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From Prosecutorial to Reparatory: a Valuable Post-Conflict Change of Focus" (2015)

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From Prosecutorial to Reparatory: a Valuable Post-Conflict Change of Focus College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 2015 From Prosecutorial to Reparatory: A Valuable Post- Conflict Change of Focus Nancy Amoury Combs William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Combs, Nancy Amoury, "From Prosecutorial to Reparatory: A Valuable Post-Conflict Change of Focus" (2015). Faculty Publications. 1746. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/1746 Copyright c 2015 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs ARTICLES FROM PROSECUTORIAL TO REPARATORY: A VALUABLE POST-CONFLICT CHANGE OF FOCUS Nancy Amoury Combs* INTRODUCTION ................................................. 219 I. INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL PROSECUTIONS: THREE KEY CHALLENGES ........................................... 226 A. Obtaining Custody Over Defendants. 227 B. Finding Accurate Facts .............................. 234 C. Selectivity........................................... 238 D. Summary ........................................... 239 II. REPARATIONS AS A VIABLE ALTERNATIVE . 239 A. Obtaining Funds for Reparations . 243 B. Finding Accurate Facts .............................. 257 III. THE NORMATIVE CASE FOR SHIFTING FOCUS FROM THE PROSECUTORIAL TO THE REPARATORY . 262 A. The Benefits of Reparations: Victims’ Perspective . 263 B. Reducing Conflict Through Reparations . 266 C. Shifting to Save: The Precarious Present Position of International Criminal Justice . 267 CONCLUSION ................................................... 275 INTRODUCTION The ICC is well known in international legal circles. Indeed, everyone who knows anything about international law knows that the ICC is the acronym for the International Criminal Court, the body charged with prosecuting international crimes around the globe. Created in 2002, the ICC was intended to “put an end to impunity” for the perpetrators of international crimes” and to affirm “that the most serious crimes of con- cern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished.”1 Imagine, however, a world where the “ICC” instead was an acronym for the International Compensation Court. That is, what if the ICC were a body charged with providing financial reparations to victims of mass vio- lence? What if, instead of devoting millions upon millions of dollars to * Cabell Professor of Law & Director, Human Security Law Center, William & Mary Law School. I am grateful to Laura Appleman, Bruce Combs, Evan Criddle, Caroline Davidson, Paul Diller, Jeffrey Dobbins, and Eric Kades for their comments on an earlier draft. 1. Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court preamble, July 17, 1998, 2187 U.N.T.S. 38544 [hereinafter Rome Statute]. 219 220 Michigan Journal of International Law [Vol. 36:219 prosecuting those who commit international crimes, the international com- munity used those resources to compensate victims of international crimes? Such a thought experiment probably seems fanciful largely because, for the last two decades, criminal trials have occupied center stage in the international community’s panoply of responses to mass atrocities. Cer- tainly, it is well understood that a variety of transitional justice measures serve a variety of valuable ends. Indeed, individuals and societies emerg- ing from widespread repression and violence have so many needs that no single post-conflict mechanism can address all of them; thus, it has become customary to consider various transitional justice mechanisms to comple- ment one another and to provide different but equally crucial benefits to societies seeking to heal following mass atrocities.2 However, despite the recognition that a multipronged and holistic ap- proach to post-conflict transitions offers optimal benefits, most interna- tional law scholars and policy makers nonetheless view criminal trials as the centerpiece response to mass atrocities, the gold standard, if you will, of transitional justice mechanisms.3 Yes, truth commissions may dissemi- nate a richer, more nuanced history than that which emerges from a crimi- nal trial.4 Yes, financial compensation may provide victims with tangible 2. See CHRISTINE EVANS,THE RIGHT TO REPARATION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR VICTIMS OF ARMED CONFLICT 135–37 (2012); Pablo de Greiff, Introduction to THE HAND- BOOK OF REPARATIONS 11 (Pablo de Greiff ed., 2006) [hereinafter de Greiff’s Introduction]; Pablo de Greiff, Justice and Reparations, in THE HANDBOOK OF REPARATIONS, supra at 451, 461; Naomi Roht-Arriaza, The New Landscape of Transitional Justice, in TRANSITIONAL JUS- TICE IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY 1, 8 (Naomi Roht-Arriaza & Javier Mariezcurrena eds., 2006); Jane E. Stromseth, Pursuing Accountability for Atrocities After Conflict: What Impact on Building the Rule of Law? 38 GEO. J. INT’L L. 251, 259–60 (2007); Anja Seibert- Fohr, Reconciliation Through Accountability, 9 MAX PLANCK Y.B. U.N. L. 555, 569 (2005). 