Proverb As a Tool of Persuasion in Political Discourse (On the Material of Georgian and French Languages)
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Georgia's October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications
Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43299 Georgia’s October 2013 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Summary This report discusses Georgia’s October 27, 2013, presidential election and its implications for U.S. interests. The election took place one year after a legislative election that witnessed the mostly peaceful shift of legislative and ministerial power from the ruling party, the United National Movement (UNM), to the Georgia Dream (GD) coalition bloc. The newly elected president, Giorgi Margvelashvili of the GD, will have fewer powers under recently approved constitutional changes. Most observers have viewed the 2013 presidential election as marking Georgia’s further progress in democratization, including a peaceful shift of presidential power from UNM head Mikheil Saakashvili to GD official Margvelashvili. Some analysts, however, have raised concerns over ongoing tensions between the UNM and GD, as well as Prime Minister and GD head Bidzini Ivanishvili’s announcement on November 2, 2013, that he will step down as the premier. In his victory speech on October 28, Margvelashvili reaffirmed Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic foreign policy orientation, including the pursuit of Georgia’s future membership in NATO and the EU. At the same time, he reiterated that GD would continue to pursue the normalization of ties with Russia. On October 28, 2013, the U.S. State Department praised the Georgian presidential election as generally democratic and expressing the will of the people, and as demonstrating Georgia’s continuing commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration. -
Georgia Between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy Christofer Berglund Uppsala University
GEORGIA BETWEEN DOMINANT-POWER POLITICS, FECKLESS PLURALISM, AND DEMOCRACY CHRISTOFER BERGLUND UPPSALA UNIVERSITY Abstract: This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics (2003-2013) through theories of semi- authoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili’s system of dominant-power politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the nested two-level game between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of feckless pluralism. The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of democratic reforms or authoritarian closure. nder what conditions do elections in semi-authoritarian states spur Udemocratic breakthroughs?1 This is a conundrum relevant to many hybrid regimes in the region of the former Soviet Union. It is also a ques- tion of particular importance for the citizens of Georgia, who surprisingly voted out the United National Movement (UNM) and instead backed the Georgian Dream (GD), both in the October 2012 parliamentary elections and in the October 2013 presidential elections. This article aims to shed light on the dramatic, but not necessarily democratic, political changes unleashed by these events. It is, however, beneficial to first consult some of the concepts and insights that have been generated by earlier research on 1 The author is grateful to Sten Berglund, Ketevan Bolkvadze, Selt Hasön, and participants at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic-Eurasian Studies, as well as the anonymous re- viewers, for their useful feedback. -
THE FUTURE of BANKING «Over 70% of Georgia’S Residents Prefer to Pay with a Smartphone»
S GENERAL SPONSOR OF THE FORUM GOLDEN SPONSOR SPONSORS Media Partners PRIME ADS AD 30 April, 2018 News Making Money http://www.fi nchannel.com THE FUTURE OF BANKING «Over 70% of Georgia’s residents prefer to pay with a smartphone» well as customers have been During the last decade, the Igor Stepanov, forced to adapt. Mastercard development of smartphones Regional Director has made a number of im- has had a profound impact portant changes over the past on the way businesses oper- of Mastercard few years. Mastercard had to ate. With the percentage of overcome signifi cant chal- the global population using in Georgia and lenges to develop eff ective smartphones increasing ev- Central Asia digital tools that meet the dif- ery year, businesses are now fering needs of the countries expected to provide a fully it operates in. Also, by mod- integrated digital platform s the digitaliza- ernizing, particularly through that can provide diff erent tion process of digital services, banks cur- services. life faces sig- rently have an opportunity to nifi cant changes, diff erentiate themselves in a companies, as crowded market. A Continued on p. 4 Bank of Georgia Invests in Social Responsibility as Part of its Obligations See on p. 6 Why would we use crypto euros? See on p. 7 How DRC Carries out the Successful Resolution of Local and International Commercial Disputes See on p. 16 CARTU BANK: Strong Bank For Stronger Georgia See on p. 9 “Digitalization is the future of banks See on p. 10 CURRENCIES Bank of the future Apr 28 Apr 21 1 USD 2.4617 2.4402 is a bank oriented 1 EUR 2.9762 3.0017 100 RUB 3.9379 3.9729 on customers 1 TRY 0.6077 0.6036 See on p. -
Final Notice of Dispute
