"THIRD WORLD PARADISE":
HOW SEX TOURISTS IN THAILAND PERCEIVE THEMSELVES,
THEIR HOSTS AND THE INDUSTRY
A Thesis
Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of
Master of Arts in Justice Studies
by
Ramona Furkert
Regina, Saskatchewan
November, 2010
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1*1 Canada UNIVERSITY OF REGINA
FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH
SUPERVISORY AND EXAMINING COMMITTEE
Ramona Furkert, candidate for the degree of Master of Arts in Justice Studies, has presented a thesis titled, "Third World Paradise": How Sex Tourists in Thailand Perceive Themselves, Their Hosts and the Industry, in an oral examination held on October 1, 2010. The following committee members have found the thesis acceptable in form and content, and that the candidate demonstrated satisfactory knowledge of the subject material.
External Examiner: Dr. Meredith Cherland, Faculty of Education
Co-Supervisor: Dr. Annette Desmarais, Department of Justice Studies
Co-Supervisor: Dr. Pamela Downe, Adjunct Professor, Department of Justice Studies
Committee Member: Dr. Darlene Juschka, Department of Women's and Gender Studies
Chair of Defense: Dr. Emily Eaton, Department of Geography
*Not present at defense Abstract
The goal of this research is to examine how pleasure travellers, particularly sex tourists, see themselves in relation to their hosts. Discourse analysis is used to examine how the use of particular language amongst travellers and sex tourists reflects their understanding
(or lack thereof) of cultural and gender issues, as well as colonial history, in determining their attitudes towards, and perception of, their hosts. An analysis of postings on a popular sex travellers' forum, the World Sex Guide (WSG), provides insight into how sex tourists understand the industry and how they see themselves in relation to the sex workers, as well as how sex tourists come to view themselves as dominant entities, entitled to receive sexual services from women whom they see as subordinate. This research focuses specifically on Thailand, as it has a robust sex-for-sale industry and has a reputation for being one of the premier sex tourism destinations in the world for heterosexual exchanges. A total of 355 posts were analyzed as part of this research.
Overall, the data suggests that the individuals who use the WSG forum share the same views in regard to sex tourism, including the commodification of women (those who work in the industry, as well as others), their superior position as privileged,
Eurowestem travellers, and their sense of entitlement to access sexual services. The three overarching themes that emerged from this research are power relations, use of language to subordinate and exploitation.
The research found that most tourists (particularly those travelling to developing countries) and sex tourists in general, tend to approach their experiences and interactions with local peoples from a dominant position, and this privileged status is often used to their advantage in order to leverage services or experiences. Easy access to and
ii availability of sex workers, using money to leverage power, and a perceived dominant status as a Eurowestem tourist all work together to provide an encounter that is most often controlled by the client. While it appears that tourists are often aware of their privileged position, this does not mean that they will use that awareness to inform their interactions with those in the host country.
Sex tourist destinations are often seen as racialized and gendered spaces amongst travelers, an understanding that may be a result of stereotypes, the popular media, or targeted marketing campaigns. This study found that language choices used to describe encounters and experiences in Thailand reinforced such understandings. The language used by members of the WSG forum was fairly uniform; new and seasoned writers alike seemed to be able to understand and relate to one another. They often shared the same opinion on how these relationships or encounters differed from those they could expect to have at home; the social, economic and cultural difference between themselves and their hosts made it possible to elevate access to services and experiences that they would likely not encounter in their home country.
iii Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my co-supervisors, Dr. Annette Desmarais and Dr. Pamela Downe for their academic support and guidance, and encouragement throughout this process. I would also like to thank my committee member, Dr. Darlene Juschka for many hours of thoughtful discussion. I am especially grateful that Drs. Downe and Juschka have provided me with such insight into this topic and area of research, proving to be invaluable resources throughout this process.
I would also like to thank the Graduate Students' Association and the Faculty of
Graduate Studies and Research for providing financial support in the form of scholarships, which allowed me to focus on completing my studies.
iv Table of Contents
CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH STUDY 1 Introduction 1 Research Goal 5 Structure 7 Exploring the Context 7 A History of the Sex Industry in Thailand 9 Prostitution Policy in Thailand 13 The Myth of the Bangkok Bar Girl 14 Prostitution: A Human Rights Violation or a Form of Labour? 17
CHAPTER 2: CONCEPTUAL FRAME WORKS 20 Tourism 20 Travel Writing 27 Through Eurowestem Eyes 32
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY 36 Introduction 36 Data Source 41 Data Analysis 44 Ethical Considerations 46
CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH FINDINGS 49 Introduction 49 Themes 54 Theme 1: "You Can Get Anything...": Power Relations 54 Access and Availability 55 The Value of the "Goods" 58 Theme 2: Use of Language to Subordinate 64 Interactions Between Worker and Client 70 Theme 3: "A Warning About Sin City": How to Avoid Being Exploited 74 Money Issues 74 Health Issues 77 Keeping the Illusion Alive 83
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION 88
LIST OF REFERENCES 97
v CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH STUDY
Introduction
Tourism can be understood as a complex phenomenon engaging "histories, ideologies,
cultures, personalities, race, gender, class, and age differences, as well as situational
contingencies" (Harrison, 2003, pg. 65). Whether or not travellers are cognizant of all of these forces is questionable. Studies, most of which have focused on middle-class travellers, have found that these individuals are often well aware of their middle class, privileged status that afford them the opportunity to take a break from their everyday
lives to travel and acquire "cultural capital". Travelling.to a foreign destination and
exploring other parts of the world, is a means of escaping the ordinary, one that is, in part, intriguing and permissible because travellers have the option of returning to a safe place when they so choose. However, there is often a failure to make the connection between their ability to travel to foreign destinations and the colonial histories that made these experiences possible (ibid). Little thought is given to the history attached to their privileged status as a traveller and even less thought is given to how stereotypes based on this history continue to be reinforced and perpetuated to this day, particularly in relation to the tourist experience. Many travellers fail to make the connection between cheap holidays and touristic fantasies and the forces that produce and make these available for international consumption; they often neglect to consider how cheap labour, much of which is performed by women, provides the opportunities for cheap vacations. Whether through sex work, childcare, cleaning, or serving, these types of "feminine" labour are cheap and comprise the backbone of the tourist industry.
1 The concept of travel and tourism , and how it is understood and perceived by
both the traveller and the host, is intriguing. Many travellers are attracted to foreign
destinations located in the geographical south by the allure of pristine beaches, lush
tropical forests, and authentic cultural experiences. These elements are perceived as
exciting because they are markedly different than those experienced by the traveller on a
daily basis, and reinforce the idea that the traveller is indeed on a vacation. However,
encounters between the host and the tourist are more than short-term relationships
characterized by reciprocal benefits (i.e. an exchange of money for an experience), as
both sides bring with them a complex history shaped by culture, race, class, gender,
ethnicity and sexuality.
One of the best ways of gaining insight into how tourists situate themselves in
relation to their hosts is to analyze travel literature. The very root of travel writing is
embedded in identifying and exposing differences between the tourist and the local.
These binary distinctions often include discussion around differences of home and away,
civilized and uncivilized, safe and unsafe, self and other. By understanding and framing
these differences, it is made clear that the object of discussion is sufficiently foreign. In
her work on post-colonial travel writing, Lisle (2006) notes that travellers and tourists tend to seek out "authentic" places and experiences; yet what makes them "authentic" are the very elements of the colonial understanding of the Other: primitive, backwards,
uncivilized, wild. Places and experiences prized by these travellers are considered
"undiscovered", uninfluenced by the forces of globalization. This understanding invokes
feelings of colonialism in the reader, as these tales of exotic, undiscovered places and
1 This thesis uses the terms "traveller" and "tourist" interchangeably. It is recognized that there may be some inherent differences between what some might consider a "traveller" and others a "tourist" (including the difference between inner- and outer-directed experiences), but this is not the focus of this research. cultures remind us of how far we, as civilized, western citizens have come. By using their privileged position to see, analyze and disseminate information on the Other, travel writers and tourists categorize, critique and pass judgment on foreign people and places, which are more often than not located in less developed areas of the world.
The idea of the authentic experience and a preconceived notion of the Other can also be applied to reasons why tourists travel to certain destinations for sexual purposes.
From a western perspective, certain cultures may be perceived to embody specific traits that are intriguing and exotic, different from those found at home. For example, the obedient, family oriented Asian female comes to mind, an image that has been constructed through the popular media, literature and post-WWII discourse on pacification. Tour guides, brochures and travel advertisements highlight and confirm such understandings, thereby affirming accepted imaginings of the Other. As these understandings may be the tourists' only frame of reference for what it is that they want to experience and see, it is only fitting that the tourist expects to engage in re-enactments of these experiences.
Women and girls of destination countries are also differentiated through their
"biological" or cultural differences, which are compared and contrasted with the attributes and identities associated with Eurowestem ideals of the feminine, and men often want to buy a body that encompasses the most racist and sexist concepts of women
(Barry, 1995). For example, Asian sex-workers are required to provide a sexual experience that is "enacted with passivity, submissiveness and slavishness", characteristics that westerners have come to associate with Asian femininity (ibid, 34).
3 Sex industries, as Barry goes on to explain, are built on racial stereotypes and "satisfy
racial curiosities of customers seeking the forbidden" (ibid, 131).
Some travellers differentiate themselves by refusing to engage in the binary good
tourist/bad tourist discourse by pointing out the qualities inherent in bad tourists, and juxtaposing these with their own "good" qualities. For example, some sex tourists may
refer to treating sex workers "well" (as opposed to how they would be treated by local
men) and providing them with "opportunities" that they would not have had otherwise
(such as providing a source of financial stability) in order to justify their exploitation of
foreign women. However, this binary understanding of social relations still brings forth
an understanding of difference; the inherent difference between a bad and a good tourist
as well as the difference between the tourist and local individuals. A morally superior position is still being projected onto other people, based on the universally accepted
understanding of western standards.
Interestingly enough, some studies have revealed that sex workers have similar preconceived notions of the ideal Other, preferring their customers to fit a certain profile, often one that was different from that of their peers (see for example, Kempadoo, 1999).
Reasons cited for preferring some customers over others included a preferred physical trait associated with certain cultures, understandings that certain cultures treated women better, or simply because customers from some locations were seen to have more money.
Clearly, the idealized notion of the Other, embodied by ideals of gender, race and cultural identities is not restricted to travellers or sex tourists and can be found to shape hosts' perspective as well.
4 This research was inspired by the author's personal observations during several trips to Thailand. While the nature of these trips was purely for recreational purposes,
and in no way included participation in sex tourism, it became apparent that travellers will be bound to encounter some aspect of this industry. Evidence of prostitution was
everywhere, particularly in destination hot spots, such as Bangkok and the island of Koh
Samui. From seedy beer bars staffed by young Thai women shouting suggestive comments to foreigners, to tuk-tuk drivers2 offering to take us to the "ping pong" shows of Patpong, it was apparent that all travellers were assumed to have come to Thailand to engage in the industry. Being a male or a female traveller, in a relationship or not, made no difference to the apparent assumption that this is why we had come to Thailand - all tourists were considered fair game. This led me to want to leam more about the status of the sex tourism industry in Thailand, and what role tourists play in sustaining it.
Research Goal
The goal of this research is to examine how pleasure travellers, particularly sex tourists, see themselves in relation to their hosts. Specifically, the research examines the industry in Thailand and addresses the following questions:
« How do sex tourists position themselves in relation to their host, and how do they
form and understand their own identities and the perceived identities of their hosts?
• How do sex tourists understand the social, political and economic distinctions
between themselves and their hosts, and how do these enable and sustain the sex
industry (for both the provider and the consumer)?
• Do personal accounts of pleasure travel mirror cultural trajectories and meanings
associated with certain racialized and gendered stereotypes?
2 A typical form of transportation.
5 Discourse analysis is used to examine how the use of particular language amongst
travellers and sex tourists reflects their understanding (or lack thereof) of cultural and
gender issues, as well as colonial history, in determining their attitudes towards, and
perception of, their hosts. An analysis of postings on a popular sex travellers' forum, the
World Sex Guide, provides insight into how sex tourists understand the industry and how
they see themselves in relation to the sex workers, as well as how sex tourists come to
view themselves as dominant entities, entitled to receive sexual services from women
whom they see as subordinate. This research focuses specifically on Thailand, as it has a
robust sex-for-sale industry and has a reputation for being one of the premier sex tourism
destinations in the world for heterosexual exchanges.
While the direct quotes used in this study may use other terminology such as
prostitute, this thesis, uses the term sex worker as an umbrella term that encompasses
women (and men) engaged in a wide range of erotic labour, including street-based
prostitution, escorting, exotic dancing, erotic massage and other erotic work. Those who
argue for the legalization or decriminalization of prostitution recognize erotic services as
a form of labour, and the term sex worker recognizes that women have control over their
bodies and exercise choice in their decision to work in the industry. The data set that I
have used for this research deals with freelance sex workers in Thailand who choose
(perhaps for different reasons, which I will not go into here but will be outlined as part of the next chapter) to engage in sex work with predominantly foreign tourists in exchange
for money or other compensation.
6 Structure
The chapters in this thesis have been structured to give the reader an overview of the background and context of sex tourism, followed by the methodology and findings related to this research. Chapter Two provides an overview of the literature related to tourism and travel writing, which formed the basis of knowledge from which I drew to
develop and conduct this research. Chapter Three outlines the methodology used for this research, followed by the findings in Chapter Four. Chapter Five presents the conclusion and recommendations.
Exploring the Context
Tourism has experienced continued growth and diversification over the last several decades, making it one of the largest economic sectors in the world. Since 1950, worldwide international tourism arrivals have increased at a rate of 6.5% annually, increasing from 25 million arrivals in 1950 to over 842 million arrivals in 2006; by 2020, international arrivals are expected to exceed 1.5 billion per year (United Nations World
Tourism Organization, no date).
Currently, international tourism is closely linked to development and encompasses an ever-growing number of destinations, making it one of the largest drivers of socio-economic progress. The Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT) was the first organization in Thailand to be specifically responsible for the promotion of tourism; since
March 1960, it has played a major role in making travel and tourism one of Thailand's leading foreign exchange earning and job-creating industries3. In 2007, international visitor arrivals totalled 14.46 million, and generated tourism revenue worth 547 billion baht (CAD$18.4 billion). By 2008, Thailand, like most other travel destinations, was
3 All figuresi n the remainder of this paragraph are taken from TAT (2010).
7 heavily affected by the global economic slowdown, as well as the beginning of political
strife and unrest. The greatest decline in international tourists (30%) was seen in the
Northeast Asian market, followed closely by the Americas and Oceania. The TAT estimates that approximately 14 million visitors arrived in 2009, a 4% decrease from
2008. Depending on how the political crisis unfolds, the tourism sector may see an
increase in visitors for 2010. At the beginning of the year, the TAT projected a 7-10% increase in the number of international visitors for 2010, with an estimated 15 million arrivals.
It is clear that any decline in the number of foreign visitors has a huge impact on the economy. Tourism directly employs 1.8 million people in Thailand and brings in the equivalent of six per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP)4, making it a major economic driver. To boost the state of the current economy during the global economic downturn, the Thai government provided a CAD$10.3 billion stimulus package, of which nearly CAD$533 million will go to the vital tourism sector (TAT, 2010). In addition, in an attempt to increase inbound tourism traffic as well as encourage locals to travel within the country instead of going abroad, the TAT launched its Amazing Thailand 2008-09 campaign. One of its key themes promoted worldwide throughout 2009 was the Seven
Amazing Wonders of Thailand, which focused on unique niche-market products, including the concept of "Thai-ness", treasures, beaches, nature, health and wellness, trends, and festivities. This campaign will be continued into 2010, under the Amazing
Thailand, Amazing Value concept. These initiatives are designed to build on themes and
The value of all goods and services produced in a year within a country, measured at market prices. It is the standard measure of the overall size of the economy.
8 attractions that best represent what Thailand has to offer as one of the world's top
destinations for a "hot holiday".
In comparison to countries where local sex industries have been created to meet tourist demand, the industry in Thailand actually preceded mass tourism. A vast local sex
industry serving local clients spawned a parallel industry designed to meet the needs of
US and foreign servicemen involved in the Vietnam War, who were shipped to Thailand
for rest and relaxation (R&R) which also became informally known as intoxication and
intercourse (I&I) (Bishop and Robinson, 2002). As the war came to an end and the
streams of service men ceased to come to Thailand, it was envisioned that Thailand's path to economic development would best be realized through the establishment of a mass-tourist industry. The focus on sex tourism as an industry was, arguably, a natural progression, as the infrastructure to accommodate the needs of foreign clientele was
already in place. It is estimated that over 70% of tourists entering Thailand are unaccompanied males, a figure that rises to 90% at some beach resorts (ibid).
A History of the Sex Industry in Thailand
Women in Thailand have traditionally been viewed as commodities to be used and traded. In Asia, the first large-scale commercial trafficking occurred during the 1800's, when Chinese women were sent to Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand in order to provide sexual services to migrant Chinese labourers. During this same time period, Japanese women were also sent abroad to provide sexual services, a practice that no longer exists now that Japan has emerged as one of the largest economies in the world, and now imports sex workers from other countries. But perhaps the most well-known instance of modem-day sexual slavery occurred during the Second World War, when hundreds of
9 thousands of Korean women were enslaved as "comfort women" by the Japanese
Imperial Army. The war also initiated the expansion of military prostitution, which saw the creation of dozens of red light districts outside of military bases to provide sexual
services to men (Brown, 2001).
Some feminist analysts have argued that the patriarchal structure in Thai society is one of the driving forces behind women's entry into the sex trade (Jeffrey, 2005).
