ASSESSMENT OF COPING STRATEGIES OF ROHINGYAS IN TWO UPAZILAS IN COX’S BAZAAR DISTRICT, BANGLADESH July-August, 2017 Dhaka, Bangladesh

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RESEARCH TEAM

Principal Investigator Dr. Mausumi Mahapatro

Members of Research Team Quinh McGrath, Intern, IOM Faishal Hoq Azad, Enumerator Nur Hossain, Enumerator Lima Das, Enumerator

Research Advisor Dr. Ishita Shruti

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... II ABBREVIATIONS ...... VI

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...... VII

CHAPTER I BACKGROUND, OBJECTIVES, AND METHODOLOGY ...... 8 1.1 Introduction ...... 8 1.2 Objectives ...... 10

CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY ...... 11 2.1. Key Methods Used ...... 11 2.2 Target Areas ...... 11 2.2.1 Socioeconomic class (SEC) ...... 12 2.2.2 Household conditions in the last 12 months ...... 12 2.2.3 Leda Makeshift Settlement ...... 13 2.2.4 Shamlapur ...... 13 2.3 Target Groups ...... 13 2.3.1 Defining Household Categories ...... 14 2.3.2 Conceptual Blurs in Classification ...... 14 2.4 Additional terms, concepts, and definitions ...... 14 2.5 Data Collection ...... 15 2.6 Limitations ...... 15

CHAPTER III A PROFILE OF THE REGION ...... 17 3.1 Teknaf ...... 18 3.2 Ukiah ...... 18

CHAPTER IV COPING MECHANISMS OF ROHINGYAS IN BANGLADESH ...... 19 4.1 Predominant Coping Strategies ...... 19 4.1.1 Selling, Sharing, and Exchanging Food Rations ...... 20 4.1.2 Collecting and Selling Fuel Wood ...... 21 4.1.3 Remittances, Loans, and Begging ...... 22 4.1.4 Migration ...... 22 4.1.5 Local Markets, Trading, and Services ...... 23 4.1.6 Day Labour ...... 23 4.1.7 Wage Work ...... 23 4.1.8 Intermixing ...... 24 4.1.9 Farming and Animal Husbandry ...... 24 4.2 Specific Labour Markets Linked to Rohingyas Coping Strategies...... 25 4.2.1 Salt Farms ...... 25 4.2.2 Shrimp Farming ...... 25

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4.2.3 Fishing ...... 26 CHAPTER V FINDINGS ...... 27 5.1. Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies ...... 27 5.2. Distinctions Acrosss Demographic Cohorts ...... 33 5.3 Mobility ...... 34 5.4 Detrimental Coping Strategies ...... 36 5.5 Exploitative Practices ...... 40 5.6 Determinants of Overall Welfare ...... 40

CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS...... 42 6.1. Predominant Threats and Vulnerabilities ...... 42 6.1.1 Conflicts Over Resources...... 42 6.1.2 Extremism ...... 42 6.1.3 Risky Coping Strategies ...... 43 6.2. Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies ...... 43 6.3 Recommendations ...... 44

ANNEX: ...... 48 ANNEX: 1 ...... 48 ANNEX: II ...... 49

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TABLES AND FIGURES

Table 1 : Incidence of Rohingyas in Two Upazilas of Cox’s Bazaar ...... 17

Table 2 : Typology of Coping Strategies and Livelihoods ...... 28

Table 3 : Incidence of Different Economic Strategies Across Settlements for Sampled Households ...... 29

Table 4 : Comparing Wages Across Farms ...... 30

Table 5 : Livelihood Zones ...... 31

Table 6 : Livelihoods Using the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework ...... 32