In the Matter of BIDZINA IVANISHVILI - and - GEORGIA FINAL NOTICE OF DISPUTE Addressed to: H.E. Mikhail Saakashvili, President of Georgia H.E. Zurab Adeishvili, Minister of Justice of Georgia SKADDEN, ARPS, SLATE, SKADDEN, ARPS, SLATE, MEAGHER & FLOM (UK) LLP MEAGHER & FLOM LLP 40 Bank Street 1440 New York Avenue N.W. London E14 5DS Washington, D.C. 20005 United Kingdom United States of America Phone: +(44 20) 7519-7000 Phone: + (1 202) 371-7000 Fax: +(44 20) 7519-7070 Fax: + (1 202) 393-5760 Legal Advisers to Bidzina Ivanishvili Dated: 31 July 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................1 II. MEASURES GIVING RISE TO THE DISPUTE........................................................2 A. Georgia's Campaign of Intimidation and Expropriation: a Chronology.................2 B. Measures UnlawfullyExtinguishing the Security Interests of Cartu Bank ............5 C. Regulatory Harassment of Cartu Bank and Progress Bank..................................11 D. Seizure of Cartu Bank and Progress Bank..........................................................15 E. Denial of Justice bythe Georgian Courts............................................................16 III. JURISDICTION UNDER THE TREATY .................................................................18 IV. VIOLATIONS OF THE TREATY.............................................................................19 V. RELIEF REQUESTED...............................................................................................21 -
Who Is Really Doing Russia's Bidding in Tbilisi
Who Is Really Doing Russia's Bidding in Tbilisi Four years ago, Georgia and Russia fought a brief but significant war. Georgia lost the war in less than a week as Russia consolidated control over Abkhazia and South Ossetia, territories recognized by most countries, including the U.S., as legally part of Georgia, but now under Russian occupation. Although the war ended less than a week after it started, it is still extremely central to domestic Georgian affairs as well as to U.S.-Georgia relations. Today, Georgia is approaching a battery of elections, for parliament in 2012 and president in 2013 that will not only have tremendous bearing on that country's future, but on the U.S. role and position in the region for years to come. These elections are, to a substantial extent, occurring in the shadow of the Georgia-Russia War of 2008. In the years since the war Georgia's government has lost its identity as one led by bright-eyed democrats seeking to build a European style democracy deep in the heart of what used to be the Soviet Union. Instead, the government of President Mikheil Saakashvili has become another semi-authoritarian regime relying upon selectively enforced and crafted laws, media repression and harassment and intimidation of political opponents in order to hold on to power. This approach has until recently worked well for the United National Movment (UNM), Georgia's ruling party, in recent elections from 2008-2010, but this year is different. For the first time, the UNM's main opponents have the resources to fight back. -
Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia
After the rose, the thorns: political prisoners in post- revolutionary Georgia Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the the right to life, liberty and security of person. -
Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 4, Pages 580–589 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370 Article Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket David Aprasidze 1,* and David S. Siroky 2,3 1 School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, 0162 Tbilisi, Georgia; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] 3 Institute of Sociology, Czech Academy of Science, 110 00 Prague, Czech Republic * Corresponding author Submitted: 16 June 2020 | Accepted: 24 September 2020 | Published: 17 December 2020 Abstract Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic pop- ulism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and bal- ances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm. -
Geopolitics of the Cancelled Anaklia Project
BLACK SEA STRATEGY PAPERS Geopolitics of the Cancelled Anaklia Project Maximilian Hess & Maia Otarashvili All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Authors: Maximilian Hess & Maia Otarashvili The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute October 2020 OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. -
Georgian Media and Civil Society
The authorities also came under fire from the media for arresting several prominent photographers on espionage charges. The arrests roiled Georgian media and civil society. Calling the allegations spurious, many media professionals launched a campaign to free the photo reporters. GEORGIA 174 MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2012 INTRODUCTION OVERALL SCORE: 1.88 GEORGIA The year 2011 ended on a strange note for Georgian media with the hijacking of an entire television station. In the wee hours of November 30, a man with several associates in tow climbed over the fence of Maestro, a small Tbilisi-based television company and locked the station from the inside. Detecting the intrusion, Maestro’s Tjournalists locked themselves in the control room. The police arrived, and a long standoff ensued. The standoff was particularly dramatic, if farcical, given that the intruder was Erosi Kitsmarishvili, a man hired to run Maestro and fully within his rights to walk through the station’s front door. Maestro’s owners had outsourced the station’s management to Kitsmarishvili’s firm, but he claimed the station’s owners had slighted him, as they reportedly were considering a takeover proposal from Georgian billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili. Ivanishvili is interested in the station because he announced that he is entering politics and challenging the ruling party in upcoming parliamentary elections. Looking for an outlet for publicity, he made offers to Maestro and Kavkasia TV; Maestro is considering the offer and Kavkasia turned him down. Maestro’s co-owner accused Kitsmarishvili of attempting to silence a channel known for its criticism of the government. An avid government critic himself, Kitsmarishvili rejected the allegations. -