Religious teachings and cultural practice place women below men in the social hierarchy, which translates into reduced opportunities for women to access the same opportunities that are afforded to their male counterparts. At the same time, dutiful daughters are expected to contribute to the family income, which is difficult if they do not have the education or skills to gain employment in a viable sector. Another driving force is the regional poverty experienced most profoundly in the northern and north-eastem areas of the country. Most rural women are employed in the agricultural sector, an industry that has experienced a rapid decline with the growth in the export industry. In 1980, the agricultural industry contributed roughly 25% of the gross domestic product, a figure that dropped to less than 13% in 1990 (ibid). During the 1980's more and more women migrated to larger centers in search of job opportunities, only to find poorly paid positions in export factories or as domestic servants. Transitioning into the sex industry was seen as a more lucrative option for some, as the working conditions endured in the factories and private homes was considered only slightly less exploitative. It also provided the opportunity to earn nearly 25 times more than the average wage of other occupations that were available to migrant workers (ibid). As Montgomery (1998, 150)
10 notes, women who choose to work in the sex industry have merely chosen a "bad option with better pay than other bad options."
Yet the expansion of the sex industry cannot be blamed on these mitigating factors alone, as the demand side of the equation must also be considered. As noted previously, the local sex industry was firmly established before the shift from a primarily agricultural to an export based economy. Thailand, like many Asian countries, has a long history of patriarchal family arrangements, including concubinage, polygamy and the acquisition of "minor" wives. Married women are expected to take care of the home and family and generally cease to be viewed as a means of sexual gratification. That is the job of the Other, and it is generally accepted that men acquire "minor" wives and visit prostitutes for this purpose (Brown, 2001). Although public opinion about the general acceptability of such cultural practices has changed, the majority of young men will still have their first sexual encounter with a sex worker (Jeffrey, 2005), and will continue to visit sex-workers on a regular basis (Brown, 2001).
Women and girls who cater to a primarily local clientele are generally found in brothels, and are recmited for this purpose in a number of ways. Some girls are sold into prostitution by their families5, while others are entrusted to the care of an agent with promises of lucrative jobs in the city. These girls are considered debt-bonded as they must repay the brothel owner for the money that her family received, travel costs, room and board, and other expenses that the owner sees fit (ibid). It can take years for a girl to pay off her debt, at which point she may continue to work in the sex industry, as she has few other marketable skills that will allow her employment in another sector. Girls who
Case studies show that this may be for as little as US$10. For a more detailed discussion see Brown, 2001.
11 work in these brothels are often underage6, arguably work under the worst conditions,
and are afforded little opportunity to change their situation.
The sector of the sex industry which is most often discussed in the international
media and documentaries, focuses on the bar girls who work in Bangkok, Pattaya and
other beach resorts, and cater almost exclusively to foreign clientele. Entry into this
sector of the industry rarely involves coercion or physical force; however, the
disadvantaged social and economic situations of the women working in this sector are
often cited as the driving force behind women choosing to pursue this type of
employment. Women are often employed directly by a bar and receive a percentage of
drink sales from customers. Clients pay a fee to the bar to "take her out" and any
subsequent arrangements are made between the worker and the customer. Underage girls
are rarely employed in this industry, as it is considered fairly open and accessible, and
recent legislation to curb the spread of child exploitation has resulted in higher penalties
for the use of underage prostitutes.
Despite the marked difference in the types of prostitution found in Thailand, from
forced sexual slavery to freelancing bar girls, undertones of oppressive cultural practices,
as well as distinct political and economic disparities between men and women, can be
understood to influence a woman's entry into the industry in all of the cases. In terms of
sex tourism, this is further complicated by the racist and sexist attitudes portrayed by the
(mainly Western and European) customers who view themselves as the dominant, privileged, white males entitled to the services provided by subordinate, Asian women.
6 Some men believe that impotence and old age can be mitigated by having sex with a younger girl, and that HIV/AIDS can be cured by having sex with a virgin. Therefore, the demand for younger girls in this industry is high. Unfortunately the value placed on their virginity and youthfulness greatly increases their risk of exposure to STI's and HIV/AIDS. See for example Bishop and Robinson (1998); Brown (2001) and Odzer(1994).
12 A greater understanding of this phenomenon requires an analysis of the dynamics of gendered, classed and racialized relations as well as an understanding of the economic inequalities that exist between developed and developing countries.
Prostitution Policy in Thailand
Prostitution was legal in Thailand until 1960, when the Prostitution Prohibition Act was passed. Women convicted of prostitution could be imprisoned for up to 6 months and were provided with "rehabilitation" upon their release. Shortly thereafter the
Entertainment Places Act was passed, which aimed to regulate businesses offering prostitution through a licensing scheme. Sex workers could still be convicted under the
Prostitution Prohibition Act, yet there was little consequence for customers, traffickers and owners of such establishments. A series of Acts followed in the 1970's and 1980's, aimed at punishing managers and brothel owners. However the government often failed to enforce these laws and Thailand's sex industry began to flourish and gain international fame.
The government was forced to reconsider its position amidst mounting international pressure to deal with the growing problem of child prostitution. In 1996, the
National Commission on Women's Affairs (NCWA) introduced a National Policy and
Plan of Action for the Prevention and Eradication of the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, which become known as the Prostitution Prevention and Suppression Act.
This Act imposed more severe penalties for customers caught with underage children, while also targeting traffickers and managers or procurers of prostitution. Cases in which individuals were recmited into prostitution through violent, threatening or deceitful means were also recognized as especially heinous, while police or government officials
13 who were found soliciting for the purpose of prostitution would also receive higher
penalties (TAT, no date).
The legislation was passed amidst much international pressure to deal with the
problem of child exploitation and prostitution in Thailand. The Act took a long time (and
some negotiating) to pass, as many (male) members of parliament were not in favour of
it. While there was some discussion around harsher penalties for clients, it was argued that the bill may not be passed at all if the penalties were considered too high. Many
members of parliament still adhered to sexist ideals, claiming that sex was "like food" to
men, and was therefore, something that they should not be deprived of (Jeffrey, 2005,
116). Although the penalties were lower than what was originally intended, this bill
marked the first time that clients could be punished for their role in prostitution.
Nonetheless, the penalty for soliciting the services of children prostitutes under the age of
15 remains lighter than the penalties for statutory rape (ibid).
The Myth of the Bangkok Bar Girl
Sex tourists who come to Thailand often have a limited understanding of the industry
itself; most of their knowledge is gained through the popular media, travel guides or the
internet. Their knowledge of the complex matrix of socio-economic, cultural and social
conditions that force women and girls to enter the sex industry is often understood in terms of a "consensus description": a typical woman's life scenario which neatly
summarizes the issues for mass consumption by the media, the public and government
(Frederick, 2005, 127). Lacking a broader, more concrete body of knowledge, this myth
is transformed into truth and becomes the basis upon which all understandings of the issue are based. Although the conceptualization of the original myth is often based on
14 facts, the narrative is stagnant, and unwilling or unable to accommodate paradigm shifts and new, progressive ways of understanding the issues in question. Therefore, according to this myth, a woman found in one of Bangkok's GoGo bars will inevitably be from an impoverished village in north-east Thailand, denied the chance to gain an education, has been treated as a second class citizen by her family simply because she is a woman, and understood as the product of a greedy family that either sold her into prostitution or encouraged her to do so in order to live off the avails of the woman's sex work.
The unchanging nature of the myth is significant, as it serves several purposes.
Firstly, by reducing the complexities of the sex industry to a few common denominators it presents a simple platform for launching anti-trafficking and anti-sex tourism initiatives. As all women who work in the industry are understood to be influenced by the same set of factors, it becomes easier to address the underlying causes. Secondly, the myth provides a certain understanding of the industry from the client's perspective, as it positions these women as naive, helpless victims of circumstance who are in need of intervention by foreigners, specifically to provide money. For the sex tourist, the myth becomes a "heroic narrative" and validates the idea that the exploitation of women in the sex industry is an acceptable and benevolent act, as the industry provides the women (and their impoverished families) with a source of income to which they would otherwise not have access. The unchanging myth provides validation to the sex tourist that he is, in fact, doing the women a favour. Many clients who document their experience as a sex tourist present the same type of attitude, perceiving the women to be in need of rescuing, understood as the victims of an unfortunate set of circumstances (see for example Odzer
1994, Bishop and Robinson 1998 and Sharron 2005). All women are understood to be
15 the product of the same set of circumstances, and a deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding the decision to enter the sex tourist trade is never fully
articulated. This, however, is not necessary, as the myth provides customers with enough
information to validate their actions, without the burden of challenging their perception
or questioning how their actions impact the women involved in the industry and serve to keep the industry going.
Clearly, this consensus description of the typical life of a Bangkok bar girl is not representative of all of the women who are working in Thailand's sex industry, but by perpetuating this myth it is easier for sex tourists to justify their own actions by presenting the women in a situation that is easily accepted by the men (Frederick, 2005).
The myth would be less interesting if it presented information that challenged its listeners to reflect on why Thailand's sex tourism industry has remained virtually unchanged since it first developed during the Vietnam War, and why the social and economic forces that give rise to the seemingly infinite number of sex workers have remained the same as well. It would be equally less entertaining if it required its listener to understand what propels these women to stay in the industry and to question what happens to them when they are no longer able to work due to age, injury or illness (including, but not limited to
Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs) and HIV/AIDS). Judging by the attitudes of many sex tourists, such issues are rarely considered, and they do not need to be, as they fall outside of the parameters of the consensus description that has been established around the sex tourist industry. Sex workers choose to work in the industry because it provides an opportunity for employment that would not be possible otherwise, and sex tourists make this possible by providing the financial incentives that keep the industry
16 rolling. This is what the consensus description of the sex industry in Thailand tells sex tourists, and this is how they see themselves in relation to the industry itself.
Prostitution: A Human Rights Violation or a Form of Labour?
When it comes to discussing prostitution, there are many equally charged sides weighing in on whether the provision of sexual services in exchange for money, goods or any other type of payment, should be legalized, decriminalized, or considered a human rights violation. Those who argue that prostitution should be legalized argue that this type of employment should be considered as labour, deserving the same type of rights, benefits and legal protection as any other type of employment. Examples of legalized prostitution include the red-light districts in the Netherlands and some parts of Nevada,
USA. Within a framework of legalized prostitution, workers are free to engage in all activities integral to prostitution, such as communicating for the purpose of prostitution
(which, for example, is illegal in Canada, while the actual exchanging of sex for compensation is not). Legalized prostitution is heavily regulated and may include regulations around identity cards, curfews and health checks. Workers are also taxed on their incomes. While many argue that this model provides a mechanism for controlling and regulating an industry that will always be present in our society, some advocacy groups argue that heavy regulations negatively impact a worker's civil rights, and continue to view prostitution as a social evil that must be contained and controlled. An interview with Kara Gillies, a sex worker, activist and member of Maggie's (a sex worker-ran organization in Toronto dedicated to promoting the safety and dignity of women, men and trans people working in the sex trade) revealed that strict regulations and conditions may also exclude workers who are marginalized through criminal records,
17 substance use, immigration status, or ethnic profile, thus creating a two-tired system that
inevitably forces these marginalized workers into an underground system of prostitution
(Van der Meulen, 2009).
Decriminalization, which involves repealing legal sanctions specific to prostitution, and adapting or extending existing human rights, employment, labour and
business laws to include sex trade businesses, supports the rights of sex workers to
engage in sexual activities with other adults without being criminalized. New Zealand
has recently decriminalized prostitution and now regulates erotic labour through a series
of local and municipal laws that encompass and consider the roles and contributions of
sex workers, managers and the broader community (ibid). Decriminalization is
considered a harm-reduction and human rights-based strategy that provides sex workers protection from the harmful situations that they may face in communities where prostitution is considered illegal, as they are forced to work in isolating areas and
situations, which place them at greater risk of violence.
Other scholars, however, argue that any type of sexual exploitation, be it prostitution, pornography or other, should be understood as just that, exploitation. Barry
(1995, 64-65) argues that women choose/consent to engage in such activities, noting that this approach separates "the sexual power of male domination from the system of patriarchal oppression by which men as a class subordinate women." Consent does not determine or cause oppression, because when violence is separated from oppression, victimization can only be established if a violation of consent can be proven. In other words, when women do not say no, or actively consent (as in the case of prostitution), they are not violated. Therefore, women in prostitution are excluded from being
18 recognized as victims of sexual exploitation. Furthermore, regulating schemes, such as health checks, have more to do with protecting the client ~ by identifying and removing workers infected with STIs or HIV/AIDS from the industry ~ than the worker (as clients never undergo health checks) (ibid). Workers often do not have the choice to reject a customer, and some men are more inclined to pay more for sex without condoms, putting the worker at greater risk. Educational seminars and condom distribution amongst sex workers can also be understood as tools that wilfully risk sex workers' lives in order to sustain an industry that provides a sufficient supply of female sex workers to cater to male demand (ibid).
This paper supports the position that commercial sexual activity between consenting adults should be decriminalized, as it offers sex workers the right to safe working conditions, the right to equal protection and benefit of the law, and the right to have their dignity, autonomy and liberty respected.
19 CHAPTER TWO: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS
The topics in this literature review are intended to provide a context for the research I conducted. This chapter is divided into three sections: First, I explore the growing interest in international travel for leisure, reasons for traveling, travelers expectations while on holidays, and factors influencing the rise and sustainment of the sex tourism industry; next, the chapter takes a historical look at the use of discourse to distinguish one historical or social context from another, and the rise of contemporary means of sharing travel information; and the final section identifies issues arising from Eurowestem scholars taking a position of scholarly or cultural superiority when discussing Third
World issues.
Tourism
The growing interest in international travel for leisure can be attributed to many factors, including the extended vacation period for (mainly European and North American) workers, increased access to information about other cultures and the corresponding desire to "consume" them, and the growing reliance on tourist industries as a means of economic modernization for developing countries (Bishop and Robinson, 2002). Leisure time is a human right7, which entitles a worker to engage in leisure activities that are not related to their everyday work lives. When combined, these influences create an environment in which travelers from affluent countries use their vacation time and money to explore developing countries, experiencing the foreign and exotic, often for less than it would cost to vacation at home. Of course, discussions around vacation entitlements and leisure rights are often reserved for the hard working members (and to some extent, the elite) of affluent nations only. That these are available to them at the expense of those
7 United Declaration of Human Rights, Article 24.
20 living and working in the country of destination (through means such as cheap and/or
exploitative labour and access to comparatively inexpensive consumable goods and
experiences), is a topic that is not often discussed. The flow of international leisure
travelers most often occurs from north to south, with little regard given to the workers
who provide the necessary services for a fun filled vacation away from home, and equally
little mention is made of their own entitlement for a well earned vacation away from
providing services to tourists on a daily basis.
Environmental attractions, authentic cultural experiences and relative economic
affluence (as opposed to the situation of many citizens living in the host country) are
often cited as the top reasons for choosing specific tourist destinations, particularly
developing countries, and travellers are often well aware of their (mainly) middle class,
privileged status that afforded them the opportunity to take a break from their everyday
lives to travel and acquire "cultural capital" (Harrison, 2003). The relative safety and
stability of their home country is often noted as being important to tourists, as this allows
them to travel to and explore other parts of the world, all the while understanding that
they are able to return "home" to their social, economic and familial safety net (ibid).
Travel is a means of escaping the ordinary, one which is partially so intriguing and
permissible because they are able to return to a familiar place when they have had
enough. In Harrison's study money is also a reoccurring theme with travellers viewing
certain travel destinations as being "a bargain", citing examples of having found a great
deal or feeling elated at having seen more, spent less and bargained better than other travellers.
8 A sociological concept from the work of Pierre Boudreau (1973), referring to non-financial social assets such as accumulated cultural knowledge, that confers power and status.
21 Images of exotic destinations, often gained from travel brochures or popular
media inform and uphold preconceived notions about what a traveler can expect to see
and what type of activities they would engage in once they arrived at their destination.
Such experiences often revolve around "authentic" cultural activities. No culture,
however, is static; as with all things, cultures tend to change over time, and very few (if
any) remain that have not been touched in some way by western influences. Therefore, the tourists' ability to engage in an authentic experience may be unreasonable, and as a result, travellers may be disappointed when their expectations are not met. In order not to
disappoint the masses of tourists, local peoples may engage in staged "authentic" cultural performances and other experiences in order to engage tourists (ibid). Many of the
experiences encountered by tourists are seen in a comparative framework, in which experiences are seen, evaluated and experienced in terms of the tourist's frame of reference. Experiences that fall outside of this framework are often discounted as unnatural, unauthentic or negative in nature. Therefore, even unauthentic experiences may be viewed as authentic as long as they reflect the tourist's expectations.
The tourist experience may also be characterized by unrealistic expectations, such as the provision of gendered services (such as childcare, or the provision of food and drinks) which are often expanded to include the provision of sexual services. Tourist destinations are also often viewed as "illicit spaces" in which illicit desires may be enacted without consequence (Mackie, 2000), as the tourist is physically and psychologically removed from the constraints of the everyday experience (Bishop and
Robinson, 1998). As a result, tourists may engage in activities that may not be possible, legal or viewed as acceptable at home. And while many developing countries focus on
22 providing a tourist experience based on authentic, cultural or environmental attractions,
illicit activities, including sex tourism, have begun to play an increasingly larger role in the tourism industry. Travel is often perceived as an intimate engagement that
encompasses all of the senses and brings about a heightened sense of romance and excitement that is outside of the realm of the everyday experience. The combination of
sun, sex and surf is often intriguing to sex tourists and the mere displacement from their regular surroundings coupled with the heightened engagement of all of their senses may
encourage tourists to participate in activities that they would refrain from at home.
