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The History of Modern Rwanda Through Photos
The History of Modern Rwanda through Photos PHOTO LINKS WITH HISTORICAL DESCRIPTIONS DIRECTIONS: The photo URLs and accompanying historical descriptions listed below are the basis for the photo/ time line activity in The History of Modern Rwanda through Photos lesson plan. See Procedure 1 in the lesson plan for procedural options for student use of the photos/descriptions. 1. Ethnic Differentiation between Hutus and Tutsis, 1920’s http://modernhistoryproject2012.wordpress.com/history-of-hutu-tutsi-relations/ (First illustration, right side) The racist eugenics movement was popular in the United States and Europe in the 1920’s and 1930’s. It is this racism by European powers that influenced the interactions with Africans. Racism was the filter by which Bel- gian scientists, interested in understanding the nature of the relationship between the Hutu (75% majority) and the Tutsi (15-20% minority), measured heads, noses, skin color, height and body shape in an attempt to explain “scientifically” why the Tutsis were a “superior” tribe. The Belgian scientists concluded after their “re- search” that the Tutsis had European features, and this explained why they held the power despite being in the minority. This process brought institutional racism into Rwanda. 2. Tutsis Fled Ethnic Violence After Independence, 1959-1962 http://bengal.missouri.edu/~smwgz8/history.htm (Second image, first photo on page) Tutsis fled Rwanda after the Hutus rose to power and the resulting violence between the two groups when the Tutsi-led monarchy was overthrown. Over 150,000 Tutsis fled the country to Uganda and Burun- di, and those remaining in Rwanda were barred from political office after the 1962 constitution. -
Rwanda's Paul Kagame Talks Tough at Yale Despite Human Rights Protests | Africanews
10/28/2016 Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests | Africanews Skip to main content Welcome to Africanews Please select your experience Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban 21/09 - 00:31 Rwanda Rwandan president Paul Kagame delivered a lecture at the Yale University despite calls by rights group Human Rights Watch (HRW) for protests against his human rights record. Kagame was invited by the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at Yale to deliver the 2016 annual Coca-Cola World Fund Lecture on Tuesday, September 20. Ahead of his lecture, HRW and other activists slammed Yale university for honouring a dictator and someone who according to them presided over a police state. Some participants in the international system tend to see this shift as a challenge to their historical leadership They continue to assert the right to define objectives and impose outcomes without consultation with those concerned. Kenneth Roth Follow @KenRoth As @Yale honors mass murderer Kagame, ask about the 30K+ he ordered killed, his Congo slaughter, his police state. bit.ly/2d2o9Wt 2:41 PM - 20 Sep 2016 105 66 Uwayezu j.deDieu Follow @Uwayezujd Huge mistake for #Yale to honor Paul #Kagame. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty have documented his history of human rights abuses. Shame on us. 3:30 PM - 19 Sep 2016 http://www.africanews.com/2016/09/21/rwanda-s-paul-kagame-talks-tough-at-yale-despite-human-rights-protests/ 1/5 10/28/2016 Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests | Africanews Kagame in his address spoke on flaws that international communities had, stating that ‘‘the bias toward cooperation and dialogue in the multilateral system offers an alternative to zero-sum power politics.’‘ He added that efforts by international communities in the resolution of crisis was not just ineffectual but they sometimes worsened problems that they were meant to address in the first place. -
Report on the Rwanda Media Experience After The
IMS assessment mission: The Rwanda media experience from the genocide International Media Support • Report • March 2003 Monique Alexis, IMS Consultant Ines Mpambara, Co-director of Rwanda’s School of Journalism Contents 1 Introduction ............................................................................. 3 1.1 Background for the mission .............................................................................3 1.2 Mission Objectives..........................................................................................3 1.3 Method and Scope of work ..............................................................................3 1.4 Structure of the report....................................................................................4 2 The Rwandan Context............................................................... 5 2.1 Political background .......................................................................................5 3 The media and the genocide ................................................... 10 3.1 Historical development of the Rwandan media before the genocide .................... 10 3.2 The media during the genocide: the hate media............................................... 14 4 The media after the genocide ................................................. 19 4.1 Reconstruction of a destroyed media sector (1994 - 2003)................................ 19 4.2 Today: Absence of pluralism and constant threats and pressures ....................... 20 4.3 The new Press Law and the High Press Council -