Hate Speech in Pre-Election Discourse, Presidential Elections 2018
Hate Speech in Pre-Election Discourse Presidential Elections 2018 Author: Tina Gogoladze Editor: Tamar Kintsurashvili Monitoring by Tamar Gagniashvili, Khatia Lomidze, Mariam Tskhovrebashvili, Sopo Chkhaidze Designed by Mariam Tsutskiridze The report Hate Speech in Pre-Election Discourse has been prepared by the Media Development Foundation (MDF) within the USAID-funded Promoting Integration, Tolerance and Awareness Program in Georgia (PITA), implemented by the UN Association of Georgia (UNAG). The contents are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or UNAG. 1 Methodology The present report provides the results of monitoring conducted by the Media Development Foundation (MDF) ahead of the 2018 presidential elections. The monitoring was carried out on the cases of hate speech and discrimination on various grounds expressed by electoral subjects and political parties, as well as hate speech used against presidential candidates and political parties. The report involves only the cases of discrimination on ethnic, religious, racial and gender grounds, as well as the cases of encouraging violence; it does not provide insulting comments made by political opponents against each other. The monitoring covers the period from 1 August 2018 to 15 October 2018. The subjects of monitoring were selected from both mainstream and tabloid media. The monitored subjects were: ● News and analytical programs of five TV channels: Georgian Public Broadcaster (Moambe); Rustavi 2 (Kurieri; P.S.); Imedi (Kronika; Imedis Kvira); Maestro (news program) and Obieqtivi (news program). ● Talk-shows of five TV channels: Rustavi 2 (Archevani); Imedi (Pirispir); Iberia (Tavisupali Sivrtse); Obieqtivi (Gamis Studia, Okros Kveta); Kavkasia (Barieri, Spektri). ● Seven online media outlets: Sakinformi, Netgazeti, Interpressnews, Georgia and World, PIA, Kviris Palitra, Marshalpress. -
Georgia's Anti-Corruption Policy in the Context of Eu Association Process
SMALL STEPS TOWARDS BIG GOALS: GEORGIA’S ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF EU ASSOCIATION PROCESS JUNE 2019 The publication was prepared with the financial support of Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). Transparency International Georgia is responsible for the content of the publication. It might not necessarily reflect the views of SIDA. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Association Agreement between the European Union and Georgia, as well as the Association Agenda for 2017-2020 approved by the parties to facilitate the implementation of the Association Agreement, provide for cooperation between the parties in combating corruption, while highlighting Georgia’s commitment to address corruption, in particular complex corruption. Over the year and a half since the adoption of the current Association Agenda, Georgia has attained positive results in terms of maintaining previous achievements in terms of eradicating petty corruption. However, Georgia’s progress in tackling high-level corruption remains weak. According to public opinion surveys, citizens have a negative view of both the overall situation in the country in terms of corruption and the dynamics of this situation. They believe that the government does not effectively investigate the cases of corruption involving high-ranking officials or influential individuals with ties to the ruling party. Such public attitudes evidently stem from the ineffective response of the law enforcement agencies to recent high-profile cases of alleged corruption related to a variety -
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 87, 23 September 2016 2
No. 87 23 September 2016 Abkhazia South Ossetia caucasus Adjara analytical digest Nagorno- Karabakh www.laender-analysen.de/cad www.css.ethz.ch/en/publications/cad.html CITIES IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Special Editor: David Sichinava, Tbilisi State University | Fulbright Visiting Scholar at CU Boulder ■■The Transformation of Yerevan’s Urban Landscape After Independence 2 Sarhat Petrosyan, Yerevan ■■Urban Development Baku: From Soviet Past To Modern Future 5 Anar Valiyev, Baku ■■The Current State of Housing in Tbilisi and Yerevan: a Brief Primer 8 Joseph Salukvadze, Tbilisi ■■CHRONICLE From 22 July to 20 September 2016 12 This special issue is funded by the Academic Swiss Caucasus Network (ASCN). Research Centre Center Caucasus Research German Association for for East European Studies for Security Studies Resource Centers East European Studies University of Bremen ETH Zurich CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 87, 23 September 2016 2 The Transformation of Yerevan’s Urban Landscape After Independence Sarhat Petrosyan, Yerevan Abstract Like most of the world’s cities, Yerevan’s landscape has changed dramatically over the past 25 years, partic- ularly as a result of post-soviet Armenia’s sociopolitical shifts. Although these urban transformations have been and continue to be widely discussed in the local media, there is insufficient research and writing on this process and its circumstances. This article attempts to cover some aspects of these transformations from 1991 to 2016, with a specific focus on urban planning and policy aspects. Introduction became an important aspect of the independent nation’s This year, the Republic of Armenia celebrates the capital that, together with rapid developments in cen- 25th anniversary of its independence.