Similarly, being physically removed from the everyday experience may allow individuals to engage in behaviours that they may not normally consider, as they do not feel the same moral connection to the place and the people that they would be bound to at home.
Some scholars argue that the growing sex tourism industry can be understood to be influenced by two factors: first, the privileges formerly restricted to specific classes are now available to virtually everyone, from affluent businessmen to backpackers and there is no need to be rich to exploit women in poor countries (Brennan, 2004).
Secondly, many men are seeking women who exhibit "traditional" traits of subservience, passivity and subordination, traits that they believe are no longer found in Eurowestem women, as they have become "tainted" by feminism. Women in developing countries are understood to embody these ideals and are therefore attractive to men who hold on to traditional notions of gender roles. Case studies in Denise Brennan's (2004) work on sex tourism in the Dominican Republic indicate that sex workers are utilizing these binary associations to their advantage by consistently contrasting their "feminine" traits with the lack of those of Eurowestem women. Although this technique is used to attract more
23 attention from sex tourists, it also perpetuates racialized and sexualized stereotypes. This
subtle nuance has also not been lost on the tourism industry, and commercial enterprises
have been designed to cater to these associations. In extreme cases, the official arm of
government tasked with boosting a country's tourism numbers are also implicated.
During the 1970's and 1980's, not only did Thailand market itself as one of Southeast
Asia's premier tourist destinations, it also used its history of prostitution as well as
Eurowestem racist and sexist attitudes to their advantage by actively promoting the
sexualized image of Thai women and marketing the country as a sex tourist destination
(ibid). In 1987, the government initiated the following promotional advertising campaign to attract more foreigners: "The one fruit of Thailand more delicious than durian9, its young women" (Poulin, 2003).
Many studies have endeavoured to explore the reasons and conditions that
influence women and men to enter the sex trade. Kempadoo (1999) theorizes that sex industries flourish in destination countries as a result of unequal distribution of tourist revenues ~ men and women entered the sex industry in an effort to increase or
supplement their incomes. While an increase in tourism can generate billions of dollars in revenues, most workers do not reap the financial benefits associated with such a lucrative sector. Foreigners are viewed as a source of foreign currency and sex work remains one of the most viable economic options for women and men with limited economic opportunities.
A lack of economic independence and stability is often cited as a significant factor for becoming involved as a sex worker in the tourism sector. Furthermore, the underlying reason for the deteriorating economic situation in destination countries is
Q A local fruit considered to be a delicacy.
24 often rooted in the structural readjustment programs implemented by agencies such as the
World Bank and International Monetary Fund. These strategies have altered entire
economies readjusted to develop mass tourism, often encouraging developing countries
to take advantage of their natural resources (whether environmental or in human form) to
gain foreign investment and access to much needed foreign currency. Although it can be
argued that tourism has had some positive impact on local economies, many respondents
in Kempadoo's (1999) study noted that these financial gains were often limited to a select
few, with much of the profits going to large off-shore companies that had the insight to
develop the land in anticipation of an expanded tourism industry. Local people were
often left out and did not feel the impact of the increased economic activities. Many
Caribbean countries are marketed as "all inclusive" vacation destinations, in which tourists are shuffled from the airport to their resort, which cater to all of the tourists'
needs. Visitors rarely have a need to venture outside of these mega complexes, severely
limiting the impact that their tourist dollar can have on the local economy as well as
limiting the amount of contact that they would have with local people. This not only
limits tourists' understanding of the country itself, but also prevents them from gaining a greater understanding of local social, political and economic situation of the country they are visiting.
Tourists will almost always have a greater opportunity to engage in different experiences than their hosting counterparts, secure in their understanding that they are free to move about and also to return to the safety and security of their home if their experience is not as expected (be it too overwhelming or not exciting enough). In a study of foreign travellers, Harrison (2003) reported that respondents acknowledged their
25 freedom to come and go as they pleased, with the only limitation being time and money.
Individuals in hosting countries often do not have this luxury, and must display creativeness in their attempt to gain greater mobility. Brennan's (2004) work on sex tourism in the Dominican Republic further demonstrates the marked difference between the mobility of tourists and the relative limited opportunities of locals, and how this may be a factor in an individual's choice to enter the sex industry. Respondents noted that their only chance of leaving the island is often through a visa, obtained through marriage to a (sex) tourist. The dependence of sex workers on tourists to provide them with the opportunity to travel abroad and escape also demonstrates the marked power difference between the two and demonstrates how this may be used as a tool to exert power over the sex worker. Women often subjected themselves to verbal, physical, sexual and/or emotional abuse so as not to jeopardize access to a visa, which is often viewed as their opportunity for a better future and a sense of economic stability for themselves and their families; a promise that may lead these women to ignore the negative aspects of these types of relationships.
Tourists and hosts both try to maximize their opportunities for economic and situational advancement, albeit in different ways. The developing country presents a space in which middle class, Eurowestem travelers can live a life of luxury and comfort not possible for them at home, and one in which they are able to exercise class, gender, race and citizenship privileges (Brennan, 2004). Hosts, on the other hand, use their relationships with tourists to advance their own interest by tapping into the financial resources available through tourists —by means of sexual or domestic services in
26 exchange for gifts or money ~ or other opportunities, such as availability of tourist visas or plane tickets to Eurowestem destinations.
Although the studies of sex workers' experiences cited in this literature review are not specific to Thailand, they highlight issues that are relevant across geocultural contexts, and thus can be applied to this research. Each of these developing countries
shares a history of colonialism; the resulting gendered and racialized stereotypes, as well as distinctions between tourist/self and host/Other, enable and sustain the sex industry in all of them. The marked social, political, cultural and economic distinctions between host and tourist further highlighted and reaffirm the Eurowestem tourists' understanding of themselves (particularly in relation to that of their host) in this complex relationship.
Issues and themes revealed in these studies are confirmed by the findings of my research, suggesting that these themes are relevant, and can be applied, to a number of contexts in which power relationships, particularly between host and tourist, are significant.
Travel Writing
The use of writing as a means of "making history" can be understood to be the result of replacing the myths of yesterday with a practice of meaning (deCerteau, 1988). Every historiography is a reflection of particular and diverse points of view and of what establishes meaning. As a result, as Michel de Certeau argues "discourse can be dissociated today neither from the origins of its production nor from the political, economic or religious praxis that can change societies and, at a given moment, make various kinds of scientific comprehension possible" (ibid, 30). Historical discourse makes social identity explicit by differentiating between one historical period, or social context, from another. Historiographies are based on personal observations, practices and
27 understandings, and the reading of these requires an interpretation of what has been presented. Interpretations will likely vary from one consumer to another, as they will invariably use a different set of personal, social and historical contexts to apply meaning to the written work that is presented.
de Certeau's reflections draw on a historically significant work in the field of travel writing and anthropological literature, the Histoire d'un voyage en la terre du
BresilXQ. The text provides a detailed look at Jean de Lery's interaction, interpretation and understanding of the Tupi people, whose mannerisms, appearance and way of life appear completely different from his own. As de Certeau notes, his observations provide a first hand look at the binary structures which are often found in travel writing, producing a discourse based on "over here" versus "over there":
In this landscape the figure of dissimilarity is either a deviation from what can be seen "over here" or more often, the combination of Western forms that seem to have been cut off, and whose fragments seem to be associated in unexpected ways....The narrative as a whole belabors the division that is located everywhere in order to show that the other returns to the same...The effects that this narrative produces can be represented as a movement of this line 90 degrees that creates, perpendicular to the axis of here and there, an axis of other and the same (ibid, p.219).
This imaginary line which distinguishes between the familiar and the exotic, is based on the author's frame of reference. Similarly, those for whom this work was written, would be familiar with the author's position of knowledge, and would be equally delighted to read de Lery's tales of exotic adventures and experiences.
This historiography is also one of the earliest examples of travel writing which positions the primitive body as a body of pleasure. In contrast to de Lery's experience of
10 This work, written by Jean de Lery, was published in 1578 and chronicles de Lery's journey to the Bay of Rio in the years 1556-1558.
28 a European (read: civilized) culture constrained by work and dictated by time and reason,
the Tupi's world (marked by daily festivities and communal living, which placed little
value on individual status or possessions), was a place of leisure and bliss, a feast for the
eyes and ears. The primitive nudity and the primitive voice (which is unlike anything de
Lery's European ears have experienced) leads the foreign body to be eroticized, and it
becomes an object to be consumed (de Certeau 1988). Interestingly enough,
contemporary travel writing often reflects this same understanding of the Other.
Portrayals of foreign people and places are often understood and framed
according to the traveller's frame of reference, which is shaped by the traveller's
Eurowestem understanding of progress and civilization (Lisle, 2006). This, being the
standard, is understood as the universal measure of how progressive, or backward, a place or experience is. Historically, travel writing has disseminated the goals of the Empire, embodied by unequal and exploitative relations of colonial rule, and these ideals are still present in contemporary writings. While Lisle's focus is on contemporary travel writing, most of what she identifies can be extrapolated and applied to the tourist experience as well, as they would encounter and react to the same situations. While tourists may not document their experiences with the express intent on producing a written work for mass consumption, this is nonetheless achieved when travellers choose to document their experiences on popular travel forums, which are easily accessible through the Internet.
These writers categorize, critique and pass judgment on foreign people and places according to their own understanding of what is right or wrong, progressive or backwards, pleasing or not. These written accounts of their experiences with foreign
29 people and places are often revealed to be limited, as they are only able to understand their experiences in terms of Eurowestem standards and ideals.
A quick analysis of these forums, as well as popular travel guides and even travel editorials, reveals that travel writers are often compelled to seek and explore places that are considered "off the beaten path" or undiscovered. When this is not possible, travellers create a "temporal Utopia" that is untouched by the forces of modernity and globalization. Individuals console themselves with memories of the glory days when their destination was more authentic than now, sentiments that are often mumbled by disillusioned expatriates or career travellers who are ready to assure you that the paradise you are witnessing is not as great as it once was; you should have been there ten years ago to truly appreciate and experience it.
One of the ways in which these Utopian views are constructed is to take information about the places from popular media, such as movies, in which a specific reality about a specific place was constmcted. When that reality is adopted and recreated by seeking out experiences that confirm those ideals, we are in a sense constructing our reality based on specific expectations. Alneng (2002) provides an example of this phenomenon in his analyses of the experiences of American backpackers traveling through Vietnam, whose only understanding of that country has come from Hollywood movies focusing on the Vietnam war and travel guides. These travellers may seek out specific places and experiences to recreate the images constmcted by the popular media, therefore completely ignoring the decades of change and progress that have taken place in Vietnam since the war ended. When subjecting these travellers to the reality that change has indeed occurred, they become disillusioned and reject any experiences that do
30 not fall into their common frame of reference; these (real) experiences will be understood
as false and the traveller will return home feeling that s/he has not experienced the "real"
Vietnam (ibid).
Travel writers often situate themselves in one of two categories: those with a
"colonial vision" who understand and reproduce colonial ideals very explicitly and those
with a "cosmopolitan vision" who attempt to identify and appreciate cultural differences
as well as recognizing values common to humanity (Lisle, 2006, 4). Although a
cosmopolitan vision appears to be a better way of understanding other cultures and
places, it nonetheless assumes that there is a universal standard of civilization, against
which all others are measured, and which inevitably remains a product of Eurowestem
ideals. All experiences and encounters are measured against the Eurowestem standard,
resulting in a depiction of experiences that is riddled with colonial undertones. The very
root of travel writing is embedded in identifying and exposing differences between the
tourist and the local. By understanding and framing these differences, it is made clear
that the object of discussion is sufficiently foreign. These binary distinctions often
include discussion around differences of home and away, civilized and uncivilized, safe
and unsafe.
Distinctions between locals and foreigners can be further punctuated by
geographical differences and spaces. National and international borders may provide the
backdrop for differentiation between locals and tourists, while physical geography may
also differentiate borders, as in the case of an all-inclusive tourist complex that is
separated by natural or physical barriers from the local population. Tourists may be physically removed from the locals by means of an enclosed hotel complex, or even by
31 barricading them behind a bus or train window. Tourist areas may also be subject to
more privileges, thus further creating a divide. For example, in Brennan's (2004) case
studies involving the Sosua tourist centre in the Dominican Republic, tourists are
understood to receive preferential treatment for access to the local water and power
supplies, as they are afforded the opportunity to effectively deal with impending
shortages through the provision of bottled water and the use of back-up generators.
These are luxuries that locals often do not have access to, having to make do with what
they have.
Through Eurowestem Eyes
Some feminist scholars caution against academic ethnocentrism, defined as western
feminists taking a position of scholarly and cultural superiority when discussing Third
World women and issues. Mohanty (2003) identifies the strategies that writers use to
codify others as non-Westem, and as a result, identify themselves as implicitly Western".
These writers often assume their own middle class cultures as the norm, and codifying working class histories and cultures as Other. As a result, their understanding of the
average Third World woman is that she:
.. .leads an essentially truncated life based on her feminine gender (read: sexually constrained) and her being "Third World" (read: ignorant, poor, uneducated, tradition bound, domestic, family oriented, victimized, etc). This.. .is in contrast to the (implicit) self-representation of Western women as educated, as modem, as having control over their own bodies and sexualities and the freedom to make their own decisions. (22)
Creating this distinction between the liberal Western scholar and her oppressed Third
World subject makes it easier to discuss Third World issues without having to consider the histories of oppression that have played a role in generating them. Razack (1998)
11 Similar arguments can be made about middle-class, urban African or Asian scholars who write about their rural or working-class counterparts.
32 challenges the widely held view that relations between dominant and subordinate groups can be unmarked by histories of oppression. Drawing heavily on the work of Franz
Fanon, whom she refers to as the founding father of colonial critique, she offers the
following in the introduction to her book:
Fanon's description of the profound depersonalization that marks the colonial encounter compels us to pay attention to how relations among unequals are powerfully shaped by the histories and contemporary realities of oppression. Although the encounter between colonizer and colonized changes in historically specific ways, and is always highly gendered, it remains a moment when powerful narratives turn oppressed peoples into objects, to be held in contempt, or to be saved from their fates by more civilized beings. (3)
When race and ethnicity become commodified, bodies are viewed as an "alternative playground", where dominant groups exercise their power, and affirm their status over, the Other, particularly in intimate relationships. This commodification of race and ethnicity has played a significant role in developing and sustaining of the sex tourism industry. However, the affirmation of power over the Other is not limited to dominant males; indeed Western women are often quick to "save" Third World women from their plight, therefore affirming their own privileged status of Western women, and sustaining the binary distinctions of colonial discourse (ibid). An example of this may be "rescue raids" aimed at liberating women and girls from sexual slavery in brothels or bars. While such activities may appear well intended, they often fail to acknowledge the autonomy of those involved (who may have chosen to work in the brothel) and almost never lead to prosecution of brothel owners or traffickers.
By acknowledging that colonial discourse is dependent on these interlocking systems of binary discourse, we can better understand how they form, reproduce and depend on one another to exist. Speaking to the limitations of individual choice, and the
33 perceived ability of women to choose to enter the sex trade, Razack (1998, 31) notes that there are a number of limitations and constraints on an individual's choice regarding the reality of their everyday lives, which must be explored:
Such an exploration helps to identify the hierarchical relations that make choice and freedom possible; it serves, in effect, to place the emphasis on domination. To talk about constraints on individual choice within a framework of autonomous individuals and with an individualized view of power relations is difficult. For instance, to say we decide how to live our lives but that we do so within certain cultural and linguistic narratives is to avoid asking how those narratives are historically organized in the interests of some and not others. Women clearly have not enjoyed the same options as have men within these narratives, and people of colour have clearly not benefited from them as have white people.
Engaging local expertise when conducting research in communities outside of one's own, is important when conducting research and seeking to gain an understanding of Third World women and the realities and issues concerning them, and also prevents a type of "academic imperialism" (Mohanty, 2003).12 Defining Third World women in terms of their "problems" or their "achievements" in relation to the scholars' perception of a white, liberal democracy, ultimately removes the subject from history and denies them autonomy over their own realities, choices and position in society. Razack (1998) furthers this discussion by citing Isabelle Gunning's (1991-92) advice for achieving a respectful First World-Third World dialogue, which notes that Eurowestem scholars must
1) see themselves in an historical context; 2) see themselves as the Other might see them; and 3) see the Other within her own cultural context (in Razack 1998, 97).
As a body of literature, the works discussed here establish a general framework for an analysis of sex tourist writing. Although not always directly related to the situation in Thailand, they provide a good overview of what is happening in other destination
12 The same holds true for research stemming from non-western geographical regions, which inevitably is singled out as such, instead of being treated as any other type of "mainstream" research.
34 countries, and much of the analysis presented by these authors can be extrapolated to fit other, similar situations.
35 CHAPTER 3 - METHODOLOGY
Introduction
The theoretical framework that I chose to conduct my research is based on the use of
language to establish, possess and transfer power, and how this informs the relationship
between sex tourists and their hosts. The idea of power in discourse, how it is developed,
how it is transferred and who possesses it, has long been debated in the field of discourse
analysis. Liberal humanists understand it to be a possession, while Marxist theorists
understand it to be determined by economic relations. Foucault, however, understands
power to be dispersed among social relations, thereby producing possible types of
behaviour as well as restricting others. Therefore, while many theorists understand
individuals to be oppressed by power relations, Foucault sees individuals as the "effects
or instances of power relations" (Mills, 1997, 22). In other words, individuals are not
bodies upon which power is exercised, but rather they are produced continuously through
power relations. This concept can be used to analyze works in which power relations
play a central role, such as colonial or neocolonial discourses. Foucault argues that the
main reason for conducting discourse analysis is not to uncover the truth or origin of the
statement, but instead to discover and understand the contexts in which power was
developed and sustained (ibid). As noted previously, all discourse is produced within
specific social contexts and institutions that influence individuals to behave in specific
ways. These forces have an equally important influence on actions and reasons, which
cannot be analyzed without a thorough understanding of the context in which they were produced.
