China's Political Party System
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How Electoral Agency Shapes the Political Logic of Costs and Benefits
Coalition Parties versus Coalitions of Parties: How Electoral Agency Shapes the Political Logic of Costs and Benefits by Kathleen Bawn Department of Political Science UCLA and Frances Rosenbluth Department of Political Science Yale University Draft 1.10 August 2002 Abstract This paper argues that governments formed from post-election coalitions (majority coalition governments in PR systems) and pre-election coalitions (majority parties in SMD systems) aggregate the interests of voters in systematically different ways. We show that the multiple policy dimensional policy space that emerges from PR rules motivate parties in the government coalition to logroll projects among themselves without internalizing the costs of those projects in the same way that a majoritarian party would be forced to do. The size of government should therefore tend to be larger in PR systems. We further show that, although centrifugal electoral incentives dominate in PR systems, some incentives towards coalescence across groups and across parties exist through the greater likelihood that large parties have in becoming a member of a minimal winning coalition of parties. This paper was prepared for presentation at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association, held in Boston, Massachusetts, August 28-September 2. Frances Rosenbluth would like to thank the Yale Provost Office and the Yale Leitner Program in International Political Economy for funding. We gratefully acknowledge the able research assistance of Abbie Erler and Mathias Hounpke in conducting this research. Introduction Democratic government is government by coalition. In many parliamentary systems, governments are explicit multi-party coalitions. Even in cases of single party government, a party that wins a parliamentary majority represents -- almost by definition -- a coalition of interests. -
Standards for Trademark Examination and Trial
Strategic Partnership and Cooperation between the EU and China on Intellectual Property Standards for Trademark Examination and Trial State Administration for Industry and Trademark Commerce of the People’s Republic of China Office Trademark Review and Adjudication Board December of 2016 1 IP Key is co-financed by the European Union and the European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO). IP Key Beijing Office, Room 2080, Sunflower Tower No. 37, Maizidian West Street, Chaoyang District, Beijing, CHINA 100125 Email: [email protected], [t] +86 10 8527 5705, [f] +86 10 8527 5708 Strategic Partnership and Cooperation between the EU and China on Intellectual Property IMPORTANT The Trademark Office and the Trademark Review and Adjudication Board have revised the Standards for Trademark Examination and Trial on basis of widely soliciting opinions from all sources and learning from the foreign examination standards and in combination with years of trademark examination and trial practices, for the purpose of accommodating to the third amendment to the Trademark Law and further regulating and well completing the work concerning trademark examination and trial. This amendment added the sound trademark examination standards, the standards for application of Examination Opinions in the examination practices, the standards for application of Paragraph 4, Article 19 of the Trademark Law, the standards for application of Article 50 of the Trademark Law, the trial standards of Paragraph 2, Article 15 of the Trademark Law, and the standards for determination of stakeholders, and made corresponding revision to the examination standards based on the partial revision to Article 10 of the Trademark Law, and deleted and added some examination cases to enrich and improve the content of the standards for trademark examination and trial. -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
Party System in South and Southeast Asia
PARTY SYSTEM IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA A THEMATIC REPORT BASED ON DATA 1900-2012 Authors: Julio Teehankee, Medet Tiulegenov, Yi-ting Wang, Vlad Ciobanu, and Staffan I. Lindberg V-Dem Thematic Report Series, No. 2, October 2013. Prepared for The European Union, represented by the European Commission under Service Contract No. EIDHR 2012/298/903 2 About V-Dem Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) is a new approach to conceptualization and measurement of democracy. It is a collaboration between some 50+ scholars across the world hosted by the Department of Political Science at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden; and the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame, USA. With four Principal Investigators (PIs), three Project Coordinators (PCs), fifteen Project Managers (PMs) with special responsibility for issue areas, more than thirty Regional Managers (RMs), almost 200 Country Coordinators (CCs), a set of Research Assistants (RAs), and approximately 