3. See MARK A. DRUMBL,ATROCITY, PUNISHMENT, AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 3–6 (2007); Laurel Fletcher & Harvey Weinstein, Violence and Social Repair, 24 HUM. RTS. Q. 573, 577–79 (2002); Tom Syring, Truth Versus Justice: A Tale of Two Cities?, 12 INT’L LEGAL THEORY 143, 208–09 (2006). See also Luc Huyse, Justice After Transition: On the Choices Successor Elites Make in Dealing with the Past, in 1 TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: HOW EMERGING DEMOCRACIES RECKON WITH FORMER REGIMES, GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS 337, 339–41 (Neil J. Kritz ed., 1995) (describing the need for post-transition trials). 4. Martha Minow observes: The task of making a full account of what happened, in light of the evidence ob- tained, requires a process of sifting and drafting that usually does not accompany a trial. Putting narratives of distinct events together with the actions of different ac- tors demands materials and the charge to look across cases and to connect the stories of victims and offenders. Truth commissions undertake to write the history of what happened as a central task. For judges at trials, such histories are the by- product of particular moments of examining and cross-examining witnesses and reviewing evidence about the responsibility of particular individuals. MARTHA MINOW,BETWEEN VENGEANCE AND FORGIVENESS: FACING HISTORY AFTER GE- NOCIDE AND MASS VIOLENCE 59–60 (1998). See also PRISCILLA B. HAYNER,UNSPEAKABLE TRUTHS: FACING THE CHALLENGE OF TRUTH COMMISSIONS 29–30 (2002). But see Jaime E. Malamud-Goti & Lucas Sebastian ´ Grosman, Reparations and Civil Litigation: Compensation for Human Rights Violations in Transitional Democracies, in THE HANDBOOK OF REPARA- Winter 2015] From Prosecutorial to Reparatory Justice 221 assistance crucial to rebuilding their shattered lives. But despite the estab- lished benefits of these measures, each of them, separately or together, are considered to fall considerably short if they are not coupled with criminal trials.5 When non-prosecutorial mechanisms are the only response, it is believed, many important goals will not be attained,6 and there will exist an untenable justice gap.7 It is largely for this reason that criminal prosecutions have become the main focus of the international community—politically, ideologically, and financially—following mass atrocities, and other responses, including rep- arations, occupy a less-important place. To be sure, modern international criminal law emerged only two decades ago with the somewhat surprising creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Other tribunals soon followed, however. The Special Court for Sierra Le- one (SCSL) prosecuted atrocities occurring during that country’s brutal civil war. The Special Panels for Serious Crimes in East Timor (Special Panels) prosecuted crimes committed in the aftermath of East Timor’s in- dependence referendum. The Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) recently began prosecuting those allegedly responsible for the assassination of Leb- anese President Hariri and nearly two dozen others, and the call for crimi- nal justice is so strong that it persists nearly forty years following the brutal reign of the Khmer Rouge, as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) race to prosecute the Khmer Rouge’s octo- genarian leaders before they die of old age. Finally and most impor- tantly—as noted at the outset—the international community looked to the TIONS, supra note 2, at 539, 552 (contending that judicial fact-finding can be more reliable than truth-commission fact-finding because at trial “witnesses render their testimony under oath and can be cross-examined,” and because trials are conducted pursuant to “a vast array of procedural institutions devised to guarantee the fairness of the fact-finding process”). 5. See AFGHANISTAN INDEP. HUMAN RIGHTS COMM’N, A CALL FOR JUSTICE: A NA- TIONAL CONSULTATION ON PAST HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN AFGHANISTAN 18 (2005), available at http://www.refworld.org/pdfid/47fdfad50.pdf (explaining that for many victims “a transitional justice strategy without a criminal justice component is likely to be viewed as unsatisfactory”) [hereinafter A CALL FOR JUSTICE]. 6. Yael Danieli, Massive Trauma and the Healing Role of Reparative Justice, in REPA- RATIONS FOR VICTIMS OF GENOCIDE, WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: SYS- TEMS IN PLACE AND SYSTEMS IN THE MAKING 41, 45 (Carla Ferstman et al. eds., 2009) (citing studies showing that victims’ wounds are not as likely to heal if their
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