Winner Takes All: the Two Party System
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Politics and the Constitution: a Review of Judge Malcolmwilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention Charles D
McGeorge Law Review Volume 27 | Issue 3 Article 6 1-1-1996 Book Review - Politics and the Constitution: A Review of Judge MalcolmWilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention Charles D. Kelso University of the Pacific; cGeM orge School of Law R. Randall Kelso South Texas College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Charles D. Kelso & R. R. Kelso, Book Review - Politics and the Constitution: A Review of Judge MalcolmWilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention, 27 Pac. L. J. 1213 (1996). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/mlr/vol27/iss3/6 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Law Reviews at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in McGeorge Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Book Review Politics and the Constitution: A Review of Judge Malcolm Wilkey's Call for a Second Constitutional Convention Is IT TIME FOR A SECOND CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION? BY JUDGE MALCOLM R. WILKEY. The National Legal Center for the Public Interest, Washington, D.C. 1995. Pp. viii, 214. Reviewed by Charles D. Kelso* and R. Randall Kelso** This book, an expanded version of lectures given by Judge Wilkey in 1993 at Brigham Young University, calls for a second Constitutional Convention.' The book also includes comments by seven accomplished persons and a reply to each comment by Judge Wilkey.2 I. JUDGE WILKEY'S THESIS Judge Wilkey opens with his conclusion that our current constitutional system has failed because of three fundamental problems of modem American politics: gridlock, near perpetual incumbency, and unaccountability of our representatives to the electorate.3 Gridlock, says Judge Wilkey, is "the inability to pass con- structive legislation because of conflicting, neutralizing forces built into the system. -
("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
Third Party Election Campaigning Getting the Balance Right
Third Party Campaigning Review Third Party Election Campaigning – Getting the Balance Right Review of the operation of the third party campaigning rules at the 2015 General Election The Lord Hodgson of Astley Abbotts CBE March 2016 Third Party Election Campaigning – Getting the Balance Right Review of the operation of the third party campaigning rules at the 2015 General Election The Lord Hodgson of Astley Abbotts CBE Presented to Parliament by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster by Command of Her Majesty March 2016 Cm 9205 © Crown copyright 2016 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open government-licence/version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected]. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected] Print ISBN 9781474127950 Web ISBN 9781474127967 ID SGD0011093 03/16 19585 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum Printed in the UK by the Williams Lea Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office Foreword 1 Foreword I was appointed as the Reviewer of Part 2 specific topics was sent to interested parties. of the Transparency in Lobbying, Non-Party My special thanks are due to all who took the Campaigning and Trade Union Administration trouble to respond to these questionnaires Act 2014 on 28 January 2015. -
2021 Year Ahead
2021 YEAR AHEAD Claudio Brocado Anthony Brocado January 29, 2021 1 2020 turned out to be quite unusual. What may the year ahead and beyond bring? As the year got started, the consensus was that a strong 2019 for equities would be followed by a positive first half, after which meaningful volatility would kick in due to the US presidential election. In the spirit of our prefer- ence for a contrarian stance, we had expected somewhat the opposite: some profit-taking in the first half of 2020, followed by a rally that would result in a positive balance at year-end. But in the way of the markets – which always tend to catch the largest number of participants off guard – we had what some would argue was one of the strangest years in recent memory. 2 2020 turned out to be a very eventful year. The global virus crisis (GVC) brought about by the coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic was something no serious market observer had anticipated as 2020 got started. Volatility had been all but nonexistent early in what we call ‘the new 20s’, which had led us to expect the few remaining volatile asset classes, such as cryptocurrencies, to benefit from the search for more extreme price swings. We had expected volatilities across asset classes to show some convergence. The markets delivered, but not in the direction we had expected. Volatilities surged higher across many assets, with the CBOE volatility index (VIX) reaching some of the highest readings in many years. As it became clear that what was commonly called the novel coronavirus would bring about a pandemic as it spread to the remotest corners of the world at record speeds, the markets feared the worst. -
China's Political Party System