Figure 1 : Incidence of Livelihoods Across Broad Categories...... 27

Figure 2 : Incidence of Mobiliy Across Settlements ...... 34

Figure 3 : Top Destinations for Rohingyas in Target Areas ...... 35

Figure 4 : Incidence of Male Versus Female Migration ...... 35

Figure 5 : Migration Based on Length of Stay in Settlement ...... 36

Figure 6 : Fate of Migrant Rohingyas in all Target Areas ...... 38

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ABBREVIATIONS

ACF Action Contre La Faim/ Action Against Hunger

BDT Bangladeshi taka

BGB Border Guard Bangladesh

BMC Block Management Committee

BMS Balukhali makeshift settlement

CMC Camp Management Committee

DFID Department for International Development

FGD Focus group discussion

GoB Government of Bangladesh

HEA Household economy approach

INGO International non-governmental organization

IOM International Organisation for Migration

KII Key informant interviews

KMS Kutupalong makeshift settlement

LMS Leda makeshift settlement

MSF Medicines sans Frontiers

NPM Needs and Population Monitoring

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

WASH Water, sanitation and hygiene

WFP World Food Programme

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Executive Summary

This report presents the findings of a study that was undertaken in four settlements in two upzilas in Cox’s Bazaar district of Southeastern Bangladesh from June to August 2017. Based on a sample over 160 households, the main focus of the research was to explore the coping strategies and livelihoods of undocumented Myanmar nationals. The main rationale for this focus stemmed from the fact that this area of research has been relatively underexplored, as the emphasis has been on more immediate concerns such as health and nutrition. The nature of livelihoods and in particular the types of risky ventures they are lured into has not been researched to the extent merited. However, given the protracted nature of displacement, strategies for self-reliance are of equal importance. Geographically, the coping strategies of new arrivals also demand greater attention.

As such, the variegated coping strategies and livelihoods were examined using various units of comparison such as across settlements, gender, and household headship. It was found that Rohingyas that share similar coping strategies though livelihoods are distinct based on their location. Aspects of geographical mobility, both within the country and outside, were also explored. We examined the places where Rohingyas seek work and how factors such as gender and duration impact the type or extent of mobility. In doing so, the concerns related to human trafficking and the processes or agents that make it a reality were assessed. Other forms of risks such as trade in contraband, sex work, and extremist activity were also examined. Aspects of governance and the role that power or position plays in influencing economic outcomes have also been discussed.

It is found that the common coping strategies across all of the settlements include activities such as begging and dependence on aid from UN agencies and NGOs to various degrees depending on the length of stay inside the settlements. Common livelihoods across settlements include day labour and wage work inside small establishments such as grocery or tea stalls. However, there are also distinct livelihoods across the settlements. For instance, in BMS, the types of day labour activities involve work in betel nut farms and other agricultural labour. In KMS, similar to BMS, day labour constituted work in betel nut and paddy farms. In Leda, work in salt farms was more predominant while in Shamlapur, the majority of respondents were engaged in fishing related livelihoods. Migrating to countries such as Malaysia, for instance, was also evident and particularly for households who were residing in Bangladesh for a longer duration.

There is clearly a scope for livelihoods related social protection schemes within the settlements and surrounding areas. Given the extent of underutilized coping services, the role of vocational training can play a pivotal role in promoting the livelihoods of the most vulnerable. Examining governance structures and the ‘unwritten rules’ that govern resource allocation, or breaches therein, must also be given due attention.

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CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

In order to escape widespread persecution and conflict, Rohingyas have been crossing the border from Myanmar into Bangladesh for over four decades, and is still continuing. The most recent influx was in October of 2016 due to a military crackdown by the Myanmar army. Currently as of September 2017, the influx continues. While repatriation of the Rohingyas is one of the most salient demands articulated by the government of Bangladesh and will clearly take time to materialize, the lives of Rohingyas hang in the balance. As a protracted crisis and with an influx of over 300,0001 Rohingyas since August 2017 attention needs to be given to not only their most immediate needs such as food and water and other basic services but also the various coping strategies and livelihoods they adopt to survive while in limbo.

The scale of the challenge is formidable when considering that over 100,000 Rohingyas are living in these regions scattered over three makeshift settlements and surrounding areas2. Based on the NPM, over 80 percent of the Rohingyas are women and children. These settlements and the surrounding areas are characterized by poor living conditions and overcrowding, and are overstretched in the provision of basic services. Furthermore, these areas are also beset with other problems such as malnutrition, disease and violence as well as continued vulnerability to trafficking, prostitution and drug peddling. Natural disasters such as floods and cyclones only exacerbate the situation further for not only the Rohingyas but also the host communities.

1.1 Rationale and Scope of Research

There was a clear and pressing need to develop a thorough understanding of the existing risks that Rohingyas face as being part of a protracted refugee crisis. As an enduring crisis, the mere provision of health, education and WASH services, though important and imperative, will not be enough in consideration of the drawn-out nature of the crisis. As such, practical solutions that involve some degree of self-reliance and livelihoods autonomy are needed for the most vulnerable groups prior to their return to Myanmar or elsewhere. Consequently, there was a need to assess the types of survival strategies that the most vulnerable Rohingyas are currently engaged in, the risks involved - both to them and the wider community, and the skills and livelihoods profiles they come with. The aim is to inform future programmatic design in the area of, more secure, interim livelihood interventions for selected vulnerable groups during the course of their stay in Bangladesh.

