Georgia: Political Parties and the EU
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Georgia's October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications
Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43299 Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Summary This report discusses Georgia’s October 27, 2013, presidential election and its implications for U.S. interests. The election took place one year after a legislative election that witnessed the mostly peaceful shift of legislative and ministerial power from the ruling party, the United National Movement (UNM), to the Georgia Dream (GD) coalition bloc. The newly elected president, Giorgi Margvelashvili of the GD, will have fewer powers under recently approved constitutional changes. Most observers have viewed the 2013 presidential election as marking Georgia’s further progress in democratization, including a peaceful shift of presidential power from UNM head Mikheil Saakashvili to GD official Margvelashvili. Some analysts, however, have raised concerns over ongoing tensions between the UNM and GD, as well as Prime Minister and GD head Bidzini Ivanishvili’s announcement on November 2, 2013, that he will step down as the premier. In his victory speech on October 28, Margvelashvili reaffirmed Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic foreign policy orientation, including the pursuit of Georgia’s future membership in NATO and the EU. At the same time, he reiterated that GD would continue to pursue the normalization of ties with Russia. On October 28, 2013, the U.S. State Department praised the Georgian presidential election as generally democratic and expressing the will of the people, and as demonstrating Georgia’s continuing commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration. -
Georgia Between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy Christofer Berglund Uppsala University
GEORGIA BETWEEN DOMINANT-POWER POLITICS, FECKLESS PLURALISM, AND DEMOCRACY CHRISTOFER BERGLUND UPPSALA UNIVERSITY Abstract: This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics (2003-2013) through theories of semi- authoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili’s system of dominant-power politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the nested two-level game between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of feckless pluralism. The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of democratic reforms or authoritarian closure. nder what conditions do elections in semi-authoritarian states spur Udemocratic breakthroughs?1 This is a conundrum relevant to many hybrid regimes in the region of the former Soviet Union. It is also a ques- tion of particular importance for the citizens of Georgia, who surprisingly voted out the United National Movement (UNM) and instead backed the Georgian Dream (GD), both in the October 2012 parliamentary elections and in the October 2013 presidential elections. This article aims to shed light on the dramatic, but not necessarily democratic, political changes unleashed by these events. It is, however, beneficial to first consult some of the concepts and insights that have been generated by earlier research on 1 The author is grateful to Sten Berglund, Ketevan Bolkvadze, Selt Hasön, and participants at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic-Eurasian Studies, as well as the anonymous re- viewers, for their useful feedback. -
Proverb As a Tool of Persuasion in Political Discourse (On the Material of Georgian and French Languages)
ISSN 1799-2591 Theory and Practice in Language Studies, Vol. 10, No. 6, pp. 632-637, June 2020 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1006.02 Proverb as a Tool of Persuasion in Political Discourse (on the Material of Georgian and French languages) Bela Glonti School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia; The Francophone Regional Doctoral College of Central and Eastern Europe in the Humanities (CODFREURCOR), Georgia Abstract—Our study deals with the use of proverbs as a tool of persuasion in political discourse. Within this study we have studied and analyzed the texts of Georgian and French political articles, speeches and proverbs used therein. The analysis revealed that the proverbs found and used by us in the French discourses were not only of French origin. Also, most of the proverbs found in the French discourses were used as titles of the articles. As for the Georgian proverbs, they consisted mainly of popular proverbs well known to the Georgian public. Georgia proverbs have rarely been cited as an article title. According to the general conclusion, the use of proverbs as a tool of persuasion in the political discourse by the politicians of both countries is quite relevant. It is effective when it is persuasive and at the same time causes an emotional reaction. Quoting the proverbs, the politicians base their thinking on positions. The proverb is one of the key argumentative techniques. Index Terms—proverb, translation, culture, argumentation I. INTRODUCTION The article is concerned with a proverb, as a tool of persuasion in Georgian and French political discourse. -
GEORGIA (Acting Through the Ministry of Finance of Georgia) U.S.$500,000,000 2.750% Notes Due 2026 ISSUE PRICE: 99.422%