China’s Political Party System: Cooperation and Consultation The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China June 2021 First Edition 2021 ISBN 978-7-119-12735-4 © Foreign Languages Press Co. Ltd., Beijing, China, 2021 Published by Foreign Languages Press Co. Ltd. 24 Baiwanzhuang Road, Beijing 100037, China Distributed by China International Book Trading Corporation 35 Chegongzhuang Xilu, Beijing 100044, China P.O. Box 399, Beijing, China Printed in the People’s Republic of China Contents Preamble 1 I. China’s Political Parties 3 II. A Unique Political Creation 10 III. Close Cooperation Between Political Parties 14 IV. China’s Political Party System Has Distinctive Characteristics and Strengths 16 V. The CPC Consults with Other Political Parties and Non-Affiliates 19 VI. The CPC Supports Other Political Parties and Non-Affiliates in Conducting Democratic Oversight 22 VII. The CPC Cooperates with Other Political Parties and Non-Affiliates in Governing the Country 24 VIII. Non-CPC Political Parties and Non-Affiliates Provide Advice on Economic and Social Development 27 IX. The CPPCC Is an Important Political and Organizational Platform in China’s Political Party System 30 Conclusion 33 Preamble A country’s political party system is a major component of its political framework and makes a critical contribution to democracy. The system best suited to a country is determined by its history, traditions, and realities. There are many types of political party system around the world, and there is not a single system that is good for all countries. The system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) is a basic element of China’s political framework. -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
How Electoral Agency Shapes the Political Logic of Costs and Benefits
Coalition Parties versus Coalitions of Parties: How Electoral Agency Shapes the Political Logic of Costs and Benefits by Kathleen Bawn Department of Political Science UCLA and Frances Rosenbluth Department of Political Science Yale University Draft 1.10 August 2002 Abstract This paper argues that governments formed from post-election coalitions (majority coalition governments in PR systems) and pre-election coalitions (majority parties in SMD systems) aggregate the interests of voters in systematically different ways. We show that the multiple policy dimensional policy space that emerges from PR rules motivate parties in the government coalition to logroll projects among themselves without internalizing the costs of those projects in the same way that a majoritarian party would be forced to do. The size of government should therefore tend to be larger in PR systems. We further show that, although centrifugal electoral incentives dominate in PR systems, some incentives towards coalescence across groups and across parties exist through the greater likelihood that large parties have in becoming a member of a minimal winning coalition of parties. This paper was prepared for presentation at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association, held in Boston, Massachusetts, August 28-September 2. Frances Rosenbluth would like to thank the Yale Provost Office and the Yale Leitner Program in International Political Economy for funding. We gratefully acknowledge the able research assistance of Abbie Erler and Mathias Hounpke in conducting this research. Introduction Democratic government is government by coalition. In many parliamentary systems, governments are explicit multi-party coalitions. Even in cases of single party government, a party that wins a parliamentary majority represents -- almost by definition -- a coalition of interests. -
Labour Parties Ideas Transfer and Ideological Positioning: Australia and Britain Compared B.M
Labour parties ideas transfer and ideological positioning: Australia and Britain compared B.M. Edwards & Matt Beech School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The University of New South Wales, Canberra School of Politics, Philosophy and International Studies, University of Hull, UK As part of this special issue examining policy transfer between the Labour Parties in Australia and Britain, this paper seeks to explore the relationship between the two on ideological positioning. In the 1990s there was substantial ideas transfer from the Australian Hawke‐ Keating government to Blair ‘New Labour’ in Britain, as both parties made a lunge towards the economic centre. This paper analyses how the inheritors of that shift, the Rudd/Gillard government in Australia and the Milliband and Corbyn leaderships in Britain, are seeking to define the role and purpose of labour parties in its wake. It examines the extent to which they are learning and borrowing from one another, and finds that a combination of divergent economic and political contexts have led to strikingly limited contemporary policy transfer. Keywords: Australian Labor Party; British Labour Party; Kevin Rudd; Julia Gillard; Ed Miliband; crisis In the 1990s there was substantial policy transfer between the Australian Labor Party and the Labour Party in Britain as they confronted the rise of neoliberalism. The ALP was in power from 1983‐1996 and introduced far reaching market liberalisation reforms complemented by a strengthened safety net. Due to the economic reforms of Thatcherism, Labour in Britain also remade itself to be more pro‐market, drawing considerably on policies of the ALP (Pierson and Castles, 2002). -
Third Party Election Spending and the Charter