3,000 Country Experts (CEs), the V-Dem project is one of the largest ever social science research-oriented data collection programs. V-Dem is collecting data on 329 indicators of various aspects democracy tied to the core of electoral democracy as well as six varying properties: liberal, majoritarian, consensual, participatory, deliberative and egalitarian dimensions of democracy. A pilot study in 2011 tested the preliminary set of indicators and the data collection interfaces and procedures. Twelve countries from six regions of the world were covered, generating 462,000 data points. In the main phase, all countries of the world will be covered from 1900 to the present, generating some 22 million data across the 329 indicators, as well as several indices of varying forms of democracy. -
CHAPTER 9 Political Parties and Electoral Systems
CHAPTER 9 Political Parties and Electoral Systems MULTIPLE CHOICE 1. Political scientists call the attachment that an individual has to a specific political party a person’s a. party preference. b. party patronage. c. party identification. d. party dominance. e. dominant party. 2. Which best describes the difference between a one-party system and a one-party dominant system? a. In a one-party system, the party is ideological, coercive, and destructive of autonomous groups. In a one-party dominant system, it is less ideological and does not desire to destroy autonomous groups. b. In one-party dominant systems, only one party exists. In one-party systems, other political parties are not banned, and smaller parties may even receive a sizable percentage of the vote combined, but one party always wins elections and controls the government. c. In a one-party dominant system, the party is ideological, coercive, and destructive of autonomous groups. In a one-party system, it is less ideological and does not desire to destroy autonomous groups. d. In one-party systems, one large party controls the political system but small parties exist and may even compete in elections. In one-party dominant systems, different parties control the government at different times, but one party always controls all branches of government, i.e., there is never divided government. e. In one-party systems, only one party exists. In one-party dominant systems, other political parties are not banned, and smaller parties may even receive a sizable percentage of the vote combined, but one party always wins elections and controls the government. -
Behind Left and Right. the Meaning of Left-Right Orientation in Europe
Behind Left and Right. The meaning of left-right orientation in Europe Wiebke Weber TESI DOCTOR L UPF / NY 2012 DIRECTORS DE L TESI Prof. Willem E. Saris Prof. Mariano Torcal Research and E-pertise Centre for Sur.ey Methodology0 Departament de Ci1ncies Pol2ti3ues i Socials Für meine Eltern Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to all the people who have supported me in completing this dissertation. First and foremost, I owe a great debt of gratitude to my supervisors Willem Saris and ariano Torcal. Willem Saris received me with open arms in his research group, introduced me to the field of survey research, offered me a lot of chances and challenges, and guided me throughout process. ariano Torcal was always there when I needed him and thoroughly inspired and advised me. Your support will never be forgotten. What I will also always remember is the encouragement I received in the beginning at the UPF. Clara Riba welcomed me warmly, and Ignacio Lago fostered my interest in (uantitative research. I met many people who have had an important influence not only on my professional, but also on my personal life. In particular, Lorena Recabarren became a friend and inspiration. No matter how far away she is, whenever I use the terms *left+ and *right+ I gratefully remember our heated discussions. Further conversations I do not want to miss were those with ,aniel Oberski. I admire his capability of explaining and talking over most complex methods. .nother dear friend who has given me great input is .nne van Ewi0k. -
Speech at a Meeting Commemorating the Centenary of the Revolution of 1911
SPEECH AT A MEETING COMMEMORATING THE CENTENARY OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1911 October 9, 2011 Zhou Tienong Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Chairman of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang SPEECH AT A MEETING COMMEMORATING THE CENTENARY OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1911 October 9, 2011 Zhou Tienong Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Chairman of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang Comrades and Friends, We are meeting here today to solemnly commemorate the centenary of the Revolution of 1911, recall the outstanding exploits of our revolutionary forebears, carry forward Dr. Sun Yat-sen's great spirit of struggling unremittingly to revitalize China, and reaffirm the common aspiration of all the sons and daughters of the Chinese nation to achieve its great