36 Language choices are based on ideological beliefs and tend to reflect common assumptions shared among members of a social group, and discourse produces and maintains power relations in society (Young and Fitzgerald, 2006). Language choices differ based on what social group one belongs to, one's position of power in relation to one's audience, the message one is trying to convey and the reaction one is looking for from the audience. The choice of language is often deliberate (conscious) in order to convey a specific idea, strengthen a belief or to form or strengthen a common bond amongst groups. However, choice of language can also be unconscious, and discourse analysis seeks to identify subtle nuances in language and speech (both conscious and unconscious) in order to analyze and interpret the power relations that exist (Mills, 2005).
Lazar (2005) builds on critical discourse theory by using a feminist lens to explore how unequal social relations are sustained through language use. Feminist critical discourse analysis can identify various forms of social oppression as well as being able to influence strategies for social change. From a feminist perspective, gender is understood as an ideological structure that divides people into two distinct groups, men and women. Interaction between the two is based on dominance and subordination, and involves a "social dichotomy" of labour and human traits that vary based on time and place. While power relations are found in many social interactions, gendered subjects are affected by it in different ways (ibid). Therefore, feminist discourse analysis seeks to explore how power and dominance are discursively produced and/or resisted, and how access to particular forms of discourse affect women, particularly their participation in public domains. Like Young and Fitzgerald, Lazar argues that discourse contributes to
37 the reproduction and maintenance of the social order, as well as having the ability to question and resist the social order.
There are different ways of analyzing how gender and other identities are constmcted through discourse. It is suggested that people, through linguistic choices and behaviors produce, rather than reflect, gendered identities; however, these are often interpreted as natural, imminent and transhistorical (Lazar, 2005). Feminist critical discourse analysis strives to understand these gendered identities within institutional frameworks, which inform and maintain socially acceptable behaviours.
Discourse analysis seeks to understand how people interact with one another, and contextualize meaning and experience. Discourse can be understood as a grouping of utterances produced within a specific social context, which are determined by the specific social context that produced them, and also contributes to the way that the social context continues to exist (Mills, 1997). In order to provide a relevant analysis of discourse, one must first understand how social contexts and institutions play a role in shaping the discourse and also determine the development, maintenance and circulation of discourse.
For example, we can assume that there are specific discourses surrounding femininity and masculinity because women and men are understood to behave within a certain set of parameters and thus define themselves within these specified boundaries. By accepting these boundaries we are acknowledging the social contexts in which they were determined and thus become gendered. However, commonly understood boundaries may also be challenged, indicating that discourse is constantly in conflict with other discourses and social practices (ibid). An analysis of discourse can only occur when the context in which it was produced is more completely understood. Institutions and social
38 conditions not only play a role in producing and maintaining specific discourses, they also provide a framework for understanding the power relations that exist within a specific time and place (ibid).
Colonial space often provided a space in which colonizers could abandon the social and spatial conventions enforced at home, thus giving colonizers more freedom to engage in activities that were prohibited at home (Mills, 2005). This often significantly affected local populations, as colonizers afforded themselves the right to impose their power over local spaces, including individuals. Colonized spaces became increasingly sexualized, and women and girls were often the target of sexual violence. This was often justified by differentiating between spaces that were acceptable and unacceptable for local women to occupy; those who chose to occupy unacceptable spaces were considered fair game (such as red light districts). The role of the stereotype, which is formulated when an (extreme) behaviour of a member of a group is observed and generalized to all individuals of that group as a whole, is also significant, as behaviours are often judged against a Eurowestem norm, are seldom objective and do not take into account the social context in which they were observed (ibid). Many stereotypes of "typical" women in colonized countries still exist today, and these are a characteristic of present day sex tourism industries in those countries. As noted in previous readings, sex tourists often have racialized fantasies about the Other, and seek relationships with women who possess specific attributes.
Peacock (2003) drawn parallels between the experiences of South Asian women in abusive relationships and the abuse experienced by the colonized at the hands of colonizers. In looking at how power relations are constructed within these types of
39 relationships, she makes reference to Foucault, who argues that power constructs the subject (the abused), therefore making the subject dependent on the abuser and on the power constmcted within the relationship. However, power can also weaken the subject, most notably by influencing the subject's self-identity. In order to better understand the position of the abused subject (in this case South Asian women), one must understand the situation of the subordinated subject (women in general). Peacock argues that South
Asian women become the subject of abuse by allowing themselves to be subordinated by the silence bestowed on them by their culture and language (365). Subordination is understood as fate, something that is dictated to her by her culture. When a relationship of oppression is developed, both sides are immersed in it, and the parties involved continually feed off each other, creating a type of dependence on one another. The oppressor establishes an appearance of dependency within the subjects, which in fact is a reflection of the violence that will be inflicted if the subject does not adhere to the oppressors' rales. The relationship between colonizers and the colonized can be similarly understood. When we argue that colonized countries are dependent on their colonizers, we are in fact ignoring the violence that has been perpetuated against colonized peoples, instilling complacency and fear of breaking the rales established by the oppressor (ibid).
An analysis of discourse, then, can only occur when the context in which it was produced is sufficiently understood. Institutions and social conditions not only play a role in producing and maintaining specific discourses; they also provide a framework for understanding the power relations that exist within a specific time and place. By analyzing these forces we can gain a greater understanding of the discourses that were produced by them. Discourse analysis can provide insight into how sex tourists position
40 themselves in relation to their hosts and how they form and understand their own
identities and the perceived identities of their hosts.
Data Source
There are a number of forams dedicated to providing information on where to find sexual
services, what to expect, how much to pay, and the (!) etiquette surrounding the hiring of
a sex worker. While, in their original format, these forums would have provided
information on particular "sex tourist" destinations, such as South America or Asia, most now include information on all areas of the world, including the US and Canada. Forams
are usually set up in the form of an inquiry tree, with readers pinpointing what area of the globe they are travelling to (or are interested in) and drilling down to particular countries, cities, even establishments. Some forams charge a membership fee to access the information, while others are free of charge.
While it is difficult to determine the number of forums currently available through the internet, The Single Male Travel (TSM) claimed to be the first adult travel website, having been started in the early 1990's. This forum, which charges a membership fee, started as a message board, and some forum enthusiasts have proclaimed that their membership "invented" sex travel to destinations such as Cartagena (Columbia), Hainan
(China), and Angeles City (Philippines). Citing the flourishing sex industries that have sprang up in those places over the years, forum members argue that they are helping
"those places to grow and develop a strong sex industry"13 by creating and sustaining these forums. The World Sex Guide (WSG) was started soon thereafter and provided a forum, free of charge, for travellers to share information on particular destinations.
For a more detailed discussion, see the Brothel Sex Guide online at http://www.brothelsexguide.eom/2007/l 1/18/adult travel
41 Today, there are a number of other well-known sex travel forams, including the World
Sex Archives, International Sex Guide, and Club Hombre. And while TSM Travel and the WSG were among the first available to discuss this topic, they are waning in popularity, as more advanced forums that support multi-media submissions, such as photographs and video, are becoming more popular. However, forums that support these enhanced technologies also charge a corresponding membership fee, and search of popular internet forums confirmed that the WSG remains one of the few that is free of charge for users.
Two significant factors led me to choose the WSG as the foram from which I would gather the data for this research. First, as it only supports a written format it lends itself well for discourse analysis. While an analysis of the pictures and videos being shared on the multi-media forums would provide an interesting research project as well, it is beyond the scope of the present project. Second, the WSG is a free forum, where anyone can post their thoughts. This provides transparency for this research project, as all submissions are available for viewing by the general public.
As of April 12, 2009, there were 355 posts about Thailand. This included 186 posts for Bangkok, 94 for Pattaya, 23 for Bangkok and Pattaya combined, 31 for the island of Phuket, 11 for the island of Ko Samui, and ten for Chiang Mai. I was surprised that the number of posts for Thailand was so low, given that it is considered one of the top destinations in Asia for sex tourism (and tourism in general), and this site had been active for such a long period of time. Anecdotally, I learned that the site had experienced some technical difficulties at one point with moving the foram from one server to another
(which often happens with internet forams, for example when there is a change in service
42 providers). As a result, some posts may have been lost. There also appear to be large
gaps between the dates of some posts for some of the years, further suggesting that some
data has been lost. It may also be possible that the emergence of more interactive
forums/sites, may have shifted the focus away from the WSG, which only supports
written contributions, to ones that support multi-media contributions, such as video.
Despite these limitations, the posts that were available at the time of this research project were dated between 1998 and 2009.
All of the posts used in this research study have been reproduced verbatim. While
I recognize that there are many grammatical and punctuation errors, and that the general practice is to correct these and indicate such corrections with [sic], it was important to maintain the integrity and authenticity of the posts by presenting the original works. This
authenticity is critical when using discourse analysis to understand language choices.
Posts varied in length from a sentence or two to several pages in length. Some provided only minimal details on activities and the costs associated with these, while others provided painstaking details of every aspect of the traveller's holiday, starting with the flight to Thailand. Most posts included a section dedicated to contemplating the value and quality of specific sex workers, as well as express instructions to other readers on how much to pay for particular services. As the posts spanned a period of 12 years, it was interesting to see how prices had changed over the years, and how this irritated some travellers who had made several trips to Thailand for the purpose of engaging in sexual activity. While an analysis of the increase in prices for services was not within the scope of the current research project, I believe that this would be an interesting study, as price fluctuations may be linked to particular political and/or socio-economic circumstances.
43 My research also did not seek to identify possible changes in attitude towards sex workers and the sex tourism industry in Thailand. There were no significant changes to prostitution policy in Thailand during this time period, aside from the Prostitution
Prevention and Suppression Act, which was passed in 1996 and was meant to primarily deal with the trafficking and exploitation of underage children. However, some posts do note the impact of several municipal crackdowns, including attempts to shut GoGo bars down at an earlier time and the half-hearted attempt to control the amount (or lack thereof) of clothing that dancers are wearing while entertaining the customers.
Data Analysis
A first reading of the data revealed that there were many possible themes that could be developed. Themes of money, love, relationships and commodification were very evident, while others were considered more subtle. It also became apparent that these themes could be organized into categories in a number of ways, since many of the posts had several themes running through them, and depending on the context, could be considered to fall under many themes. This made the task of coding the data slightly more difficult and fluid. Several iterations of possible themes were considered, and it became increasingly difficult to pare these down into a manageable amount of sub- themes that would be useful and logical for the analysis. As a result, the themes that I ultimately chose to highlight do not necessarily reflect the only configuration of themes and sub-themes that make sense; they merely reflect the researchers' preference for organization at the time of writing. While readers will see that the themes and issues arising from the data are very much intertwined and related, they will likely agree that,
44 some boundaries are necessary in order to present the findings in a cohesive and semi- structured manner.
While some themes were pre-determined, based on the themes and issues identified in the literature review, others appeared to be unique to this research and thus warranted categories of their own, in order not to lose sight of this important data. All of the data was reviewed, and posts were coded into the following eight categories:
"respect", "money", "love", "availability", "commodification", "beware of scams", "self- awareness", and "other destinations". At this step in the process, it already became apparent that some posts could be coded into a number of different categories. Some of the longer posts easily lent themselves to being divided into a number of sections, each of which could be moved into the appropriate coding category. However, some of the
shorter posts, or some particularly articulate posts did not easily lend themselves to this process, and were thus moved into the different categories as a complete data set. These posts often provided the most data for analysis, and many were included as long quotes in the final analysis in order to capture the essence of the writers' thoughts.
Once all of the data was coded, the process of developing themes and sub-themes commenced. Again, this proved to be a difficult task, as many of the issues could be linked to create a variety of themes, all of which were equally important. Several iterations of theme/sub-theme combinations followed, particularly after reading the data several times and attempting to organize the ideas presented by the writers in a manner that would make sense to the reader. The use of language to subordinate, access and availability, and the value of goods could easily be presented under the umbrella theme of
"commodification". The client's perception of self and other, expectations, and
45 comparisons between western and Asian women could also be grouped together under a
larger theme of "power relations". However, as one can see, expectations and self
awareness could also be grouped into the "commodification" theme, or the use of
language could be further explored in a "power relations" context.
The easiest way to address this issue would have been to simply present the
findings as one large theme, although realistically the end result would have been too
general to be useful. Ultimately, I opted to present the data in a manner that allowed me
to draw some links between the issues and ideas presented on the web site entries. The
final configuration of themes and sub-themes is meant to provide a thorough overview of
the findings in a manner that is logical, while also recognizing that all of the themes are
ultimately related in many ways. The three overarching themes that were chosen for this
paper include power relations, use of language to subordinate and how to avoid being
exploited.
Ethical Considerations
I approached the Office of Research Studies at the University of Regina to provide
direction in terms of whether Research Ethics Board (REB) approval would be required
for this research study. It was noted that the data source for my research consisted of
postings from internet websites. Individuals whose postings would be included as part of
the research would not be informed participants, as they would be unaware that their thoughts and opinions would be used for this study. However, their posts were submitted
to a public website, which is accessible to anyone who wishes to read it (there are no fees
associated with this site, and there are no registration requirements to log onto this site).
It was further noted that identities of writers would be protected, as most individuals who
46 post would use a pseudonym; in cases where real names appear to have been used, they would be changed to maintain a level of confidentiality, not only of those who are writing, but also those who are being written about.
It was indicated that REB approval is not required when using data generated by individuals who post in a publicly accessible arena, such as a website. Previous inquiries have generated the same response, and the University of Regina uses these as a guideline.
For example, the University of Regina's Ethics Listserve received a query from the compliance officer at Queen's University concerning research analyzing postings in internet discussion forams. Barry Cartwright, one of the Doctoral students at the time, who is conducting this kind of research, provided the following response:
"The Tri-Council Policy Statement on Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans states clearly that research involving archived documents that individuals voluntarily post in a publicly accessible arena is not required to undergo ethical review (Canadian Institutes of Health Research, 2005). Further, federal regulations in the United States state that research of this nature does not even involve "human subjects", unless the data are collected by interacting with the subject, and/or the researcher is collecting "identifiable private information" (Kraut et al., 2004).
Cartwright also approached the Director of the Office of Research Ethics at
Simon Fraser University, who further indicated that ethics approval for this type of research was not required if the researcher is analyzing public information that was readily available to anyone who was accessing the web site. Furthermore, they noted that sites and forams that remove all identifying information from the posted message, and do not facilitate contact with the authors of the message (resulting in anonymous posts), would be the least likely to require ethics approval. If messages are not posted anonymously, then ethical approval might be required.
47 Cartwright goes on to note that ethical researchers will (hopefully) be sensitive to
the "expected" degree of privacy, and the risk of harm to the research subjects. If the
research involves small chat rooms that are password protected, then this should perhaps
be considered "off limits" (as suggested by Ess, 2002). In circumstances where the
authors of the messages can easily be identified (or in this case, the person they are
talking about), then researchers should consider disguising the names of the site(s) from
which they have collected the messages, and the names of the authors as well (see for
example, Capurro & Pingel, 2002).
REB responses to Barry Cartwright are of particular relevance to this project
because, like Cartwright, the data that has been used stems from a public site. The site
operators of the WSG do not hold copyright (or any other right) to the messages posted
on their forums because they did not write them, they did not pay for them, and (likely)
did not ask the authors of the messages to assign copyright to them. The authors of these messages have posted them in the public domain, with full knowledge that their messages will likely be read by others. Using these messages clearly falls under the provisions of fair dealing for research purposes, or fair dealing for the purposes of review or criticism
(CCH v LSUC, 2004). In most cases, the authors of these messages are seeking public visibility, and are even soliciting responses to their messages.
As a result, the data source for this research, consisting of unsolicited posts which are available on a publicly accessible, free website, by writers who use pseudonyms to share their opinions, was not subject to REB approval. In cases where real names appear to have been used (to identify the writer or the person being written about), these have been changed to assure anonymity.
48 CHAPTER 4 - RESEARCH FINDINGS
Introduction
This chapter provides an overview of the research findings. Data provided insight into how some sex tourists understand the industry and how they see themselves in relation to the sex worker, and how these sex tourists come to view themselves as dominant entities, entitled to receive sexual services from women whom they see as subordinate.
The WSG is a foram for sex travelers, written by sex travelers; with the exception of research, there are limited reasons for individuals to access this site other than to read about sex tourism destinations. Therefore, the very act of logging onto this site, to post information or to read it, implies a certain level of entitlement not only to consume the information, but also to actively use it for the purpose of planning or enhancing a holiday involving sexual services. Without having to read any of the posts, readers can get a sense of the type of individual who uses the WSG to share information, by the user names chosen by these writers: sexaholic, Asian Babe Hunter, funlovers, Casanova,
BANGKOK LOVER, Looking 4 sex Holiday, Sexyman, and ThaiLover.
Overall, the WSG provides a foram for individuals who share an interest in sex tourism to find and connect with others who hold the same beliefs. The creation of this type of space allows individuals to develop and share a sense of community, as the foram represents a safe space in which individuals feel welcome to share their thoughts and opinions, without fear of being judged by those outside of this circle of like-minded travellers. In this environment, they are not challenged to question their actions and how these might contribute to, and sustain, the sex tourism industry, and what effects the industry in general has on sex workers. By finding and associating oneself with a larger
49 peer group, individuals feel more accepted and justified in their actions, as they are no
longer the outsider, but part of a much larger group of individuals who view this lifestyle
as acceptable. One post, referring to the benefits of "taking the plunge" and finally
engaging in the local sex scene, provides an example:
Been to Thailand a few times and always felt jealous as hell at other western guys with a stunning Thai girl on the back of their bike. I just couldn't muster the guts to walk into one of those beer bars. I was so envious because I'm extremely shy and had always basically been so damn worried about what other people would think about me - stereotypes of sex tourists etc as lecherous evil people with no respect for human beings...Walking on the beach with this girl and watching the looks from huffing western girls was great..LOL. Before i would of been under peer pressure from their disapproving stares not to do this kind of thing and my life has always been restricted due to it. Now i just looked at them and didn't even worry. The guys looked jealous as f***k in my eyes anyway (Coconut_Oil, 2002).