Beyond the Rhetoric Beyond The
June 1993 Vol. 5, No. 7 BEYOND THE RHETORIC Continuing Human Rights Abuses in Rwanda Table of Contents Introduction.............................................................................................1 Background to the Conflict.............................................................2 The International Commission on Human Rights Abuses in Rwanda ........................................................................................................................3 New Massacres in the Northwest ................................................5 Elsewhere in Rwanda.........................................................................6 Killings in February and March......................................................7 Abuses by the Rwandan Armed Forces......................................7 Living with Fear....................................................................................12 The Displaced.......................................................................................15 Response of the Rwandan Government.................................16 Abuses by the Rwandan Patriotic Front.................................23 The International Role....................................................................25 Conclusion............................................................................................26 Recommendations...........................................................................28 INTRODUCTION More than 300 Tutsi and members of political parties opposed to Rwandan President Juvenal -
Rwanda International Community to the Situations in Rwanda and Srebrenica, Which Resulted in Concrete Recommendations
600mm 653mm 653mm 653mm 653mm 600mm Acknowledging Failure After 1994, the UN initiated reviews of the lack of appropriate reaction by the Rwanda international community to the situations in Rwanda and Srebrenica, which resulted in concrete recommendations. In April 2004, at a Special Session of the Commission on Human Rights commemorating the 10th anniversary of what would have prevented this? Too Little, Too Late the Rwandan genocide, the Secretary-General acknowledged the On 17 May 1994, with the genocide finally undeniable, the UN Security “collective failure” of the UN to protect the people of Rwanda and announced a Council voted to expand the UN peacekeeping mission to 5,500 Although the Rwandan genocide took many people by five-point action plan for the prevention Failure to react... War Breaks Out peacekeepers with the mandate “to contribute to the security and protection of genocide. As part of the plan, in July surprise, there had been enough warning signs that of displaced persons, refugees and civilians at risk in Rwanda”. However, no 2004 the Secretary-General appointed a Special Advisor on the Prevention of In the 1980s, Tutsis in exile sought to return to Rwanda, but were prevented from doing so. Some genocide was imminent. A history of discrimination, reinforcements arrived. A separate multinational force, led by France and Genocide to report through him to the joined the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a largely Tutsi rebel army that invaded Rwanda in 1990, authorized by the Council to use force to establish secure conditions for Security Council on situations that, if not violence and massacres preceded and foretold the events of seeking the right of exiles to return. -
Denying Genocide Or Denying Free Speech? a Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’S Genocide Denial Laws Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 12 | Issue 2 Article 3 Spring 2014 Denying Genocide or Denying Free Speech? A Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’s Genocide Denial Laws Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen, Denying Genocide or Denying Free Speech? A Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’s Genocide Denial Laws, 12 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 191 (2014). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol12/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Vol. 12:2] Yakaré-Oulé Jansen Denying Genocide or Denying Free Speech? A Case Study of the Application of Rwanda’s Genocide Denial Laws Yakaré-Oulé (Nani) Jansen * I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Rwanda is widely considered a poster child for post conflict development. Since the 1994 genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 people lost their lives, 1 the country has gone through a rapid process of socio-economic development. In the last 10 years, Rwanda’s GDP growth has averaged 7.4 %, nearly double the regional average. 2 Rwanda is the only country in Sub-Saharan Africa that is on track to meet its health related millennium development goals 3 and the only country in the world where women hold a majority of seats in the national legislature. -
