability, United Nations University, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150-8925, Japan; [email protected] (G.M.); [email protected] or fukushi@ifi.u-tokyo.ac.jp (K.F.) 2 Institute for Future Initiatives (IFI), University of Tokyo, Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-8654, Japan * Correspondence: [email protected] or [email protected]; Tel.: +94-777-417296 Abstract: Multifunctionality of urban agriculture can support the resolve of many urban challenges. Therefore, it is vital to understand the contribution of academic studies on urban agriculture practices as scientific information. The present study followed a systematic literature review based on the PRISMA method. Finally, 54 identified articles were analyzed. The review study mainly examined the contribution of academic literature on urban agriculture under four dimensions: the socio- economic context of the country, type of agriculture model, opportunities, and challenges. The results revealed the focus of academic literature on urban agriculture to show favoritism toward developed countries’ community gardens. Moreover, the leading academic focus on this discipline identifies multifunctionality. People’s motivations in developed countries tend to favor social, health-related, and educational benefits of urban agriculture; however, in developing countries, urban agriculture is more related to economic and ecological needs. Challenges for urban agriculture are also different among developed and developing countries. Nevertheless, existing academic studies have given Citation: Wadumestrige Dona, C.G.; comparatively less attention to identifying challenges, benefit groups of urban agriculture, and Mohan, G.; Fukushi, K.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia
    The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia Edited by Frances G. Burwell & Svante E. Cornell The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia Frances G. Burwell Svante E. Cornell Editors © 2012 Institute for Security and Development Policy and the Atlantic Council of the United States “The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia” is a monograph published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy in cooperation with the Atlantic Council of the United States. The Institute for Security and Development Policy is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute also runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. Since its founding in 1961-1962, the Atlantic Council of the United States has been a preeminent, non partisan institution devoted to promoting transatlantic cooperation and international security. Now in its 50th year, the Atlantic Council is harnessing that history of transatlantic leadership and applying its founders’ vision to a broad spectrum of modern global challenges from violent extremism to financial instability and from NATO’s future to energy security. The Council is home to ten programs and centers, broken down both functionally and regionally, which seamlessly work together to tackle today’s unique set of challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the 2018 Encatc Congress Proceedings
    The European network on cultural management and policy 2018 Congress Proceedings Beyond EYCH2018. What is the cultural horizon? Opening up perspectives to face ongoing transformations 9th Annual ENCATC Education and Research Session September 28, 2018 Bucharest, Romania Beyond EYCH2018. What is the cultural horizon? Opening up perspectives to face ongoing transformations BOOK PROCEEDINGS The European Commission support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. Beyond EYCH2018. What is the cultural horizon? Opening up perspectives to face ongoing transformations Editor ENCATC Edited by Tanja Johansson, Sibelius Academy, University of the Arts Helsinki (Finland) Scientific Committee Members: Patrick Boylan, City, University of London (United Kingdom) John Carman, Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage, University of Birmingham (United Kingdom) Mara Cerquetti, University of Macerata (Italy) Hsiao-Ling Chung, National Cheng Kung University (Taiwan) Carmen Croitoru, National Institute for Cultural Research and Training (Romania) Jean-Louis Fabiani, Central European University in Budapest (Hungary) Annukka Jyrämä, Estonian Academy of Music and Theatre, (Estonia) Visnja Kisic, University of Arts Belgrade (Serbia) Johan Kolsteeg, Groningen University (The Netherlands) Tuuli Lähdesmäki, University of Jyväskylä (Finland) Bernadette
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2020
    INSIDE: l Remembering the Crimean Tatars’ Genocide – page 3 l Our community copes with COVID-19 – page 4 l The generation of 1919: three scholars – page 9 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXXVIII No. 21 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 24, 2020 $2.00 NEWS ANALYSIS World remembers Genocide Assessing a year of Zelenskyy and foreign policy developments of Crimean Tatar people Presidential Office The Crimean Tatar flag with a black mourning ribbon is displayed in Kyiv. by Roman Tymotsko for raising the Crimean Tatar flag with a Presidential Office of Ukraine mourning ribbon and urged the public to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy speaks during his press conference on May 20. KYIV – On May 18, Ukraine remembered light candles in their windows on the night the victims of Joseph Stalin’s genocidal of May 17-18. by Bohdan Nahaylo Ukraine made no mistake in making the deportation of the Crimean Tatar people President Volodymyr Zelenskyy European choice. After all, a friend in need from Crimea. On that day in 1944, the first addressed the nation on May 18. “We believe KYIV – While attention in Ukraine has is a friend indeed,” President Zelenskyy trainloads of Crimean Tatars were forcibly that the day will surely come when Crimea remained focused on coping with the coro- emphasized. He elaborated that the EU resettled from the peninsula to Central Asia will return to Ukraine,” he said. “Crimean navirus pandemic and meeting the condi- funds will also help guarantee Ukraine’s and Siberia. In total, about 200,000 people Tatars and Ukrainians will return to their tions to secure further financial support macroeconomic stability.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign and Domestic Discourse on the Russian Arctic
    Foreign and Domestic Discourse on the Russian Arctic Ieva Bērziņa The strained relations between the West and Russia regarding influence in Ukraine may lead to an increase in tension in other regions. The Arctic may become a potential zone of conflict due to its rich natural resources, new transportation routes, military significance, and unsolved territorial issues. The aim of this paper is to identify the governmental discourse of Russia’s top officials describing Russia’s state policy on the Arctic for foreign and domestic audiences. The paper focuses on the period from 2013 till 2015 when tensions in the relationship between Russia and the West increased due to the crisis in Ukraine. The units of analysis are public statements by senior officials of the Russian Federation in speeches and reports in the media. The major finding is that the Arctic should serve in Russian-Western rapprochement rather than becoming the next geopolitical hot spot. Introduction: the regulatory framework of Russian Arctic discourse This article aims to identify how Russian senior officials are communicating Russia’s policy on the Arctic, the main guidelines of which are defined in several documents. The basic documents that the Russian government mentions as being the key decisions on Arctic operations (Government of the Russian Federation 2015) include: Foundations of Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic through 2020 and beyond (2008, September 18); The Development Strategy of the Russian Arctic and national security for the period until 2020 (2013, February 20); State Program of the Russian Federation ‘Socio-economic development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation for the period till 2020’ (2014, April 21); Regulations on the State Commission on the Development of the Arctic (2015, March 14); and The Northern Sea Route Comprehensive Development Project (2015, June 8).