This post suggests that, prior to finding a community of peers that acknowledged and
encouraged this type of lifestyle, the writer felt that he would be judged by others who did not agree with his choices. After being exposed to information that normalized this type of behaviour, the writer felt accepted and was more inclined to engage in this lifestyle. After reading all of the posts related to Thailand, it seemed as though all of the writers felt that they were part of a large community whose members represented the majority of tourists who choose Thailand as their vacation destination. In reality, sex tourists make up only a small portion of the millions of tourists that are destined for this
Southeast Asian hotspot annually.
For the most part, much of the data suggests that the individuals who use the
WSG forum share the same views in regard to sex tourism, including the commodification of women (those who work in the industry, as well as others), their superior position as privileged, Eurowestem travelers, and their sense of entitlement to
50 access sexual services. However, a handful of the posts exhibited a higher level of
insight and self-reflection on the role of sex tourists in sustaining the industry and reinforcing the stereotypes of those who are employed in the industry. Other posts
appeared to exhibit a certain level of understanding and analysis of the role of sex tourists on the industry as well, but usually went on to dismiss this information as irrelevant, used
it to the client's advantage, or contradicted themselves in the end. A more detailed
analysis of these posts is included in the next section.
Of those writers who provided demographic information about themselves
(roughly 20%), they represented a range of ages, from the mid-twenties to late sixties and described themselves on a spectmm of physical profiles, from fit and athletic to unattractive and fat. One writer even went so far as to refer to himself as "ugly and without any charm", noting that his first sexual encounter was at a legalized brothel, and that he had "paid for it many, many times, and probably will in the future" (no name,
2001). While I had anticipated the majority of writers to self-identify as older, less attractive males who were unable, or unwilling, to engage in relationships with women of their own age bracket, roughly one-third of those who did indicate their age were in their early to late twenties, and chose to become sex tourists simply because the industry existed. Many of the older respondents indicated that they had come to terms with the fact that they would have to pay for sexual services, particularly with younger and more attractive women. As one writer suggested, "if you ask a girl for a price for sex, and you pay it, do so if you are old, ugly, fat, rich or particularly fond of the girl.. .otherwise negotiate" (no name, 2003).
51 While one may assume that the pricing system for sexual services has been
implemented by the workers themselves, there is evidence to suggest that clients play a
role in this as well. Some writers, who self-identified as younger and relatively
physically attractive also expected to pay less to receive services than their older, and less
attractive, counterparts. For example:
As long as you are pretty fit, and young, you can catch even the hottest girls attention. I lucked out, and my girl kept teasing her friends at the club, with a look what I got, attitude (Pussy Lover, 1999). This price is also structured to your age and physical attraction. If you an old, unattractive beer bellied, uncouth slob...then you will pay a lot more for a glamour to go with you....and you will be lucky if they do because these girl's have a peer group, and if they are seen walking down the street with a fat fuck, three time's their age and wearing sock's and sandal's (usually German's) then they will be laughed at by their friend's. Snide remark's will be yelled out in Thai (The Flash, 2000).
In comparing themselves to older clients, some of the younger clients suggested that they
should receive sexual services for free, or at least for less than older, unattractive
customers. Some of these individuals even went so far as to suggest that having a young,
attractive client should be a privilege for the workers:
One bitch that I picked up in the club asked me for 2000 baht to take her back to my place. I duly laughed in the skank's face, to imply that I should pay her. I get pussy for free in the US. Why would I want to pay for it in Thailand? The bitch obviously never had an economics class. You see there's this thing called SUPPLY AND DEMAND. I'm a handsome, athletic man from the United States with money in pocket. While she is a Thai girl, 1 out of 1,000,000. YOU do the math. My dick should be considered gold or platinum to this bitch (Thailand Hater, 2005).
Surprisingly, one of the writers self-identified as a young American woman, who occasionally "indulged" in the sex industry as well. While some of the literature had
suggested that vacation destinations catering to female sex tourists do exist, it was
suggested that these were centered mainly in the Caribbean, not Southeast Asia. It was
52 interesting, because not only did she choose to engage in the sex industry as well, but she
also chose to write about her experiences in a predominantly male-centered foram.
Upon further review, it became clear that she shared some of the same ideals as her male
counterparts. Similar to the younger men, who felt that due to their physical appearance,
the services they were being provided should be considered less as work and more as
pleasure, this young woman also felt that she was doing the workers a favour, as this
meant that they would be "having a good time and not fucking some old fat guy" (JZ,
2008). These are just a few examples of how sex tourists position themselves as
dominant entities and justify their actions. A more thorough analysis of this issue is
discussed in more detail in the sections below.
Of those who identified a nationality or country of origin, the majority cited the
U.S., followed by a selection of European countries, Australia, and the Middle East. A
number of respondents were also from India and Southeast Asia. Some were first time
sex tourists, while others had explored numerous sex tourism destinations in Southeast
Asia, Eastern Europe and Africa. Others still were expatriates, who had spent upwards of
twenty years living and working in Thailand. Very few writers indicated whether or not they were in committed relationships prior to or during their stay in Thailand; however, it
was clear that the majority of sex tourists were seeking relationships that were completely
different from those they would expect to experience at home. Much time and effort was
spent comparing the dynamics of the client/sex worker relationship with that of
girlfriends, wives or women in general "back home":
yes the girls really now what makes a man tick unlike some British women who think they are gods gift and expect to be wined and dined at the best restaurants usually costing the equivalent of 15 quality Thai sweethearts, and then don't put up the goods (Willie, 2002).
53 And then I get back to the U.S. and I'm not even 10 minutes off the plane and I see the American women - BIG, bitchy, looking tired and unpleasant. Not a smile to save their lives. Thailand is a blast, don't get me wrong, but if you meet an awesome girl there, expect to be rained. American women are the most spoiled in the world - but why is that? Thai women are sweet, caring, and truly love their man. They are basically the IDEAL woman. What compares after that? Bitchy, horrid, materialistic American women who look at your pocketbook and car before they hear what you are saying. Auugh. It makes me sick (BORED, 2000).
Of course I'm now suffering from PTB (post Thailand blues). I've only been home 2 days and already am sick of looking at 1801b cellulite-riddled hags who left their smiles at the altar (Charlie, 2003).
If I actually lived there I wouldn't need my lousy wife (RAY REDDICK JR, 2001).
Themes
As previously discussed in Chapter Three the data gathered through this research could have been grouped and organized in a number of ways. In order to provide a fluid and logical discussion of the themes that emerged from the data, these have been organized to reflect the three key research questions addressed in this study. As a result, the three overarching themes in this research are power relations between tourist and host, the use of language to subordinate and commodify, and tourists' perceived concern about being exploited (ironically, by an industry build on exploitation).
Theme 1: "You Can Get Anything..."— Power Relations This section explores power relations in the interactions between a sex worker and her client. (Unequal) power relations play an essential role in any sex worker/client relationship, particularly when the client is a sex tourist and has traveled to a developing country to solicit the services of a sex worker. Easy access to and availability of sex workers, using money to leverage power, and a perceived dominant status as a Eurowestem tourist all work together to
54 provide an encounter that is most often controlled by the client. This is not lost on the
sex tourists themselves, who often use these realities to their advantage.
Every post that was analyzed as part of this study contained reference ~ whether
blatantly obvious or more obscure ~ to power relations, particularly the privileged
position that a tourist finds him/herself in by virtue of being a tourist in the host country.
Most of the writers suggest that they are aware of their privileged position, most notably
by having relatively large amounts of expendable money in comparison to their hosts.
This allows them to engage in experiences which they may not have access to at home,
and also provides them with a certain level of power, as almost "anything can be had for
a price", including people and sexual services. While arguably all sex tourists take
advantage of this power relationship by virtue of being involved in the industry, one
writer exemplified the extent of this power imbalance: "Initially she refused but in the
end she agreed as I offered her to pay 200 Bhat extra for that" (Akhter, 2006).
Access and Availability
Writers spent a considerable amount of time discussing the availability of sex workers,
often indicating that, due to sheer volume, clients rarely had to settle for the first
"attractive" worker that they saw, and had a good chance of being able to haggle over the price. This, they indicated, were the economics of supply and demand, and there was
often a lot more supply than there were sex tourists to go around:
Don't settle on the first girl you see unless she is awesome and you think she is the best girl you've ever seen. There are plently of girl down walking street (Jody, 2008).
Well, what do I see, but DOZENS...no, HUNDREDS of beautiful Thai girls (All ages 18-22, with hourglass bodies and long dark hair, with pump heels and short tight skirts) milling about outside the Nana Hotel in the parking lot (Rupert, 2002).
55 I was practically "raped" by the girls in Pattaya. they were unstoppable in their hunger for me and my friends (Danny, 2001).
It seems there are about 10 girls for every guy visiting Pattaya, so the competition is strong for your affections (Otto, 1999).
There was also an understanding that every woman was an available commodity, whether
she obviously presented herself as such (as a worker in a bar or massage parlor), or not:
Let me say also that there is massive scope to pick up girls who are not pros and who work in the markets, shops, hotels and restaurants who are always on the lookout for a western boyfriend (Skyman, 2004).
Revlon and L'Oreal do not employ dogs mate, these counters are full of the hottest of hot little Thai glamors, and the girls wear the same 'shop is open' sign across their foreheads as their poorer ethnic cousins who are working the pole at the rock hard a gogo! (Mr. Asia, 2007).
As always, cautionary tales accompanied the information that was being provided to other tourists. In many cases writers cautioned against choosing a worker too quickly and/or paying a "barfine" too early in the evening, without having thoroughly inspected all of the available options, as doing so would result in the customer being "stuck" with a particular worker. Other cautions included not spending more than one night with a particular worker, as this would keep the customer from being able to enjoy a "variety" of women. The majority of writers seemed to prefer to hire a new worker every night, clearly enjoying the thrill of shopping for, choosing and experiencing a different woman every night. Others, however, indicated that they preferred to find a longer-term companion to provide more of a "girlfriend experience" for the length of their trip. The economics of this type of relationship were also considered to be in the clients' favor, as he would probably not have to "barfine" the worker every night, and may end up getting
56 services for a cheaper price, similar to a longer-term discount. This is discussed in more
detail in the following section.
Many writers indicated that they preferred younger women in their early twenties,
while others noted that older women often had more experience, and would therefore
provide a better service. None of the writers indicated wanting to use the services of
underage sex workers, and several writers noted the legal implications of seeking this
type of service. Another indicated his disgust at being offered the services of a very
young girl:
Then we have the old backpacker road Khao San and Yeowarat (China Town), of course, with all the brothels. If you're one of these disgusting paedophiles that's the places for you. I have been offered (and seen with my own eyes) a 12-years old terrified isaan girl stripped off her clothes right in front of me.. .1 almost puked and refused the offer, paid my food/beer and left in anger (Deny, 2006).
According to the literature, underage girls are most often found in brothels and
usually cater to a local clientele only. It is also doubtful that sex tourists who seek these
services would choose to publicize-this information on public forams such as the WSG
anyhow, as underage prostitution is illegal, both in Thailand and, in most cases, in the
tourists' home countries. A number of countries, including Canada and Australia also
have extra-territorial legislation that allows individuals to be prosecuted at home for
particular crimes committed abroad, including the sexual exploitation of a minor.
However, the writers fail to acknowledge that some of the workers, whose
services they were accessing, had spent a considerable amount of time working in the
industry and may have been exposed to the same exploitation when they were younger.
In addition, by focusing only on sex workers who have "chosen" to work in the industry,
Deny downplays the role that clients play in sustaining the industry as a whole. The
57 same holds true for clients who take pride in the fact that they only frequent
establishments that do not support the sexual exploitation of underage girls. Not only
does this position the individual as self-righteous, but it also makes it easier for a
customer to justify his involvement in the industry by citing "choice" as the definitive
issue that separates exploitation from legitimate work. Clearly a demand for underage
workers must exist, otherwise they would not be trafficked into the industry and offered
to clients, and one might argue that there is little difference between a 12-year old, a 15- year old, or an 18-year-old who have been forced, under whatever circumstances, to work
in the industry. International pressure to curb the sexual exploitation of minors has played a role in keeping this aspect of the industry out of the public (and most
importantly, out of the international media's) eye, however, it is uncertain whether this has had any effect on the actual scope of this problem.
The Value of the "Goods "
Finding the best service for the lowest price was at the top of almost every agenda, although some writers did indicate that they prefer not to haggle over the price that was asked of them. At first glance, this appeared to be an indication of recognizing the relative small amount of money that was being asked for in exchange for sexual services when compared to what those services would cost the client in his home country, however upon closer investigation, it became an issue of "getting what you pay for"; the customer felt that paying full price would result in a happier worker, which ultimately translated into a better service. Similarly, while almost all of the writers urged their readers to treat the workers with respect, this was usually associated with having a good time:
58 Part of my whole better-sex-if-you-treat-her-nice theory (Gif, 2004).
Regardless where you find your princess though, always treat her with respect. Take her out for a feed before you take her home, even if it's just getting her something for 30bht off a noodle-pimping street vendor. Or buy her a couple of drinks at a bar other than the one that you paid to get her out of. Trust me; these little things are the difference between average 'formula' blow jobs with one- well-timed-shot sex and the hottest, oiliest, spiciest night of stir-fried oriental no- boundaries heat that you ever imagined (Mr. Asia, 2007).
I like to talk, go eat. Get a little intimate. Usually this leads to pretty good sex. (All those years with girlfriends I guess, I still have a tendency to treat women as human beings, although I am getting over that, as you'll read in a minute.) (Camouflage, 2006).
The majority of posts focused on what type of service could be received for what
amount of money, physical attributes of the sex worker, and perceived quality of services,
which were most often tied to how much money was spent to receive them. Some of the posts involved elaborate rating scales, which included painstaking details on every physical aspect of the sex worker that a sex tourist may want to consider before hiring this particular individual:
a subjective rating 1-10 of appearance followed by (P) if a photo is available; a rating of her sexual prowess based on eagerness.. .co-operation, and mutual satisfaction; xK = number of children claimed. Finally payment in Baht. ! Then notes in narrative form (oljoe, 2003).
This particular writer went on to discuss some of the "Thai" features that attracted him to particular workers, including the "classic 'eastern' face as seen in many temples", and
"Chubby, pleasant 'domestic' nature" (ibid). However, while the rating system is rather crude and distasteful, the overall nature of this individual's post was a relatively tame example of the type of discussion posted regarding women's bodies and other physical attributes:
All the girls were from good to excellent in looks and performance...Quality is poor, If I travel to faraway places just to meet whores,! would expect a girl
59 physically attractive.. .rarely I had seen a decent looking whore.. .The problem I find when visiting whore houses is that all whores are sitting down, you have to spent time, drinking beer, for them to move around, to see if they have a nice ass, good legs, whether they are short, tall or fat! (marco p, 2003).
Looks are not what you look for with sukumvit girls 4 or 5 out of 10. Most have had babies 99 percent, their bodies look like they have been through a cheese grater sometimes, i for one do not bother with them anymore. The service is not that great either (Galileo, 2003).
Mostly they are lovely girls but there are a few bad ones ( drugs, nasty etc...) Also you will find a lot of down and out Europeans there , they tend to be the dregs of whichever country they have come from - you can soon spot them, they usually stare, look and are demented - don't worry about them. They are physically incapable of causing trouble, they are pathetic & weak but are so far gone they don't know it (Peter John, 2004).
Whenever I don't follow my own advice I get stuck with one of those reluctant money-grabbers. The last bar girl I had looked pretty good in a bikini in semi- darkness, but when she relaxed in my hotel room, she somehow transformed into a splay-toed burping rice farm girl, who did everything she could to avoid sex. Hardly the right climax to an evening of go-go bar trawling (Camouflage, 2003).
If watching fat, ugly whores who have mothered a litter of kids pull razor blades out of their wom-out pussies turns you on, go for it (Antonelli, 2000). Many posts provided details in such a manner, that it was reminiscent of an advertisement for a commodity, available to be compared to other, similar commodities:
1 girl, high 5'3", weight about 45kg, nice white-yellow skin , origin from Chiang Mai and just 20 years old, pay for only 2000bath...I find out she just joined this industry around 1 month, that mean she is a new girl and still fresh, its my lucky day...Kan, age 27, 5'0" and around 43kg, soft skin nice service, find out she just continue her job after 3 month off (because of breast implant operation) (Pinkman, 2003).
This choice of language indicates that something is available for everyone, and that, if you had not found what you were looking for, that you should keep searching, as it does exist. Much emphasis is placed on receiving services from a physically flawless sex worker, small in stature, no excess fat and preferably one who had not given birth.
The irony lies in the fact that the majority of the writers who self-identified, referred to
60 themselves as old, overweight and unattractive. However, they expected perfection from the young bodies that provided a sexual service to them, and they felt that they could demand this, as they were paying money in exchange for the service. Some of the posts alluded to the fact that "attractive" sex workers could demand more money and had more flexibility and choice in terms of the type of client they would go with. However, the relative small amounts of additional money that were requested by "attractive" workers was insignificant, and only those clients who were planning on buying services from a large number of sex workers felt that the additional charge was excessive.