GEORGIA (acting through the Ministry of Finance of Georgia) U.S.$500,000,000 2.750% Notes due 2026 ISSUE PRICE: 99.422% The U.S.$500,000,000 2.750% Notes due 2026 (the "Notes") to be issued by Georgia, acting through the Ministry of Finance of Georgia (the "Issuer" or "Georgia"), will mature on 22 April 2026 (the "Maturity Date") and, unless previously purchased and cancelled, will be redeemed at their principal amount on that date. The Notes will bear interest from, and including, 22 April 2021 at the rate of 2.750% per annum payable semi-annually in arear on 22 April and 22 October in each year, commencing on 22 October 2021. This Offering Circular comprises neither a prospectus for the purposes of Part VI of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (as amended) (the "FSMA"), a prospectus for the purposes of Regulation (EU) 2017/1129 as it forms part of domestic law by virtue of the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 (the "UK Prospectus Regulation"), nor listing particulars given in compliance with the listing rules made under Part VI of the FSMA by the UK Financial Conduct Authority (the "FCA") pursuant to the FSMA. Application has been made for the Notes to be admitted to the official list of the FCA (the "Official List") and to trading on the main market (the "Market") of the London Stock Exchange plc (the "London Stock Exchange"). The Notes are being offered (i) in offshore transactions in reliance on, and as defined in, Regulation S (the "Regulation S Notes") under the U.S. -
Final Notice of Dispute
In the Matter of BIDZINA IVANISHVILI - and - GEORGIA FINAL NOTICE OF DISPUTE Addressed to: H.E. Mikhail Saakashvili, President of Georgia H.E. Zurab Adeishvili, Minister of Justice of Georgia SKADDEN, ARPS, SLATE, SKADDEN, ARPS, SLATE, MEAGHER & FLOM (UK) LLP MEAGHER & FLOM LLP 40 Bank Street 1440 New York Avenue N.W. London E14 5DS Washington, D.C. 20005 United Kingdom United States of America Phone: +(44 20) 7519-7000 Phone: + (1 202) 371-7000 Fax: +(44 20) 7519-7070 Fax: + (1 202) 393-5760 Legal Advisers to Bidzina Ivanishvili Dated: 31 July 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................1 II. MEASURES GIVING RISE TO THE DISPUTE........................................................2 A. Georgia's Campaign of Intimidation and Expropriation: a Chronology.................2 B. Measures UnlawfullyExtinguishing the Security Interests of Cartu Bank ............5 C. Regulatory Harassment of Cartu Bank and Progress Bank..................................11 D. Seizure of Cartu Bank and Progress Bank..........................................................15 E. Denial of Justice bythe Georgian Courts............................................................16 III. JURISDICTION UNDER THE TREATY .................................................................18 IV. VIOLATIONS OF THE TREATY.............................................................................19 V. RELIEF REQUESTED...............................................................................................21 -
Who Is Really Doing Russia's Bidding in Tbilisi
Who Is Really Doing Russia's Bidding in Tbilisi Four years ago, Georgia and Russia fought a brief but significant war. Georgia lost the war in less than a week as Russia consolidated control over Abkhazia and South Ossetia, territories recognized by most countries, including the U.S., as legally part of Georgia, but now under Russian occupation. Although the war ended less than a week after it started, it is still extremely central to domestic Georgian affairs as well as to U.S.-Georgia relations. Today, Georgia is approaching a battery of elections, for parliament in 2012 and president in 2013 that will not only have tremendous bearing on that country's future, but on the U.S. role and position in the region for years to come. These elections are, to a substantial extent, occurring in the shadow of the Georgia-Russia War of 2008. In the years since the war Georgia's government has lost its identity as one led by bright-eyed democrats seeking to build a European style democracy deep in the heart of what used to be the Soviet Union. Instead, the government of President Mikheil Saakashvili has become another semi-authoritarian regime relying upon selectively enforced and crafted laws, media repression and harassment and intimidation of political opponents in order to hold on to power. This approach has until recently worked well for the United National Movment (UNM), Georgia's ruling party, in recent elections from 2008-2010, but this year is different. For the first time, the UNM's main opponents have the resources to fight back. -
Political Forum: 10 Questions on Georgia’S Political Development
1 The Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Political Forum: 10 Questions on Georgia’s Political Development Tbilisi 2007 2 General editing Ghia Nodia English translation Kakhaber Dvalidze Language editing John Horan © CIPDD, November 2007. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or oth- erwise, without the prior permission in writing from the proprietor. CIPDD welcomes the utilization and dissemination of the material included in this publication. This book was published with the financial support of the regional Think Tank Fund, part of Open Society Institute Budapest. The opinions it con- tains are solely those of the author(s) and do not reflect the position of the OSI. ISBN 978-99928-37-08-5 1 M. Aleksidze St., Tbilisi 0193 Georgia Tel: 334081; Fax: 334163 www.cipdd.org 3 Contents Foreword ................................................................................................ 5 Archil Abashidze .................................................................................. 8 David Aprasidze .................................................................................21 David Darchiashvili............................................................................ 33 Levan Gigineishvili ............................................................................ 50 Kakha Katsitadze ...............................................................................67 -
Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 4, Pages 580–589 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370 Article Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket David Aprasidze 1,* and David S. Siroky 2,3 1 School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, 0162 Tbilisi, Georgia; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] 3 Institute of Sociology, Czech Academy of Science, 110 00 Prague, Czech Republic * Corresponding author Submitted: 16 June 2020 | Accepted: 24 September 2020 | Published: 17 December 2020 Abstract Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic pop- ulism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and bal- ances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm. -
Geopolitics of the Cancelled Anaklia Project
BLACK SEA STRATEGY PAPERS Geopolitics of the Cancelled Anaklia Project Maximilian Hess & Maia Otarashvili All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Authors: Maximilian Hess & Maia Otarashvili The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute October 2020 OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. -
Georgian Media and Civil Society
The authorities also came under fire from the media for arresting several prominent photographers on espionage charges. The arrests roiled Georgian media and civil society. Calling the allegations spurious, many media professionals launched a campaign to free the photo reporters. GEORGIA 174 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2012 INTRODUCTION OVERALL SCORE: 1.88 GEORGIA The year 2011 ended on a strange note for Georgian media with the hijacking of an entire television station. In the wee hours of November 30, a man with several associates in tow climbed over the fence of Maestro, a small Tbilisi-based television company and locked the station from the inside. Detecting the intrusion, Maestro’s Tjournalists locked themselves in the control room. The police arrived, and a long standoff ensued. The standoff was particularly dramatic, if farcical, given that the intruder was Erosi Kitsmarishvili, a man hired to run Maestro and fully within his rights to walk through the station’s front door. Maestro’s owners had outsourced the station’s management to Kitsmarishvili’s firm, but he claimed the station’s owners had slighted him, as they reportedly were considering a takeover proposal from Georgian billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili. Ivanishvili is interested in the station because he announced that he is entering politics and challenging the ruling party in upcoming parliamentary elections. Looking for an outlet for publicity, he made offers to Maestro and Kavkasia TV; Maestro is considering the offer and Kavkasia turned him down. Maestro’s co-owner accused Kitsmarishvili of attempting to silence a channel known for its criticism of the government. An avid government critic himself, Kitsmarishvili rejected the allegations. -
Georgia by Michael Hikari Cecire Capital: Tbilisi Population: 3.7 Million GNI/Capita, PPP: US$7,510
Georgia By Michael Hikari Cecire Capital: Tbilisi Population: 3.7 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$7,510 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2016 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2017 Electoral 4.75 5.25 5.25 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Process Civil Society 3.50 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Media National Democratic 5.75 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Governance Local Democratic 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.25 5.25 5.25 Governance Judicial Framework and 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 Independence Corruption 5.00 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Democracy 4.79 4.93 4.93 4.86 4.82 4.75 4.68 4.64 4.61 4.61 Score NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Getting Georgia Right
Getting Georgia Right Svante Cornell Getting Georgia Right Getting Georgia Right Svante Cornell CREDITS Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 B-1000 Brussels The Centre for European Studies (CES) is the political foundation and think tank of the Euro- pean People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.thinkingeurope.eu Editor: Ingrid Habets, Research Officer (CES), [email protected] External editing: Communicative English bvba Typesetting: Victoria Agency Layout and cover design: RARO S.L. Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Centre for European Studies 2013 The European Parliament and the Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies with the author of this publication. 2 Getting Georgia Right About the CES The Centre for European Studies (CES), established in 2007, is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP). The CES embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. It serves as a framework for national political foundations linked to member parties of the EPP. It currently has 26 member foundations in 20 EU and non-EU countries. The CES takes part in the preparation of EPP programmes and policy documents. It organises seminars and training on EU policies and on the process of European integration. The CES also contributes to formulating EU and national public policies. It produces research studies and books, electronic newsletters, policy briefs, and the twice-yearly European View journal.