The study has focused on a detailed analysis of existing coping strategies that individuals/households partake for their daily survival particularly, and for those most vulnerable to trafficking and extremism. As part of the research process, and in order to identify distinct coping strategies for distinct subgroups of Rohingyas, we engaged in a comparative exercise where overall economic conditions, risks, and

1 See the Guardian’s report: Myanmar treatment of Rohingya looks like ‘textbook ethnic cleansing,’ says UN. 2 This figure does not reflect the most recent influx since August 2017. 8 strategies were compared using specific units for comparison. We relied upon demographic cohorts as well as others mentioned below:

Unit Questions Gender What are some of the risks and vulnerabilities that women in particular face or women within a particular age group face? What is the extent of women headed households and what do their conditions of survival depend on?

Household Are households intact? What about individuals who are on their own in the settlements with either family members left behind or having not survived? Are there differences in coping strategies based on this unit of comparison?

Age What sort of coping strategies does the younger population take on and how safe are these options? What about the elderly?

Wealth/class Who are the better off and what are the means through which they access better conditions or sources of income? Disability How are coping strategies constrained due to disability? Social What role does length of stay in settlement or social capital/networks capital with registered Myanmar nationals play in shaping economic strategies for survival? Other Are other forms of marginalization at play?

Though there is no clear line of demarcation, the study distinguished analytically between the concepts of a coping strategy as being a temporary means of survival with that of a livelihood which is more self- sustaining (Jaspars and Shoham, 2002). As such, this research not only investigated the nature of coping strategies and the possible dangers and pitfalls of taking up such strategies, but also delved into the existing skills and capacities that exist amongst these sub-groups from a livelihood perspective. In doing so, the skills, capacities, assets and capabilities will be assessed from a broad perspective of what constitutes a livelihood in keeping with DFID’s sustainable livelihoods framework (DFID, 1999). The sustainable livelihoods framework encompasses the different types of capital3 that households have as well as the role of institutions and processes in shaping livelihood outcomes. Other analytical approaches such as Save the Children’s Household Economy Approach (HEA) were useful in assessing, coping strategies and livelihoods, in a structured and meaningful way.4These aforementioned analytical approaches were used in designing the questionnaires and for the overall frame of analysis.

3These include physical, social natural, financial and human capital. 4 The HEA focuses on how households acquire the food or income they need for survival and from whom. It also explores opportunities, constraints and the distribution of assets (Save the Children, 2008) 9

1.2 Objectives of Study

 To assess the types of coping strategies taken forth by undocumented Myanmar nationals and host communities, particularly those most vulnerable to trafficking and extremism  To map past occupations, skill sets and potential livelihoods as part of an interim strategy of support

The core research questions that were investigated were as follows:

 How detrimental are existing coping strategies to health, security and other aspects of well- being?  What are the longer, more self-sustaining options for livelihoods for the target group?

The next chapter provides a discussion on the key methods that were employed in answering the research questions as laid out above.

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CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY

To undertake the study on coping strategies and in keeping with the objectives as earlier mentioned, a mixed methods approach was undertaken involving mainly the collection of qualitative data as well as relevant quantitative data. The use of mixed methods has increasingly become the norm in social sciences research as it makes way for a process of triangulation across multiple experiences and perspectives. 2.1. Key Methods Used

The primary method for data collection was a semi-structured survey (see appendix) based on a purposive stratified sample in each of the target areas. The questionnaire included several components such as demographic information on number of household members, headship and age of members. Questions on preexisting asset base and livelihoods in Myanmar and levels of education were included. The main component of the questionnaire focused on coping strategies that the Rohingyas rely upon for day to day survival. As the aim was to collect information on coping strategies of the most vulnerable households, the sample was stratified in order to collect information on female headed, child headed and disabled households as well as generally vulnerable households.