Being "friends" with sex workers, having frequented many of the bars, or being an expatriate in Thailand seemed to translate into more, cheaper or free sex for some writers:
I've been going several years now and have made friends with a lot of them and it is less for me (passingthru69, 2005).
I'm middle aged and overweight and unfortunately I am most strongly attracted to young and pretty girls so my best sex these days is usually paid for. I've found a couple of places with nice girls in the US for short time fun, but for an extended vacation I needed a 3d World paradise, which Thailand is (StarBoy, 2003).
As did treating workers with respect, or appearing to be interested in a long-term relationship:
We started small, just drinks, than the next time dinner and a disco. Then finally we were sharing every night at her apartment and I was never paying her a dime.. .At the age of 24 I think she found it weird that I treated her with respect and a sense of caring. This may be why after the first date she did not charge (Anon, 2005).
Well, as everywhere in this world you can get anything if you know how to go for it, free sex in thailand is possible if you make the girl feel that you really love her and want her for all your life taking care of her. Get to her mind that you want to marry her without saying that, and give her a big dream. Yes I know its bad to do that, so please be good to her and pay her for what you have accepted to pay (Ahmed, 2004)
61 Many writers shared a sense of entitlement when it came to the types and level of services that would be provided, even going so far as to suggest that, once clients had paid money to receive a service, that they could pass judgment on what is considered acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. For these clients, any type of exchange of money for services provided them with the entitlement to gauge what is an appropriate level of service for the money that was agreed upon:
if you really like her give her another night to get with the program but if she still doesn't, move on. If you're on holiday, Time is short! If you barfine a girl, be it 200 or 500 baht, and once you bring her to your room she insists on keeping her body wrapped in a wet towel while she turns on the TV, turns out the light and, still wearing the towel, gets under the covers, politely tell her she is excused for the evening and go get someone else. We've got to let them know this is unacceptable behavior (gweijai, 2002).
Others writers noted that, if the workers did not meet their every expectation, from treating her client a certain way in public to services provided in private, the client reserved the right to refuse to pay the worker or take her back to the establishment to
"exchange" her for another worker:
Do not pay more tan 2500, and only if the lady is ok and very nice, but if you are fat and bald and very old be prepared to be asked for 3000/3500.But this is a guarantee because if the lady does not what she told you, come back the bar the same night or the day later and tell to Mama San, that you are not satisfied and she will give you another lady, with lady of the street, this is not possible (Lord Byron, 2006).
Similarly, another writer cited the number of available sex workers as a reason to obey the client:
They are really sweet and are nothing like western girls that bitch and whine. As soon as they start bitching remind them of how many girls there are in Pattaya, they soon step back into line. The trick is treat them like ladies, be sweet to them tell them they are pretty (Swordboy, 2003).
62 Some writers indicated that they did not feel that they should pay the amount of
money that sex workers were asking, as the amount for long-time services (overnight) were similar to he average monthly wage of a Thai worker. For example:
Do you know how much the average non-professional Thai works? Fourteen [14] hours per day , my friends (Thailand Hater, 2005).
The prices I have seen here at the foram are ridiculous. Why should you pay to fuck a girl the sum that is a normal months salary in Thailand (Emie, 2003).
I would like to stress out NOT TO PAY TOO MUCH to a girl. Especially when you are from a western country your budget will be like a year income for a whole family when going to an undeveloped country. Like all of Africa and most of Asia. Also the former states of the USSR (Mike, 2001).
I noticed that foreign men take for granted that they have to pay close to $ 100 USD for these women. In a world where most women in poor countries make $50 to $100 USD per week I am amazed that most foreigners are happy to pay the high whore prices. Many bar whore pro's make 4 to 6 times the average female salary (Thai Phoon, 2008).
The posting by Thai Phoon went on to provide a detailed calculation of the costs involved in traveling to Thailand for a one-week vacation and purchasing services from ten workers, as opposed to the cost of purchasing the services of a Thai sex worker in the
U.S. He then suggested that, economically, it would make more sense to stay at home, or visit another sex tourism destination, such as the Philippines, where "its a lot easier to get women under 25 years old for $40 or $50 USD" (Thai Phoon, 2008).
Overall, these posts suggest that sex tourists enter into a relationship with a sex worker with the understanding that they can control the encounter by virtue of having paid for the services. While this may hold true for many sex worker/client relationships, the economic advantage that a sex tourist in a developing country brings to the encounter allows him to elevate his status even further. When coupled with access to a large number of sex workers employed in an industry designed to cater to foreign clientele, it
63 would seem that the scales are overwhelmingly tipped in favour of the clients, not the workers.
Power relationships are clearly evident in the type of language that writers chose to document their experiences. Choice of language can be a powerful indicator of (self- assumed) status and provides insight into how a writer sees himself in relation to the person being written about. The vast majority of posts included language that positioned the tourist as the dominant figure in the encounter by using language to subordinate and commodity women. Racialized and gendered stereotypes were also common themes throughout, which further led the writers to exploit the worker/client relationship to their advantage.
It is no coincidence that the sex industry in Thailand has been set up to function within, and reinforce, the stereotypes and pre-conceptions that many sex tourists bring with them. The industry provides a packaged experience: a commodity (women) for sale that is easily accessed and consumed, within a framework that almost always guarantees that the consumer maintains a level of power and authority over the sex worker by exercising choice in choosing a sex worker and negotiating the terms of the deal,
(particularly in terms of remuneration for services).
Theme 2: Use of language to subordinate
One of the first things I noted as I was reading through these posts, was the language that was being used by sex tourists to describe their hosts, whether sex workers or local individuals, whom they encountered in their travels. Not surprisingly, many derogatory terms were being used to describe sex workers, including whore, skank, bitch, and ho.
Ironically, most of these writers, after having spent several pages describing their exploits
64 and referring to sex workers with terminology that is far from respectful, would end their post with some advice to other sex tourists to treat the women with respect. This literary
dichotomy was found in numerous posts, many of which ended similar to the following:
Next; how to treat a Thai girl. These girls are girls first, and then whores.. .treat them with respect (no name, 2005).
Last but not the least, remember to treat all the girls with dignity, so what if they are whores (Bade miya, 2007).
However, this type of language was not reserved for sex workers only, and also
extended to other local individuals that the tourist might encounter, including cab drivers,
food vendors, and touts. Since the language was not reserved for a particular sector of
the population, but could be used to describe almost anyone whom the tourist
encountered, I understood this to signify the tourists' perceived sense of domination and
sense of entitlement over their hosts. This type of language is often used to express
domination, and elevates the speaker to a higher level than the individual being spoken about, which is consistent with the sex tourists' understanding of themselves as a more privileged and deserving individual than his hosts. Furthermore, the use of particular discourse to describe the objects of ones' focus, in this case sex workers, tells us about the dominant position that the sex tourists see themselves in. As this language is used to describe all types of women, whether from their home countries or the sex workers of destinations countries, as well as workers in other sectors of the tourist industry, we can see that most men who engage in sex tourism understand themselves to be in a more dominant, privileged position than women (in general and particularly in destination countries).
65 Some of the discourse that was used by the writers included obvious colonial
undertones, suggesting that the tourist, by virtue of being of Eurowestem descent, should
be considered as physically and culturally superior. One writer suggested that this
position of superiority attracted locals, who wanted to be associated with western tourists
in an attempt to raise their own social status. Ultimately, this writer argued, these
individuals wanted to "be white":
after reading most of the postings on this board I figured out that you are missing the most important part of it. These women are really attracted to us, white (farangs). They really are. After endless talks with locals in Thailand I know that for a fact that white is beautiful for them. Forget stupid superstitions like Chinese would say: white smelly devil or Thais will say "farang". Put "L" in between then you get a sound "Falang". It's simply means "long nose" nothing bad. They look up to you and they want to be as you (Walt, 2006).
Power relationships established between clients and workers were further evident in the
choice of language that is used to discuss the business transaction and the services being
provided by the worker, mygirlinpattaya referred to looking for a sex worker as "going
shopping" (2004), while Binjo referred to the "rental price for the night" (2003), and
Wild Child referred to "donating" money to a sex worker for "long-term companionship"
(2005). Charlie indicated that current prices were "20-25 bucks per female" (2003),
while V.S.P.-P.H.D. cautioned others to "carefully inspect your "catch" before walking
inside" (2000). This type of discourse implies an unequal relationship between the worker and the client, and showcases how sex workers are understood as commodities to be shopped for and rented for the night, with an emphasis on ensuring that the "goods" were of acceptable quality.
The use of discourse to display dominance was also evident amongst the sex tourists themselves; writers often competed to validate the information they had
66 presented and present arguments as to why this information was more current, relevant
and useful than another post, in an attempt to position themselves as more authoritative
than other writers. This was often done by referring to the number of times that they had
visited a particular destination (suggesting that this made them "experts" on that
destination), the number of years that an expatriate had lived in Thailand (allowing him
to comment on, and share information that only a "local" would know), and the number
of sex workers that the client had been with (the credibility of which could be further
increased if the sex tourist had visited a number of destination countries):
Being able to speak Thai to a good conversational level and having spent the equivalent of about seven weeks living in Pattaya, I feel fairly well qualified to comment (Skyman, 2004).
Been to Bangkok several times. More than 12 times in last 2 years. Also, I have travelled entire Asia and Europe and some parts of Africa. I found that Bangkok is the best (no name, 2005).
I have been traveling around S.E. Asia (Thailand, Philippies, Malaysia, Vietnam, Cambodia, Hong Kong, Japan, etc.) for over twenty years, and believe me, no one knows more about the bar scene than me (no name, 2005).
Overall, the language used by the writers who post on the WSG foram suggests a
position of authority and dominance over the individuals in hosting countries, both sex
workers and other sectors of the population. As sex tourists originate almost exclusively
from western or European countries, and most often travel to developing areas of the world in the geographical south, this choice of language can be understood to reflect the writers' western/European understanding of progress and civilization. As the experiences encountered by the tourist in the hosting country are perceived as generally primitive, backwards and uncivilized, he considers himself as dominant and superior, based on his
67 position as a member of a civilized and progressive society. This is particularly apparent
in the provision of (sexual) services, as the tourist exhibits a sense of entitlement to these.
Some writers justified their privileged position as a sex tourist by claiming that the workers were thrilled to spend time with them and did not ask for any money in
exchange for their company, particularly if the worker provided a more exclusive
experience for the client and accompanied him for an extended period of time. However, most of these scenarios ended with the writer providing some type of payment to the worker at the end of their trip. This may have made it easier for the client to justify his
actions, as in his mind, he did not pay for the services of a sex worker, but rather a
companion, and therefore he would not be classified as a sex tourist:
I am not saying they were not slappers but never paid them for sex. Of course I left handful of money (to last them a month)to those who pleased me. As a thanks just before departing with them when they were not expecting it. Maybe they didn't expect it because when they were with me. I treated them like 'A lady' (Looking 4 sex Holiday, 2006).
I don't know what I did, but she decided she liked me and left the bar and her job and stayed with me for my whole stay in Pattaya. The amazing thing was that she didn't ask me for any money! (Annan, 2000).
the girls stayed with us for five days it was the best 5 days of my life we took them on tours with us and—-paid for them every where we went they were great company and really nice girl upon leaving Patong we gave the girls 100 aust dollars each they were rapt (pp and jz, 2006).
As indicated in the literature review, some writers engage in the good sex tourist/bad sex tourist dichotomy, framing themselves as good clients by juxtaposing their
"good" actions with those of others which they see as "bad". For example, many of the writers indicate that they would never utilize the services of an underage prostitute, as these girls are understood to have been trafficked into the industry and be forced to work
68 against their will. By only engaging in sexual relationships with women who are considered to have made the choice to work in the industry, they are justifying their exploitation of these women. Similarly, by ignoring the side of the industry that supplies forced sexual labor and exploits young women and girls for the profit of managers and brothel owners, and indicating that they would never support this side of the business as a client, they are framing themselves as better sex tourists. However, this simplistic attitude ignores the realities of most of the workers and pays little attention to the reasons why they may choose to work in this industry in the first place. In the clients' minds, their actions should not be seen as negative, as there are other groups of individuals who are engaging in far worse behaviours, and in comparison, the sex tourist who frequents a gogo bar in Bangkok should be considered "good":
Thai girls may claim to see this kind of business as something "bad". But their apparent resentment does not go deep. Actually some of them have this as their choice of profession when they are young ("I want to become a prostitute in a Bangkok bar"). Of course there are cases where girls are confined in the bars or hotels. But this typically does not happen in the tourist bars, but in the bars and massage parlours only visited by the local people (Anon, 2000).
Furthermore, by focusing on the actions of local people, who may be seen as the cause of the underage and forced prostitution phenomenon in some developing countries, foreign sex tourists see themselves as better, and see themselves as supporting a better industry than local people do:
Official Thai attitudes to prostitution are ambiguous and hypocritical. The best example of this is when Thai politicians, especially ministers, raise the question of prostitution in the Land of Smiles. They will soon be condemning "sex slavery" in the "brothels" in the Patpong area. Then they are on about children and pedophiles in Patpong's "brothels". The kindest that can be said for these self-styled social critics is they hopefully mean well. However they have not got a clue, thinking in terms of stereotypes and half-assed TV melodramas which have some relation to the brothels frequented by Thai men - but none to the relatively small enclosure of tourist areas. There isn't a single government expert on prostitution. In their
69 ignorance, they fog the debate by talking at cross purposes. There are no brothels in the Patpong area. Patpong has bars aplenty, but bars are not brothels. Nor are there any slaves in the Patpong bars. Girls apply to work in them and may leave at any time.. .Do brothels, containing sex slaves sold to them by their families, exist in Thailand? Certainly yes, but not in the Patpong area or Nana Entertainment Plaza or Soi Cowboy (Anon, 2000).
Interactions Between Worker and Client
The way the industry has been set up to function may play a role in how clients and sex tourists perceive themselves in relation to their hosts. For example, most sex tourists frequent GoGo bars, where scantily-clad, if not naked, women dance on stage for the customers. All of the women wear a number, and if the customer sees a dancer he likes, he calls the number and has her join him at his table for further negotiations. At massage parlours women are displayed in groups, sometimes separated into smaller groups based on the type of service they provide. They may also have a separate section referred to as
"Superstars", which are marketed as extremely physically attractive workers. As in the bars, women are selected by the number they are wearing. In both of these scenarios, customers are physically separated from the workers until they have chosen a number; women are literally put on display for men to objectify, compare, and choose. Groping and other physically invasive tactics are not unheard of when men are "making their selection", particularly in bars where this behaviour is encouraged. When a customer has asked a woman to join him at his table, he is expected to buy her a "lady drink", from which she will earn a commission. This time is used for the customer and the worker to discuss the details of their transaction; if both parties agree, the customer pays a "barfine" to take the worker out of the bar for a specified amount of time; any subsequent transactions are strictly between the worker and the client. Technically, workers in GoGo bars have a choice in the customer that they choose to go with (aside from monthly
70 quotas for "barfines" and "lady drinks"), while women at massage parlours, much like brothels, do not. Whatever number the customer chooses, the worker is expected to provide the service to him. This is stark contrast to the choices that clients are allowed to exercise when it comes to choosing a worker.
One of the ways that the workers have begun to regain some power and capitalize on the industry is to find clients who are willing to send them money after they have returned to their home country. According to the writers, this is sometimes done under the auspices of using this as an alternate form of income in order to be able to stop working in the industry or to help out straggling family members or siblings whom the worker is supporting through her work:
The average quality of the girls is about a 4 or 5 and there main goal is to see how many idiots they can hook into sending them money every month with the promise that they will return home and wait for you in the village, of course they tell there other 3 boyfriends the same thing. It appears that one of the main reason for this is the Young Brits coming here with there black money and there life saving and they williness to pay the girls to much money.They have driven price to a point that it makes us expats laugh (Jack, 2008).
These types of arrangements give more power to the worker, as a steady income enables her to have greater control over how many clients she must see in order to earn a level of income that she is comfortable with. Not only do these strategies provide leverage and options for the worker, they also reduces the amount of control that short- term clients have, as they are no longer seen as the only source of income. If, indeed, these workers are able to solicit enough regular income from overseas sources, and as a result decide to leave the industry and return to their home communities, it may also reduce the number of women who are available to short-term clients.
71 Not surprisingly, clients, who are accustomed to holding and exercising the majority of the power in the worker/client relationship, are less enthusiastic about these strategies; they often cited feeling "duped" or thought of as "naive" if they fell into one of these perceived "traps". Another example can be seen in the words of caution to other clients against taking too much of an interest in any particular worker, taking too much of an interest in meeting their needs, or "falling in love" with them and treating them like you would a "regular" girlfriend:
I lived in Bangkok from early Jan, 2005. Don't get me wrong. I really like Thai women. Most of them smile at you all the time, they are much nicer than your western girlfriends. But I have a word of advice for you: Do NOT fall in love in Thailand and do NOT marry a Thai woman. I know the Thai women are among the nicest women in the world, in many ways, but there is a good reason behind it. Your money ! I recommend Thailand as one of the best travel destinations for every man. Enjoy ladies companionship, great sex, awesome food, markets, temples,.... You may find the best women, here, because they play the best role a woman can ever play ! Please open your eyes: Women are women, everywhere you go! (Wild Child, 2005).