Inter-Ethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 2 Issue 3 Article 4 November 2007 Inter-ethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda Anuradha Chakravarty Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Chakravarty, Anuradha (2007) "Inter-ethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 2: Iss. 3: Article 4. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol2/iss3/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Interethnic Marriages, the Survival of Women, and the Logics of Genocide in Rwanda Anuradha Chakravarty Department of Government, Cornell University This article focuses on the gendered dimensions of the genocide in Rwanda. It seeks to explain why Tutsi women married to Hutu men appeared to have better chances of survival than Tutsi women married to Tutsi men or even Hutu women married to Tutsi men. Based on data from a field site in southwest Rwanda, the findings and insights offered here draw on the gendered, racial, and operational dynamics of the genocide as it unfolded between April and July 1994. Introduction In September 1992, a military commission report in Rwanda officially defined the ‘‘main enemy’’ as ‘‘Tutsis from inside or outside the country’’ and the ‘‘secondary enemy’’ as ‘‘anyone providing any kind of assistance to the main enemy.’’1 Since the invasion of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebels in 1990, extremist propaganda had focused on the immutable racial distinction between Hutu and Tutsi. -
Rwanda's Hutu Extremist Insurgency: an Eyewitness Perspective
Rwanda’s Hutu Extremist Insurgency: An Eyewitness Perspective Richard Orth1 Former US Defense Attaché in Kigali Prior to the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993, which ended Rwanda’s three year civil war, Rwandan Hutu extremists had already begun preparations for a genocidal insurgency against the soon-to-be implemented, broad-based transitional government.2 They intended to eliminate all Tutsis and Hutu political moderates, thus ensuring the political control and dominance of Rwanda by the Hutu extremists. In April 1994, civil war reignited in Rwanda and genocide soon followed with the slaughter of 800,000 to 1 million people, primarily Tutsis, but including Hutu political moderates.3 In July 1994 the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) defeated the rump government,4 forcing the flight of approximately 40,000 Forces Armees Rwandaises (FAR) and INTERAHAMWE militia into neighboring Zaire and Tanzania. The majority of Hutu soldiers and militia fled to Zaire. In August 1994, the EX- FAR/INTERAHAMWE began an insurgency from refugee camps in eastern Zaire against the newly established, RPF-dominated, broad-based government. The new government desired to foster national unity. This action signified a juxtaposition of roles: the counterinsurgent Hutu-dominated government and its military, the FAR, becoming insurgents; and the guerrilla RPF leading a broad-based government of national unity and its military, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), becoming the counterinsurgents. The current war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DROC), called by some notable diplomats “Africa’s First World War,” involving the armies of seven countries as well as at least three different Central African insurgent groups, can trace its root cause to the 1994 Rwanda genocide. -
Rwandan Genocide, 1994
Rwandan Genocide, 1994 Where? Rwanda is about the size of Maryland, located near the center of Africa. According to the 1991 national census, the population of Rwanda was 7.7 million, with 90 percent of the population ethnic Hutus, 9 percent Tutsi, and 1 percent Twa, or pygmy. When? Rwanda gained independence from Belgium in 1961. The Belgians set up a Hutu-run government under which Tutsis were treated as lesser citizens.. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) formed in 1985 to demand an end to social discrimination against the Tutsis. RPF rebels invaded Rwanda from Uganda in 1990, reigniting hatred against the Tutsi and starting a low- level civil war. The Rwandan genocide took place over a time span of only 100 days, between April and July 1994. Who? Perpetrators: Most of the killing was carried out by two Hutu radical militant groups: the Interahamwe and the Impuzamugambi. Armed, backed, and led by the government of Rwanda (MRND), the Interahamwe was comprised largely of young Hutu men brainwashed by the “Hutu Power” ideology. The most unsettling co- perpetrators of the genocide, however, were those Rwandan civilians who collaborated with and supported the genocide. Neighbors killed neighbors, students killed teachers, and teachers killed students. Victims: Killed alongside the Tutsi people were Hutus who sympathized with their Tutsi neighbors and resisted by defending, hiding, or providing aid to their Tutsi neighbors. How? Decades of discrimination and fear for a loss of power paved the way to genocide. The Hutu-led government provided arms, planning, and leadership for the militias. It also funded the RTLM “Hutu Power” radio broadcast, the primary source of “brainwashing” for the Rwandan civilians who also took part in the genocide. -