ELECTIONSPENDING AND THE CHARTER 429 LIBERTE, EGALITE, ARGENT: THIRD PARTY ELECTION SPENDING AND THE CHARTER 0 ANDREW GEDDIS Both the federal government and the courts have le gouvernementfederal et /es cours de Justice ont brought about changes in election law. The author apportedes modificationsa la loi electorate.l 'auteur reviews these recent changes In the legal landscape revolt le.r recents changementsdans le cadre legal that surroundelection mies. Inparticular third party entourant/es reg/es electorates, tout particulierement electionspending. Thequestions of "whatrules exist" /es depenseselectorates de tiers. la question,a savoir and "who shall make them" are particularly « quelles sont les reg/es qui existent II et « qui les importantto the discussionas this area of law tries to me/Ira en place ,, est particulierement importante reconcile individual interestsin liberty and equality dans celle discussionetant donne que ce domainedu in a democracy.The trio of SupremeC our/ of Canada droit teme de reconcilierles interets individuelset la decisions, Libman v. Quebec (A.G.), Thomson notion de liberte et d'egalite d'une democralie.Les Newspapersv. Canada (A.G.) and Sauve v. Canada trois dkisions de la Cour supreme du Canada. (Chief Electoral Officer), reveal ambiguity In the notamment Libman c. le Quebec (A.G.). Thomson Court's rationalefor limiting Individual liberty at Newspapersc. le Canada (A.G.)et Sauve c. le Canada electiontime. Thisambiguity Is broachedIn the recent (Directeur general des elections), manlfestent Supreme Court of Canada case of Harper v. Canada I 'amblg1111erelativement au raisonnementde la Cour (A.G.)where the Courtaccepted that Parliamentmay de limiter la liberte individuellependant un scrutm. -
The Big Tent’ Media Report Moveon.Org
‘The Big Tent’ Media Report MoveOn.org September 12, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS MEDIA SUMMARY .................................................................................................................... 3 TELEVISION ............................................................................................................................. 13 PRINT ......................................................................................................................................... 73 ONLINE…………………………………………………………………………………………89 2 MEDIA SUMMARY 3 Television CNN, America Votes 2008 The Big Tent mentioned as a blogging facility in Denver, 8/28/08. CNN, The Situation Room Mentioned the Big Tent as the place where 300 credentialed bloggers are working, 8/25/08. CNN, The Situation Room Mentioned how the Denver Nuggets’ weight room would become the Big Tent, 8/19/08. FBN, Countdown to the Closing Bell Josh Cohen interviewed about the Big Tent, 8/28/08. FBN, America’s Nightly Scorecard Mentioned Google doing a good job with the Big Tent, 8/22/08. CSPAN, Campaign 2008 Interviewed blogger Ben Tribbett about the Big Tent and filmed a walk-through of the entire tent, 8/28/08. CSPAN2, Tonight From Washington Leslie Bradshaw from New Media Strategies mentions the Big Tent during her interview, 8/26/08. MSNBC Morning Joe Interviewed several bloggers inside the Big (same clip ran on MSNBC News Live) Tent as part of Morning Joe’s “The Life of Bloggers: Cheetos-Eating, Star Wars Watching, Living in Basements?” 8/27/08. NBC; Denver, CO The Big Tent mentioned as the location of T. Boone Pickens’ event, 8/31/08. NBC; Boston, MA The Big Tent credited with helping Phillip (same clip ran in Cedar Rapids, IA; Anderson of the AlbanyProject.com and Wichita Falls, TX; New York, NY; others get work done at the convention, Cleveland, OH; Seattle, WA; interviewed Phillip Anderson and Markos San Diego, CA; Tuscon, AZ; Moulitsas about the Big Tent, 8/27/08. -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
The Problem of Party Convergence
THE PROBLEM OF PARTY CONVERGENCE JANE GREEN Hallsworth Research Fellow School of Social Sciences University of Manchester [email protected] Earlier versions of this paper have been presented at the American Political Science Association annual meeting in Chicago, August 2007, the University of California, Berkeley Politics seminar, October 2007, a research colloquium for the College of William and Mary, Virginia, November 2007, and at the University of California at Davis research seminar, December 2007. I wish to thank James Adams, Laura Stoker, Eric Shickler, Ron Rapoport and Russ Dalton for their valuable comments on this paper. The remaining errors are the full responsibility of the author. The Problem of Party Convergence Political parties are expected to pursue moderate policies to gain votes, and so two parties pursuing the same strategy will eventually converge. I argue, however, that two parties cannot pursue an optimal strategy and share similar policy ground. Using a new measure in the 2005 British Election Study, and introducing the choice of third parties and new dimensions, this paper demonstrates that voter abstention and switching due to indifference can strongly outweigh votes gained by spatial proximity. However, parties experience these effects differently. The findings have implications for how we understand the policy positions of political parties in Britain and beyond. 1 Spatial modellers point to a lack of examples of party convergence to question the expectations of Downs (1957).1 They explain instead why parties tend to take polarised positions relative to their opponents (See Adams 2001; Adams and Merrill 2001; Adams and Merrill 2003; Adams et al.