Clients have responded to this perceived threat of loss of power by attempting to control as many aspects of the industry as possible. For example, recognizing that the demand side of the equation is what keeps the industry alive, they may choose to move their business to another sex tourist destination altogether; there will always be another destination that is easier, more accommodating, and more affordable. Money (how much to pay for what service) is usually the central focus of these types of encounters; if a client can find a new, innovative ways to avoid paying for a transaction, possibly recoup their investment, or find another way to exploit a sex worker, then the client, in his mind, has come out on top:
Costs: TB-2000 ~ For short time {2 hours}. After waving it down, it was agreed on 1500 taped everything, and took about 50 pics of her on my digicam. I then paid her 200TB extra as taxi money. NOW COMES THE FUN PART YES, I
72 PAID A TOTAL OF 1500+200 FOR SEX —BUT I GOT ABOUT 3000 TB in cash for selling my pics {50} on the net! (Jonn, 2005).
Don't forget to invite her for breakfast the next morning, and if you trust her (and she likes you to stay with her), she is your ticket to a lot of discounts: Go shopping with her!.. .If you like a shirt, don't talk to the clerk. Just simply pass by the whole store. When you are out of sight, give your Thai lady some money and ask her to buy the shirt for you. She will get it for 1/3 of the price you would pay, even after you already tried to bargain and think that you got a good price. © (Dude, 2005).
Another strategy is to capitalize on what sex tourists perceived to be the negative aspects of the industry and provide customers with a "hassle-free" service. For example, the majority of the bar owners are foreigners, who are, or have been, customers as well.
They recognize the "problems" that other customers are dealing with, and therefore strive to provide a level of service within their business that they would expect if they were visiting an establishment. Others still find a niche in the market and provide a service that makes it easier and more appealing for sex tourists to enjoy the industry to the fullest extent. The following provides an example of a bar owner who started an escort service to make it easier for men to connect with attractive sex workers, without the hassle associated with a "regular" business transaction occurring in a Go-Go bar:
One of the foreign bar owners in Bangkok got so fed up with stories of Farang (foreigners) getting stung with huge bills for sex, and girls stealing passports, jewellery, cash, etc, (and then one of his friends got AIDS off a girl at a place that shall remain nameless in Soi 2 WHO STILL WORKS THERE!) that he set up a free agency you just call up or email whenever you want and arrange a girl to come to your apartment / hotel OR, even better, they send a car for you and you end up about half an hour away from downtown Bangkok on a magical mystery tour to a slick private room and bath with super-fit girls..It cuts out all the bullshit of bar fees, getting stung for huge drink bills, etc and basically gets you to the sex quicker. He's set it up so they only offer good-lookers and none are underage (no point spending the rest of your days in a Bangkok jail) (James, 2005).
This example represents an interesting shift in the industry's culture. Sex tourists, who had previously been more passive actors, in terms of having to conform and adapt to the
73 rales of the industry as set out by the workers, are now taking a more active role in establishing the unwritten rules and are gaining even more power over the interaction with workers by doing so. Whereas clients once had to adapt and accept the "rales of engagement" of what was being offered, they are now more actively engaged in the workings of the industry than ever before. Ultimately, these types of business ventures further remove the customer from the realities of the business by creating an environment void of all the unpleasant aspects. This makes it even easier for sex tourists to engage in these activities, as the process is streamlined to meet their every need. Local people need only be involved in this structure for one reason: to provide services.
Theme 3: "A Warning About Sin City" - How to Avoid being Exploited
Most writers spent a considerable amount of time discussing the perceived corruption, exploitation and scamming of tourists and clients, and a significant amount of content in the posts deals with alerting other travellers to these perceived threats and sharing information on how to deal with or avoid them. By far the greatest perceived threat for sex tourists involved the loss of money, whether by overpaying for products and/or services, or being the victim of a mugging. There was a lot of evidence that sex tourists were concerned about their health, and the potential to contract sexually transmitted infections (STIs), or HIV/AIDS. Lastly, some of the writers discussed the current status of the tourism industry in Thailand, indicating that the destination no longer had the same appeal, as it had become far too overdeveloped in a bid to attract more tourists.
Money Issues
Given the relative large financial inequality between tourist and host, money plays an important role in leveraging status and dominance. As a result, the loss of money is akin
74 to a loss of status and ultimately put the tourist on a level playing field with his host (if not lower; how can the tourist possibly survive and return home to his financial and social safety net without any money?). A lot of time was spent discussing the relative value of service for money, how much to pay for what, and how these prices compared to similar services that could be arranged in the writers' home country. The overall sense was that there was a standard rate of pay for most workers and services, with exception for the occasional "extra" for particularly attractive workers, or if the client was considered old, overweight or unattractive. Clients who chose to pay more ultimately drove the prices up, much to the dismay of other sex tourists:
The prices I have seen here at the foram are ridiculous. Why should you pay to fuck a girl the sum that is a normal months salary in thailand...Get a grip and don't ever pay more then 500 st 1000 It including bf. And don't tip. If you want to tip you can tip the girls who really try making it without... working in construction, rice fields, sellers etc. Also remember the more you pay the bitchier is the bitch with next customer. Please don't destroy for us all payiingoverprices. A normal thai salary is 3000B amonth remember that (Emie, 2003).
And stop comparing prices in US$. When you pay 100$ for a 1 hour session you may think you saved at least 50% of the price at home. BUT, you just paid more than 200% - 500% of the normal price. Making it very difficult for the next costumer to pay less. When the working girls get used to these absurd prices everybody will be of worse. So behave, and ask a local guy beforehand what the going prices are (Mike, 2001).
This was clearly viewed as unacceptable by most writers, who wanted to pay as little as possible for their encounter.
Several others approached this issue from a different angle by suggesting that working in the sex industry provided the worker with access to more money, for arguably less work, than a "typical" job:
No matter how good looking, hot and sexy you think she is, the amount you pay them should never exceed what I post. Consider the fact that these girls would be
75 making 10-12 US dollars a day in a factory for a long days work in the heat (Diesel Diego, 2008).
By comparing sex work to other types of employment, this writer fails to acknowledge
the unique physical, emotional and psychological problems (among other things)
involved in this type of employment. It is interesting to note that the comparison in this
case has been made to factory work, where employees often toil under extremely difficult
conditions. As noted in the literature review, individuals who choose to work in the sex
industry often do not have the skills or opportunities to pursue opportunities in other
sectors. Limited educational opportunities, particularly for women in developing
countries, often leads to employment in less desirable sectors requiring less skills; the
majority of workers in the tourism industry are women. Working in the sex industry may provide an opportunity to make more money than other options, such as working in a
factory or sweat shop for little to no remuneration.
However, not everyone agreed with "pay as little as possible and you're still paying too much" attitude exhibited by Diesel Diego. The following example provides an interesting discussion of the industry, the role of the client and the worker, and the
interaction between them. It raises an interesting point about the value of money and seeks to put the relative wealth of clients and the cost of services into perspective:
Many guys that post reports here pride themselves on how cheap they can get laid. I don't understand that at all. Especially when you read that a lot of them stay at Sheratons and obviously ply good trades. I understand poor guys only wanting to pay $10 for a fuck or a BJ, but so many guys here seem to get more of a thrill from the money than the sex. Are they really excited by interacting with a beautiful woman, or excited by the bargain???!!!.. .My question 'itfA is the sex better the cheaper it gets? Or is great sex better for being cheap???...By the way, I have been to these girl's villages. Those stories they tell you about mum and dad being sick and little sister going to school i^A they are all true. These girls are from grindingly poor backgrounds, and tend to be the sole earner for an extended family, scrabbling about on a dry, dirt farm.. .That stuff you read on this site about
76 the girls "lying" about having numerous falang boyfriends, blah, blah... Well if every white man you ever meet lies to you, and tries to fuck you for the smallest amount of money he can (and yet pays $100 a night for his hotel room), what should we expect in return? (Camouflage, 2006).
Clearly the writer intends to mean well and encourage clients to appreciate the circumstances that may have led workers to join the industry, and be respectful by paying a reasonable fee for the services being provided. However, the underlying assumption remains that clients have a right to access workers, as long as they are able to provide the right amount of money. Are clients any more justified in their actions if they are willing to pay a higher price than another customer? Does that mitigate the circumstances that have led a worker to put herself on sale for the highest bidder, or make the reality of her situation any easier? Again, we see that sex tourists see themselves as privileged and share a sense of entitlement to be able to access these services.
Health issues
A lot of time and space on the WSG site was spent discussing the range of health issues that sex tourists needed to be aware of. Contracting HIV or other STIs was of great concern to many writers, who reasoned that they had a right to access a "clean" body.
Many writers believed that this risk could be mitigated through a thorough visual inspection of a sex worker before paying her for services; scientifically we know that many STIs and HIV/AIDS may not be detected by visual means alone. Nevertheless, many writers took the time to "inspect" the worker before engaging in any sexual activities, and the majority of those who commented on health issues reasoned that, by paying a premium for a worker, they should be assured that she is "clean":
Most clubs are so dark you'll have trouble seeing anything (Stretch marks, bad teeth, gut, etc). If you find a girl directly on the street (free-lancer) you will save paying the bar fine but who knows where she has been, In fact I sent 2 away once I got to the hotel and saw them in normal light. One had sores on her lips and the
77 other seemed to have sores between her legs she tried to hide. The scam is they go into the bathroom and get undressed, wrap a towel around them and turn off the lights. I turned the lights back on and took a good look, this girl had some sort of STD. So I sent her off (GotSTDinBangkok, 2005).
Many writers noted that "reputable" establishments had implemented a system of health checks, whereby workers were required to undergo monthly physical examinations to ensure their general health and rale out the possibility of having contracted a disease.
Each worker was issued a health card, which would be validated on a monthly basis, following a standard check for commonly transmitted STIs and HIV/AIDS. This provided a sense of security for clients, as they felt that they were getting a "clean" experience, prompting some writers to use the services of workers in gogo bars or massage parlors over freelancers, who arguably did not have to undergo regular health checks. It is unclear whether these health check schemes were mandated by the government, although the fact that prostitution is illegal in Thailand would suggest that these schemes were implemented by the establishments with the intent of ensuring that
Thailand's sex tourism industry did not receive a negative reputation.
However, research in this area suggests that these types of health check schemes are not very well regulated, and often give the customers a false sense of security when it comes to the health of the workers.14 It has been suggested that workers themselves are required to seek out and pay for these services, and it is actually faster and cheaper to pay a corrupt physician to provide a "clean bill of health" stamp instead of undergoing the actual exam. In instances where an examination is completed, it is often hurried and purely visual, with no additional blood work or further investigation. This makes it nearly impossible to detect whether a worker has been infected with HIV/AIDS, or
14 See for example Odzer, 1994.
78 another serious STI that may not present visually, particularly in the beginning stages.
As a result, the worker is at greater risk of developing long-term complications from potentially untreated diseases, and may unknowingly put future clients at risk as well.
The transient nature of the industry, and those working in it, also makes it difficult to track and regulate workers; writers noted that women often moved between establishments, from one city to another, or in an out of the industry for a variety of reasons.
Some writers indicated that they chose to take sex workers to get tested for STIs, particularly if they wanted to spend a longer time with a particular worker. Testing is relatively affordable and easy to access, particularly in the international standard hospitals. However, HIV/AIDS can be dormant, and undetectable, for more than three months from time of infection, rendering "on the spot" testing virtually useless. The reliability of these tests is also questionable, given the previously noted discussion around corruption and quality of testing:
I was worried about the condom, but she said that her Irish BF takes her to the hospital every 3 months for a checkup (Preownedvehicle, 2007).
Of course I used condoms but with this girl I decided to make a HIV test in a hospital this will cost 350 b-glOOO b and can be ready in 1 hour, depends which hotel you go . the best one are the private ones you have not to wait, we both checked our blood and ....I was ok but she was highly positive!! It was good that I made this check up and I will always do. HIV is now so widespread in Asia (were not) I saw in the newspaper that there are in Thailand 1 million positives, this means from all young people 1:30 and from sex workers 1:10 minimum.. .yes also she was positive, the doctor said already highly, possibly infected when she was married by her own husband(most husbands are going to the massage parlors at sa.or su).also I experienced fucker was surprised and never thought that this young lady with good health and not underweighted,was ill. now I always always use condoms there are also girls who are tested neg. but are pos.not to mention the many small clinics who can do aidstests,but can't they only take your money, and even when she is tested neg. she can be infected in the last 3 months!! and 3 months can be a lot of customers.. .customers are asking or paying more without
79 condom.. .Now I know that most bars in Pattaya if they check the girl for HIV they don't do it when she is arriving (this costs money) but after 3 months, if they do (no name, 2001).
A lot of writers understood that the perceived HIV/AIDS epidemic in the industry
is a problem created and sustained by locals, as indicated by the following posting. Note that the writer fails to acknowledge the role that sex tourists play in transmitting disease,
particularly those who purchase services from multiple workers over the course of their holiday:
As I have lived in Thailand for 22 years now, I feel I have a little better knowledge than many who just visit.—I see "pattaya-be careful" review, and he took a bunch of girls to hospital and they were all HIV+. How come in all the years I have been here I have yet to hear of a farang infected in a bar??. Check the papers/news. Every bar I have been in that had an infected girl, she was out straight away, I have been to just about al of the short time bars, Welcomm inn, soi Yodsak, and the out of the way places like Winchester and butterfly. Simple fact is the HIV rates in Thailand are associated with locals, (who refuse to wear a condom) and vist the 20-50 baht "specials". Every GoGo bar I have visited have a strick policy, on checkups.—Statistically you have more chance of catchng AIDS in the USA or Europe than in any of these bars (Freddie, 2002).
As noted in the literature review, Thai men are known to visit brothels on a regular basis, whether they are married or not. This is considered standard practice, and most men in
Thailand will have their first sexual experience with a prostitute. However, it is interesting to note that this writer cites not having heard of any cases of foreigners being infected by HIV/AIDS in a bar as an indication that this was not a problem amongst workers who cater to sex tourists. As noted previously, HIV/AIDS can lie dormant for months or even years before it is detected; the chances of a sex tourist recognizing that he has contracted the disease through one of his encounters in Thailand is very minimal.
Furthermore, it is questionable whether this type of information would make it into the local media for public consumption, given the need to protect this very lucrative industry.
80 Any reports regarding HIV/AIDS breakouts in one of Thailand's tourist hot spots would have a detrimental impact on tourist numbers and dollars.
Overall, writers did not comment on the physical and emotional toll of sex work on the workers themselves (fatigue, injury, mental health problems), especially the risk to her personal health and well-being. One of the few instances where a writer directly addressed this issue, it was purely to discuss how this negatively affected his personal experience:
So, the girl I pick up acts all nice and gets to my hotel. As soon as we get inside the room, she starts crying that she's going to die of AIDS very soon. She shows me all the spots and everything. She cries for her fatherless HIV+ baby, herself, her family and she makes the whole night suck. We do it anyway, but, after she leaves sometime around 1:00 am, I realize that I went through all the hassles of traveling, listening to her story, and spending for nothing (Anon, 2006).
One strategy for dealing with the perceived threat to personal health for clients was to move their business elsewhere. Some writers felt that some areas of Thailand
(outside of the sex tourist hot spots of Bangkok and Pattaya) were considered "safer", while others mentioned other countries altogether. It was reasoned that they could access
"clean" workers in areas where the sex industry was not as developed. This speaks to the relative freedom of mobility that sex tourists can exercise in order to gain access to a fresh supply of workers. Juxtapose this with the workers' often restricted mobility
(whether international travel or being tied to a particular establishment), and her limited ability to choose her clients:
To boot, I came home with Herpes... 12 girls in 10 days, only about 2 were decent, the rest were duds, (lay there and do nothing). OK so you have thousands of girls to select from, no health checks (now I have to buy some expensive precription drug to keep the vims dormant)...I spoke to a friend who visited Thailand during the Tsunami and had to check into a Thai hospital, it turns out the Thai Doctors tell him that STD's HIV are rampit in Thailand, lots of tourists contract Herpes and it's very common to get it even if you use a condom for
81 everything. So much for cheap sex, my health is worth more then a few dollars.. .Most Thai hookers don't go to regular hospitals, they have lower class hospitals for those who can't afford the tourist class hospitals. I think you are better off in Malaysia or China as these country's don't draw so many ill men who bring all the STD's and HIV's in. Remember the girl you bed will mean you have slept with all the men she slept with. THINK TWICE ABOUT WHAT YOU ARE DOING WHEN YOU THINK, THAILAND IS ABOUT CHEAP SEX (GotSTDinBangkok, 2005).
Even when health check schemes are properly regulated, fundamentally they only
exist to protect the interest of the clients, who are never asked to undergo any health
examinations before engaging in sexual activity with a worker. While clients are often
concerned about the possibility of contracting a disease, there is little discussion around the vulnerability of the workers, particularly when one considers the lack of choice and
flexibility that some workers have in refusing a client. Some workers may also agree to unsafe practices for economic reasons, noting that customers who prefer not to use a
condom are often willing to pay extra for this service. Accessibility and availability of
condoms may also affect utilization rates, although this is generally not a concern in
Thailand.
Concerns about health issues in the sex industry may also play a role in the
growing demand for younger workers, as clients want access to "clean" bodies.
Customers may correlate the time a worker has spent in the industry with the risk of having been infected; however, the reality is that even young workers are at risk of contracting, and subsequently transmitting a disease. In fact, younger workers may be at even higher risk of contracting disease, as some cultures believe that having sex with a young girl will cure AIDS. This often places the young worker at higher risk of becoming infected herself, particularly if condoms are not used. Others believe that
82 having sex with a young worker cures impotence and enhances virility, further fuelling
the trafficking of young girls into the industry.
The following writer shared his thoughts on why condom use was overrated, and
his theory on the HIV/AIDS epidemic:
Now a word to the flamers: restrain yourselves regarding the following. I have cogent reasons for my beliefs and practices and you have yours. Here we go: I hate condoms and will not use them if at all avoidable. Why not? Simply that there are utterly no pleasurable sensations when Dick is separated from warm pussy by such vile devices. If I can't immediately enjoy such delightful impulses then he can't be sustained and just collapses, and with Vitamin-V @ $6+ a shot, what a waste, so there is no point in alternative action.. .Further while I believe that HIV etc certainly exists I strongly doubt its alleged widespread and dense existence. Like all such phenomena it supports a whole 'industry' with a deep interest in self sustenance by providing channels for Ph.D's, research grants, and jobs in a wide range of UN-associated and related organizations (oljoe, 2003).