Rwanda's Demobilization
A case study from Reducing Poverty, Sustaining Growth—What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why A Global Exchange for Scaling Up Success Scaling Up Poverty Reduction: A Global Learning Process and Conference Shanghai, May 25–27, 2004 Rwanda’s Demobilization: Creating the Environment for Investment Bob Burgoyne, Private Enterprise Development Consultant UK Department for International Development, Rwanda +250 87 74 98 66 Matthew Maguire, UK Department for International Development, Rwanda [email protected] Interviews conducted by Shyaka Kanuma Development partner: UK Department for International Development The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank cannot guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. Copyright © 2004. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK All rights reserved. The material in this work is copyrighted. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or inclusion in any information storage and retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the World Bank. The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission promptly. RWANDA’S DEMOBILIZATION: CREATING THE ENVIRONMENT FOR INVESTMENT Executive Summary A secure environment is a prerequisite for sustainable growth. Without security, it is not possible to plan for the future, and resources that could be used for growth are instead spent on defending property and livelihoods. In Rwanda, after the military victory of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) that halted one of the worst genocides in history, it was essential to provide security for the country’s population. -
The Postcolonial Politics of Militarizing Rwandan Women an Analysis of the Extremist Magazine Kangura and the Gendering of a Genocidal Nation-State
Minerva Journal of Women and War Volume 2, Number 2 / Fall 2008 / pp. 44–63 ISSN 0736-718X (Print) / ISSN 1935-9209 (Online) DOI: 10.3172/MIN.2.2.44 / © 2008 McFarland & Co. The Postcolonial Politics of Militarizing Rwandan Women An Analysis of the Extremist Magazine Kangura and the Gendering of a Genocidal Nation-state GEORGINA HOLMES Abstract: Rwanda has been used by many feminist scholars of international relations as a case study to play out understandings of gender-based violence in war and “civil war.” Few femi- nists have analyzed the mass rape of Rwandan women in the context of a carefully planned and prepared genocide. This article considers the ways in which, in the years leading up to April 1994, the Rwandan nation-state became increasingly militarized and masculinized. It exam- ines the extremist propaganda magazine Kangura’s use of cartoons to militarize Rwandan women—not just as wives, mothers and prostitutes—but as political subjects. Keywords: feminist international relations theory; genocide; genocidal rape; media; militarization; nation-state; propaganda; Rwanda Introduction Between April and July 1994, an estimated 250,000 Rwandan Tutsi and moderate Hutu women were raped, gang-raped, and mutilated during the Rwandan genocide, when nearly a million men, women and children were killed in one hundred days. Witnesses and sur- vivors have repeatedly testified to the brutality of these rapes by the government army, mili- tia groups, and men and boys from the women’s own communities. Some testimonies report other Rwandan women’s complicity in rape—by telling men where women were hiding, goading men to rape, even disabling victims so that they could not physically escape rape. -
Explaining Rwanda's 1994 Genocide
H UMAN R IGHTS & HUMAN W ELFARE Explaining Rwanda’s 1994 Genocide By Paul Magnarella A review of Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. 364 pp. and John A. Berry and Carol Pott Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda: A Collective Memory. Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1999. 201 pp. In 1994, Rwanda erupted into one of the most appalling cases of mass murder the world has witnessed since World War II. Many of the majority Hutu (about 85% of the population) turned on the Tutsi (about 12% of the population) and moderate Hutu, killing an estimated total of 800,000 people. Since genocide is the most aberrant of human behaviors, it cries out for explanation. The two books under review attempt to do this. To appreciate them, a short journey through Rwanda’s history is necessary. From 1894 until the end of World War I, Rwanda, along with Burundi and present-day Tanzania, was part of German East Africa. Belgium claimed it thereafter, becoming the administering authority from 1924 to 1962. During their colonial tenure, the Germans and Belgians ruled Rwanda indirectly through Tutsi monarchs and their chiefs. The colonialists developed the so- called Hamitic hypothesis or myth, which held that the Tutsi and everything humanly superior in Central Africa came from ancient Egypt or Abyssinia. The Europeans regarded Hutu and Twa (about 3% of the population) as inferior to Tutsi. Sixty years of such prejudicial fabrications inflated Tutsi egos inordinately and crushed Hutu feelings, which coalesced into an aggressively resentful inferiority complex.