rejuvenation. On this occasion, on behalf of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, China Democratic League, China Democratic National Construction Association, China Association for Promoting Democracy, Chinese Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party, China Zhi Gong Party, Jiusan Society, Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League and All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce, I wish to pay high tribute to the pioneers of the Revolution of 1911 represented by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, and extend sincere gratitude and greetings to the descendants present here of the revolutionaries who participated in the Revolution of 1911 and to all our Chinese and foreign friends who have been invited to participate in our commemorative activities. The great tide of the Revolution of 1911 was released by the sound of gunfire of the Wuchang Uprising. -
Consequences of Party System Institutionalizaiton in Sub-Saharan Africa
CONSEQUENCES OF PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALIZAITON IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA BY SUSAN M. BARTLETT Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Chairperson: Hannah E. Britton Robert Rohrschneider John Kennedy Date Defended: August 25, 2014 The Thesis Committee for SUSAN M. BARTLETT certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: CONSEQUENCES OF PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALIZATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Chairperson: Hannah E. Britton Date approved: August 25, 2014 ii Abstract Intrastate conflict plagues many countries within sub-Saharan Africa. A significant portion of research asserts that conflict in this region results from high levels of ethnic heterogeneity or weak national institutions that cannot quell violence. Another line of qualitative research highlights the role of political parties in inciting conflict. In this thesis, these two strands of research are merged by quantitatively testing classic theories on the stabilizing effect of highly institutionalized party systems. In order to test this theory an original party system institutionalization index was created using extensive Afrobarometer survey data. This index served as the independent variable in a series of negative binomial statistical models that tested its correlations with various levels of social conflict, all of which fall short of war. I found that in a sample of thirty sub-Saharan states from 1990-2013 increases in party system institutionalization are statistically correlated with a lower incidence of intrastate conflict. Small sample size and missing data restrict the fully generalizability of these findings and thus leave room for future research to test the theory more robustly. -
Coalition in a Plurality System: Explaining Party System
Coalition in a Plurality System: Explaining Party System Fragmentation in Britain Jane Green Ed Fieldhouse Chris Prosser University of Manchester Paper prepared for the UC Berkeley British Politics Group election conference, 2nd September 2015. Abstract Electoral system theories expect proportional systems to enhance minor party voting and plurality electoral systems to reduce it. This paper illustrates how the likelihood of coalition government results in incentives to vote for minor parties in the absence of proportional representation. We advance a theory of why expectations of coalition government enhance strategic and sincere voting for minor parties. We demonstrate support for our theory using analyses of vote choices in the 2015 British general election. The findings of this paper are important for electoral system theories. They reveal that so-called proportional electoral system effects may arise, in part, due to the presence of coalition government that so often accompanies proportional representation. The findings also shed light on an important trend in British politics towards the fragmentation of the party system and a marked increase in this tendency in the 2015 British general election. 2 The 2015 general election result saw the Conservative party win a majority of seats in the House of Commons after a period of governing in coalition with the Liberal Democrats. At first glance the result may look like a return to the classic two-party majoritarian government under a plurality electoral system. But this conclusion would be wrong. 2015 represents a high watermark for votes for 'other' parties - those parties challenging the traditional establishment parties in Westminster. Vote shares for UKIP leapt from 3.1% to 12.6%, the Greens from 1.0% to 3.8%, the SNP leapt from 19.9% to 50% in Scotland and Plaid Cymru saw a small increase from 11.3% to 12.1% in Wales. -
The Dual Impact of Social Media Under Networked Authoritarianism: Social Media Use, Civic Attitudes, and System Support in China