The post elicited the following response:
And finally to another previous poster (...who told flamers that he has reasons for his beliefs): Well, here's a flame for you just the same! You may not care about what happens to you - by your description of yourself you would probably never live long enough to actually develop AIDS if you got infected with HIV - but think about what you might pass on to some 25-year old girl with a child to support. Your pleasure simply isn't worth killing her. And that crap about HIV/AIDS being perpetuated by "them" - what a load of bull! You may fool yourself, in order to provide some feeble excuse for what you're doing, but I've been here for a long time, and let me assure you of something - it is VERY real! For the rest of you (hopefully more intelligent) guys out there, planning a trip to the island; by all means enjoy the girls, but protect yourselves - and them (Phuket Local, 2004).
Keeping the illusion alive
As has been well documented in the literature, western/European tourists travelling to southern destinations for an "adventure" often bring with them preconceived notions of what their experience needs to encompass in order for it to be "authentic". Their frame of reference for what is considered authentic and what is not is often formed by the popular media, including travel guides and shows, as well as internet. If the tourist
83 encounters an experience that does not fit with his or her understanding of what is authentic, that experience (and possibly their entire trip) may be viewed as somehow flawed. The problem with these expectations lies in the fact that they not allow for growth and change; people and cultures are expected to remain stagnant in order to satisfy the expectations of the tourist:
The future Krabi is still quiet at the moment, but building is going on non-stop and in 2-3 years it will be spoilt. This was my 8th trip to Thailand (and my best). Get to Krabi now, before developers and mass-tourism take over and rain it for us "single gentlemen" (Comfibold, 2004).
Ironically, trying to meet most contemporary tourists' expectations of a leisure holiday (relative safety, access to modem amenities), while also ensuring an authentic experience (undeveloped landscapes, primitive cultures) is not possible. As indicated in this post, progress and development are not aligned with the individuals' perception of
Thailand as a primitive, underdeveloped, Third-World paradise, untouched by modem influences. This individual came to Thailand looking for a piece of paradise, consisting of pristine beaches, ancient temples and authentic culture. Instead, he arrives to find masses of tourists, much like himself, being shuffled off to giant concrete hotels and resort complexes, monopolizing the best beaches, and providing a half-hearted attempt to provide "authentic" food and cultural experiences. What the writer quoted above fails to recognize is that his ability to travel to Thailand as a tourist and access all of the modem amenities that they require for a comfortable holiday away from home, is available to them precisely because of the development of the modem tourist industry.
Numerous posts also dealt with perceptions that writers had about the industry, and their disappointment at encountering various workers, scenarios or experiences that did not fit this understanding. Take for example the following entry "At 10:30 5-6 girls in
84 bikinis came out and did a dance routine. They were followed by a mixed guy/girl dance
routine. There was nothing 'sexy' about any of this. By 11:00 we were fed up and left"
(beentz, 2004). As the entertainment that they were being offered did not align with their
understanding of the industry and what they could expect to experience and see as a
client, it was dismissed as a negative experience, and the group left to find entertainment
that was more akin to what they had expected (read: women wearing less clothes,
dancing more provocatively and providing an overall more appealing, sexualized form of
entertainment).
One writer suggested that his favourite sex tourism destination was suffering from
too much scamming and corruption, and offered a number of other locations where sex
could be had hassle-free. He also suggested that these establishments take steps to ensure
that sex tourists could enjoy themselves without having to deal with scam artists, and,
ironically, urging the establishment to consider how this was affecting their "good" reputation:
Can Danok survive the popularity it has been receiving in recent years in the midst of these scams introduced rampantly by a minority but short-sighted culprit traders? My circles, one by one, are moving their happy hours to somewhere else, like Haadyai, Medan, Batam, China, Macau (glad that air-fares are much more affordable now) etc. And I suggest they clean up their streets and re-build their good names first before we consider spending money in their facilities again (Landlord, 2004).
Some individuals also thought that the industry had taken on too much of a
"business" vibe, with workers being more interested in completing a transaction than taking the time to build a relationship with their clients, and working to ensure that the client received the most authentic experience:
While in Germany I found the women appear to enjoy sex, I felt that in Thailand it was a job and work for them (Derk Diggler 2, 2004).
85 I was heavily skeptical about the situation in BKK, and it appeared just as the members of this board have described it: too many clubs in too small an area asking for too much money. The girls were nice, but seemed far more interested in completing the business transaction as quickly as possible than striking up a good rapport with their clients. Those that weren't asking me for drinks were telling me how "in love" with me they were. Luckily, there is respite, and its located in Issan (The Sherpa, 2002).
This writer sees progress and development within the industry as a drawback. His understanding of sex workers as primitive entities, whose underprivileged status required them to cater to the clients' needs without hesitation, was no longer the reality. Sex workers were now in a better position to stipulate the conditions of the transaction, which looked more like a business transaction between a client and a worker, than an extended holiday experience with a Thai girlfriend. As this did not align with the writer's understanding of what he could expect as a client in the industry, he felt that the current situation was no longer acceptable and thus sought to find another location where he could engage in the type of experience that he was looking for. In this case, the writer was looking to the province of Isaan, in north-eastem Thailand, where many of the women and girls who work in the sex industry are understood to originate.
Overall, most writers had a particular understanding of what the industry looked like and what they could expect from it. Not having these expectations met resulted in a sub-standard experience, which often left the writer wondering what happened to "the good old days", when things were easier, cheaper and less of a hassle. Of all the posts included in the data set, there was only one that questioned the pursuit of the perfect experience, an illusion that had been created to attract visitors like him in the first place:
Now that I'm just dropping in for a week or so at a time, it seems I've lost my touch. Burning the candle at both ends, I wake each day more wiped out than the day before. Yesterday I looked around my Pattaya Penthouse room and saw a cockroach, realized that the "balcony" was just a fire escape, and that there was
86 no view at all. Nothing against Penthouse, Lord bless 'em, it's the effect of this lifestyle. I took my first close look at the sea, saw the garbage on the beach, all the bullshit clutter of jetskis and restaurant boats in the dirty bay. I just couldn't believe that normal people come here on their vacations, but they do.. .What looked like paradise in neon a few days ago showed it's age and condition in the daylight, like the BG who looked great in a dark bar at 2 am and in the morning turns out to be a painted out battle vet. Maybe this is why I only come out at night, to keep the illusion alive (Khun Sanuk, 2008).
87 CHAPTERS: CONCLUSION
The goal of this research study was to examine the sex tourism industry in Thailand, and how sex tourists see themselves in relation to their hosts. Discourse analysis was used to explore how language choices amongst travellers who post their experiences on the WSG foram reflect their attitudes towards, and perception of, their host. The findings provide
insight into how sex tourists understand the industry and how they see themselves in relation to the sex workers, as well as how they come to view themselves as dominant entities, entitled to receive sexual services from women whom they see as subordinate.
This chapter will provide an overview of how the findings presented in the previous chapter informed the three research questions that guided the study. This will be followed by a discussion on how the findings aligned with arguments presented in the literature combined with a more thorough analysis of any unique or particularly intriguing data that emerged from this research. Lastly, I briefly raise some issues for further research into the attitudes and perceptions of sex tourists in regards to the sex tourism industry and sex workers.
Research Question 1: How do sex tourists position themselves in relation to their host, and how do they form and understand their own identities and the perceived identities of their hosts?
As noted in the literature review, most tourists (particularly those traveling to developing countries) and sex tourists in general, tend to approach their experiences and interactions with local peoples from a dominant position. Their circumstances ~ of being relatively wealthy, having freedom of movement, and being able to return to the safety of their home if their experience becomes too overwhelming — grant them a privileged position
88 when compared to the average individual they interact with in the host country. Tourists
often travel to developing countries for just this purpose; for a few thousand dollars and a
day of travel, they can be transformed from their (predominantly) average, middle-class
status at home into a relatively wealthy and privileged individual with access to a range
of experience that he would not be able to encounter at home.
In the case of sex tourists, a privileged status is often used to their advantage in
order to leverage services or experiences. The findings in this research study were
consistent with the literature. In terms of the tourism industry, money is a powerful tool, particularly for travelers in developing countries. This is only amplified when
considering the sex tourism industry, as it is often the only source of income for those providing services. As suggested in several of the postings, anything can be had for the
right price, indicating a clear power imbalance found in the majority of these encounters.
Money elevates the sex tourist to a dominant position; in his mind, the more he can offer
financially, the more claim he has to expect a particular service.
The dominant position created by this power imbalance often led to discussions around respect — respect for the culture of the country they were visiting, for the sex workers who were providing the services, and for other sex tourists who wanted to enjoy their encounters. In most cases, respect was associated with money: ensuring that workers were offered a fair wage for their services, and being respectful of other sex tourists by not paying too much and raising the prices for other visitors. In rare instances where respect was tied to behaviour (treating a woman like "a lady", taking her out to dinner, offering cab fare home), it was done purely with the intent of gaining a better sexual experience as a result thereof. By focusing on the technical aspect of these
89 transactions and reducing the sex worker to a commodity that could be bought for the right price, the client disconnects himself the realities of the industry and the circumstances that make these experiences available to him in the first place.
Other strategies were also employed to make the experience less personal and more removed. As was suggested in the literature, many sex tourists differentiated themselves from their host/worker, thereby distancing themselves and their own reality from that of the Other. Some scholars cited physical boundaries (the geographical distance between home and away, the physical location of the sex workers on the street or establishment versus the upscale hotel that the tourist was staying at), while others noted cultural or social differences (such as a worker embodying traditional traits or a submissive demeanour, which some writers found to be lacking in women in their home countries). Having positioned the worker and her surroundings as sufficiently foreign afforded the client freedom from having any meaningful connection to her. Furthermore, since the client's experience is perceived as completely different from that at home, different rales must clearly apply in terms of what is acceptable and what is not; he is able to engage in activities that he may not even consider at home.
Interestingly, the research revealed every post in the data set focused only on the physical component of the encounter: the physical attributes (or lack thereof) of the worker, the physical interaction with the client, and the physical location of where the encounter took place. Little thought was given to the emotional and mental impact of this type of encoimter on the sex worker or the client. As noted previously, there are a host of issues to consider in terms of the long-term effects of this type of work on a sex worker: not only physical health issues such as injuries or increased risk of STIs, but also mental
90 health concerns, such as depression or dissociative disorders. But clients are likely affected by these types of distancing relationships as well, particularly for those who engage in this type of behaviour on a long-term basis. Are these individuals able to form normal, meaningful relationships after their encounters (perhaps upon their return home)?
Can we find a pattern amongst sex tourists that suggests a preference for short-term encounters? Can it be reasoned that the industry tends to attract clients who are unwilling or incapable of forming meaningful relationships, or does it change those who only wanted to "sample" what the industry has to offer into men who choose this as their preferred type of interaction with women? More research in this area might find some interesting results.
Research Question 2: How do sex tourists understand the social, political and economic distinctions between themselves and their hosts, and how do these enable and sustain the sex industry (for both the provider and the consumer)?
As noted in the literature, tourists are often aware of their privileged position; however, this does not mean that they will use that awareness to inform their interactions with those in the host country. While the economic distinction between tourist and host is often seen as the major separating factor, other privileges such as freedom of mobility are often not considered. Certainly, economic forces are what establish and drive (sex) tourism industries in the first place; however if there are no foreign customers to purchase goods and services, the industry will fail.
In order to attract foreign tourists (and their currency), developing countries will often establish their tourist markets to cater to travelers in order to maximize their profits.
Prime plots of land are dedicated to developing mass hotel complexes, often at the cost of
91 local land owners who may be offered unfair compensation for land titles or outright forced to vacate the land. Vast amount of natural resources are reserved to supply and sustain development efforts, at the cost of limiting access for local peoples. In response to local concerns, government will implement policies and regulations to ensure responsible and sustainable development practices are followed; however, in practice these are implemented only in response to international concerns about human rights and environmental abuses, and rarely are they enforced in reality. Development, after all, comes at a cost.
The literature states that Thailand has tried to maintain a relatively clean image when it comes to its sex tourism industry, including legislation to eradicate the abuse and sexual exploitation of children. While this may be official state policy and something the government is working towards, both the literature and the findings in this study suggest that human trafficking for sexual exploitation (including minors) is still a reality. The same holds true for prostitution in general - while it is officially illegal in Thailand, it clearly plays a major role in the country's tourism sector. Many related industries benefit from the large numbers of foreign tourists who come to Thailand for pleasure travel, and the financial impact of these travelers on the country's GDP is hard to ignore.
My findings suggest that sex tourists have little understanding of the underlying forces shaping and impacting Thailand's sex industry. Whether tourists in general are aware of these issues is unclear. What is clear, however, it that developing countries recognize the need to accommodate foreign tourists and shape their tourist markets to ensure that they will be the destination of choice. As indicated in the literature, if the market becomes too saturated, difficult to navigate, or simply doesn't meet the demands
92 of the tourists, travelers are only too happy to seek alternative travel destinations which will meet their needs. Attracting tourists' dollars often means marketing your country
and your culture to meet the expectations of travelers who yeam for the exotic, primitive, traditional. This may also have a trickle down effect, as individual establishments (and
sex workers) offering services present themselves to embody ideal traits in order to capitalize on these opportunities.
Research Question 3: Do personal accounts of pleasure travel mirror cultural trajectories and meanings associated with certain racialized and gendered stereotypes?
The literature argues that sex tourist destinations are often seen as racialized and gendered spaces amongst travelers, an understanding that may be a result of stereotypes, the popular media, or targeted marketing campaigns. This study found that language choices used to describe encounters and experiences in Thailand reinforced such understandings. The language used by members of the WSG forum was fairly uniform; new and seasoned writers alike seemed to be able to understand and relate to one another.
With the exception of a few individuals, writers seemed to share an understanding of acceptable and expected behaviour of both a client and a worker in an encounter. They often also shared the same opinion on how these relationships or encounters differed from those they could expect to have at home; the social, economic and cultural difference between themselves and their hosts made it possible to gain access to services and experiences that they would likely not encounter in their home country.
As noted previously, a foram such as the WSG presents a space where like- minded individuals can gather to share their thoughts and opinions on the sex industry in
93 Thailand (and other destinations); as such, it is no surprise that writers shared a common
understanding of their relationship to the individuals (including sex workers) that they
would encounter in their travels. Travelers who understand such relationships
differently, and do not agree with the opinions expressed in the WSG share a different peer group and have access to other outlets in which to share their opinion - they would
likely be unwelcome to share their thoughts on this foram.
Amidst the overwhelming consensus of how a relationship between a client and
host should unfold, there were pockets of inconsistency amongst the writers. For
example, there is a clear juxtaposition between the understanding that the women working in sex industries (particularly in developing countries) were somehow
"different" (this, of course, is the reason why sex tourists traveled to these destinations),
and women simply being women the world over, no matter where you went. The "they
are different" distinction was often cited when rationalizing how much (read little) to pay for a service and when discussing the acceptable treatment of a sex worker; while the
"women are women everywhere you go" distinction was used to explain circumstances where clients felt they had been conned into paying too much or deceptively lulled into developing feelings for a worker and/or her circumstance. Either way, sex workers were understood to be the root of the "problem" experienced by the client, whether by virtue of being the Other (an economically disadvantaged woman obliged to meet the demands of the client should never find herself in a position where she can object or assume power in the relationship) or simply being female (whether home or abroad, a woman should know her place and strive to make the encounter pleasurable and hassle-free for the man/client).
While they may appear different, both examples speak to the racialized and gendered
94 stereotypes held by the writers who contribute to this foram, and both serve as examples of how the (mainly male) writers have assumed a dominant position in relation to women.
This research provides insight into how sex tourists perceive themselves in relation to their hosts and their role in the sex industry. While many of the findings were consistent with the literature (such as the clients' perceived dominant status as a
Eurowestem tourist; using money to leverage power; and accepting and perpetuating racialized and gendered stereotypes), the study did find some interesting data that was unique (such as the female writer who shared her experience in a male-dominated and
-oriented foram; the examples of clients who are attempting to capitalize on the negative aspects of the industry; or the lone introspective post that questioned the pursuit of the perfect experience). An analysis of language choices amongst sex travelers can provide insights into why and how they perceive themselves as privileged entities, entitled to receive sexual services in exchange for money. Further research in this area could build on some of the findings of this study. For example, it would be interesting to analyze how thoughts and opinions about the sex tourism industry in Thailand have changed over the years; do we see a difference before and after new legislation around prostitution policy was developed? What about during times of economic instability, both within
Thailand and internationally? How does this affect the industry in terms of supply and demand, and what effect does it have on the expectations of sex tourists?
A comparative analysis of posts related to sex industries in developing countries versus those in western/European countries may also provide some interesting results.
Given that sex tourists who choose to travel to developing countries take advantage of the
95 social, economic and cultural differences between tourist and host, how do sex tourists who travel mainly to western/European destinations perceive themselves in relation to their hosts and the industry? Are racialized and gendered stereotypes present in these interactions as well, and if so how do they differ from those found in this study?
On a broader level, further research in this subject area may provide more insight into how tourists see themselves in relation to their hosts, and may provoke some tourists to examine their own reasons for travelling. The more we can inform ourselves about the powerful dynamics that allow us to travel to developing countries, the greater our understanding of the complex relationships between ourselves and our hosts will be.
Perhaps more travellers destined for developing countries will take the time to acknowledge their privileged position and seek to understand why their bargain holiday is exactly that.
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