    [Show full text]
  • CHINA: the Awakening of Th Red Dragon
    Framework Document 03/2016 March 4, 20166 Alfonso Zurita Borbón* CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE Visit WEB Receive Newsletter RED DRAGON CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Abstract: During the first decades of the century, China has positioned itself as the number one economic power in terms of GDP measured by purchasing power parity. China's economic model and its unique and individual qualities caused the meteoric economic rise of the country. President Xi Jinping is transforming the country through a comprehensive reform program. China's commitment to long- term structural change and it’s the main economic objective of moving its economy from one led by investment and exports to one driven by consumption. Many experts and analysts predict that during the current century, China will alter the balance of world order and create a new world order. Keywords: XXI century, China, Chinese economic model, world number one economic, five-year plan for national economic and social development, renminbi, global economic balance, new world order international economic system. *NOTA: Las ideas contenidas en los Documentos Marco son de responsabilidad de sus autores, sin que reflejen, necesariamente, el pensamiento del IEEE o del Ministerio de Defensa. Documento Marco 03/2016 1 CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Alfonso Zurita Borbón INTRODUCTION China´s Brief Historical Past Both the theory and the mentality of international relations in general are experiencing a transition from the old hardcore Classical and Structural political Realism to Pluralism. In the practice of international relations, those changes can be seen reflected in the systemic (international system) re-structuring that is taking place, due to the progressive transformation of the rigid bipolar world order dynamised and governed by Realism, to a new international multipolar Pluralist and interdependent system.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia-Georgia Conflict in August 2008
    = :88.&8*47,.&=43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a= 439*=9=&3)=251.(&9.438=+47=_ _=39*7*898= .2=.(-41= 5*(.&1.89=.3= :88.&3=&3)=:7&8.&3=++&.78= &7(-=-`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.0+2= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress :88.&8*47,.&= 43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a=439*=9=&3)= 251.(&9.438=+47=__= 39*7*898= = :22&7>= In the early 1990s, Georgia and its breakaway South Ossetia region had agreed to a Russian- mediated ceasefire that provided for Russian “peacekeepers” to be stationed in the region. Moscow extended citizenship and passports to most ethnic Ossetians. Simmering long-time tensions escalated on the evening of August 7, 2008, when South Ossetia and Georgia accused each other of launching intense artillery barrages against each other. Georgia claims that South Ossetian forces did not respond to a ceasefire appeal but intensified their shelling, “forcing” Georgia to send in troops. On August 8, Russia launched air attacks throughout Georgia and Russian troops engaged Georgian forces in South Ossetia. By the morning of August 10, Russian troops had occupied the bulk of South Ossetia, reached its border with the rest of Georgia, and were shelling areas across the border. Russian troops occupied several Georgian cities. Russian warships landed troops in Georgia’s breakaway Abkhazia region and took up positions off Georgia’s Black Sea coast. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, serving as the president of the European Union (EU), was instrumental in getting Georgia and Russia to agree to a peace plan on August 15-16.
    [Show full text]
  • Drawing Education: Worldwide!
    NINO NANOBASHVILI / TOBIAS TEUTENBERG (EDS.) DRAWING EDUCATION: WORLDWIDE! CONTINUITIES – TRANSFERS – MIXTURES HEIDELBERG UNIVERSITY PUBLISHING Drawing Education: Worldwide! Continuities – Transfers – Mixtures NINO NANOBASHVILI / TOBIAS TEUTENBERG (EDS.) DRAWING EDUCATION: WORLDWIDE! CONTINUITIES – TRANSFERS – MIXTURES HEIDELBERG UNIVERSITY PUBLISHING Veröffentlichungen des Zentralinstituts für Kunstgeschichte in München, Band 48 Gefördert durch die Richard Stury Stiftung Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. This book is published under the Creative Commons License 4.0 (CC BY-SA 4.0). The cover is subject to the Creative Commons License CC-BY-ND 4.0. The electronic, open access version of this work is permanently available on Heidelberg University Publishing’s website: http://heiup.uni-heidelberg.de. URN: urn:nbn:de:bsz:16-heiup-book-457-6 DOI: https://doi.org/10.17885/heiup.457 Text © 2019 by the authors. Unless stated otherwise, all images are the copyrighted property of their respective institutions. Cover design: © Philipp Reitsam ISBN 978-3-947732-32-6 (Hardcover) ISBN 978-3-947732-31-9 (Softcover) ISBN 978-3-947732-30-2 (PDF) Table of Contents Tobias Teutenberg Introduction 1 Towards a Global Perspective on the History of Drawing and Drawing Education Continuities Lamia Balafrej Figural Line 17 Persian Drawing, c. 1390–1450 Nino
    [Show full text]