International Journal of Communication 10(2016), 5143–5163 1932–8036/20160005 The Dual Impact of Social Media Under Networked Authoritarianism: Social Media Use, Civic Attitudes, and System Support in China XUEQING LI FRANCIS L. F. LEE The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China YING LI Shenzhen University, China Although beliefs in the impact of the Internet on democratization did not quickly materialize, recent research on the linkage between social media use and political engagement has reignited optimism about the democratic influence of new media technologies. At the same time, scholars have noted the capability of authoritarian states to exercise effective control of the Internet and manipulate the online public opinion environment. This study argues that social media can promote elements of a civic culture and system support simultaneously where the state practices networked authoritarianism. Analysis of a survey of university students in Guangzhou, China, shows that public affairs communication via social media relates positively and significantly to five elements of a civic culture: political knowledge, social trust, sense of civic duty, internal efficacy, and collective efficacy. Meanwhile, social media–based public affairs communication does not undermine system support; it even has a strong relationship with optimism about the Chinese government. Keywords: civic culture, system support, social media, networked authoritarianism, China Since the Internet’s popularization, predictions have been made about the capability -
Effects of Separation of Power on American Federal Government
EFFECTS OF SEPARATION OF POWER ON AMERICAN FEDERAL GOVERNMENT Mehmet BOZTEPE Dr. Pazarcık Kaymakamı Makale Gönderim Tarihi: 02.12.2013, Makale Kabul Tarihi: 29.04.2014 Abstract: This study will analyse the twin doctrines of the separation of powers and checks and balances system which characterize American Federal government system. The main objective of the twin principles is to limit the power of the national government and force separate branch to share power. Since the framers of the America wanted to protect system from possible misuse of power, they constructed a constitution by separating the parts of the government, and by balancing them against each other. Indeed, there are three separate branches of the American Government system; legislative, executive and judicial and each of them has its own district power in decision-making process. Under this system, it is difficult to enact a new policy unless that policy has enough support of each branch. As a result no branch of government has unchecked power and is able to be dominant on American political life concurrently. Key Words: American Government System, Separation of Powers, Checks and Balances System, Federalism. GÜÇLER AYRILIĞI İLKESİNİN AMERİKAN FEDERAL YÖNETİM SİSTEMİ ÜZERİNE ETKİLERİ Özet: Bu çalışma güçler ayrılığı ilkesi ve checks and balances sistemi olarak adlandırılan “control ve denge” mekanizma ilke veya uygulamalarının American Federal Yönetim sistemi üzerine olan etkilerini analiz etmektedir. Belirtilen ilke ya da uygulamalar American Federal Yönetim sistemini karakterize eden en önemli etkenlerdir. Öyle ki bu sistemde yeni bir politikanın yeterli desteği bulmadan yürürlüğe girmesi imkânsızdır ve hiçbir yönetim organı Amerikan politik yaşamına baskın olamadığı gibi kontrol edilmeyen bir güce de sahip değildir. -
BRIAN M. MCCARTHY Senior Thesis
BRIAN M. MCCARTHY Senior Thesis “The End of Unity: Grand Coalitions in Austria, Israel, and West Germany” 1 Brian McCarthy Senior Thesis due Monday, 4/15/02 Advisor Jonathan Isacoff INTRODUCTION This document consists of a straightforward comparison of case studies, grounded in an empirical tradition – insofar as ‘empirical’ is taken in its generic sense of “depending upon experience or observation”1 – but drawing upon theory where theory is useful. The cases under consideration are three unity governments, which ruled respectively in Israel from 1984-1990, in West Germany from 1966-1969, and in Austria from 1945-1966. As I will observe below, in the most analytical segment of the paper, the political frameworks that supported these unity governments resemble one another to a notable degree. The question that begs investigation is an outgrowth of the endings that the case-study narratives possess. What structural or circumstantial factors account for the different final moments of these three grand coalitions, which were born in similar contexts? Unity governments are not uncommon animals in the world of modern parliamentary politics. They are the exception and not the rule, to be sure, but they appear frequently enough to allow for systematic study. Broadly speaking, unity governments may be divided into two sets, which are not mutually exclusive – those forced by crisis and those forced by electoral necessity (Nathan Yanai suggests that a country “facing a parliamentary deadlock after a no-win election”2 is de facto in a state of crisis, and thus conflates the abovementioned types, but here I assume that they are 1 Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language, 2001 ed., s.v.