In addition to the semi-structured survey, key informant interviews (KIIs) were held with selected persons from each of the makeshift settlements and surrounding areas. The key informants included the following:

 Block leaders from within makeshift settlements  Ward members  Camp Management Committee (CMC) members  Block Management Committee (BMC) members  Landlords of selected blocks 2.2 Target Areas

Four areas were targeted as part of the study. These include Kutupalong Makeshift Settlement (KMS) and Balukhali Makeshift Settlement (BMS), Ukhia Upazila, Leda Makeshift Settlement (LMS), Teknaf Upazila and Shamlapur also in Teknaf Upazila. The target areas were chosen specifically keeping in mind the need to document coping strategies amongst new arrivals within unregistered makeshift settlements given the paucity of research on coping strategies amongst new arrivals and unregistered settlements as a whole.

An estimated 33,000 registered refugees are living in two official UNHCR-administered refugee camps, however between 300,000-500,000 Rohingyas are estimated to have crossed the border and live in Bangladesh5. Those outside the camps live in the host communities or in makeshift settlements. Some of the host communities with significant Rohingya populations include Shamlapur, Teknaf Paruashava,

5Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p. 1. 11

Sabrang, and Leda village. The same NPM round found that 69% of the Rohingya population assessed, were living in “camp-like settings” in three makeshift settlements. The following is a summary of the makeshift sites in Kutupalong, Balukhali, and Leda based on the NPM. 2.2.1 Kutupalong Makeshift Settlement (KMS)

As of April 2017, KMS is estimated to house 70,392 individuals or 15,232 households6. The average household size is 4.6 and the space available per person is 14 m27. It was established in January 2007 and the site is 736,000 m2. It is by far the largest makeshift settlement both in terms of area and population when compared to the others visited as part of this research. Since October 2016, the settlement area had expanded 29 percent and the population had increased by 69 percent. The registered Kutupalong refugee camp, one of the two registered camps in Bangladesh, is also in close vicinity of the unregistered makeshift settlement.

The residing population is 51 percent male, 49 percent female where 27 percent of the population is under 5, 31% is between 6 and 17 years, and 4% is over the age of 59. The most vulnerable are considered to be lactating mothers, elderly-headed households, female-headed households, pregnant mothers, persons with specific needs and child-headed households. The primary needs as reported by a Needs and Population Monitoring Study are: food security and nutrition, shelter, education, water, non- food items, sanitation and hygiene, health, protection, livelihood, information, psychosocial support, rehabilitation support, and assistive device support 2.2.2 Balukhali Makeshift Settlement (BMS)

The population of BMS as reported in April 2017 consisted of 14,643 individuals or 2,871 households. The average household size was 5.1, and the space per person was 9m28. The site was newly established in December 2016 in order to house the sudden influx of refugees in the wake of violence in Rakhine State October 2016 and covers 105,400m29. As the newest makeshift settlement, its conditions stand out starkly different from that of the other makeshift settlements in terms of drainage systems and overall living conditions as well as diversity of coping strategies considering that the majority of new arrivals from Myanmar are based in this settlement.

The population is 49% male, 51% female, 29% of the population under 5, 30% between the ages of 6 and 17, and 2% over the age of 59. The vulnerable population and needs as assessed by IOM found similar results as with KMS10. In Balukhali, 33.33% of key informants reported peaceful relations with the host community, and 66.67% reported moderate relations. During the FGD, all participants reported a moderate relationship with their host community.

6Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p. 4. 7Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p. 4. 8Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p. 5. 9Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 1, IOM. March 2017, p. 7. 10Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 1, IOM. March 2017, p. 7. 12

2.2.3 Leda Makeshift Settlement (LMS)

An April 2017 estimate found 18,350 individuals or 3,670 households currently residing in LMS. The average household size was 5, space per person was 5m2, and the site was established in June 2007 and at that time, spanned an area of 87,000m211.

The population is 50% male 50% female, with 24% of the population under 5, 31% between the ages of 6 and 17, and 5% over the age of 59. The IOM Needs and Population Monitoring reported similar priorities and vulnerabilities in the LMS site as with KMS and BMS, but with a specific emphasis on the vulnerability of lactating mothers at LMS. Since October 2016, the site has witnessed a 10% expansion in space and 52% increase in population.In Leda, a study revealed 33.33% of key informants reported peaceful relations with the host community, and 66.67 reported moderate relations.

In addition to a Camp Management Committee (CMC), LMS is divided into a total of 7 blocks each with a block committee to manage the overall concerns of the Rohingyas residing within those blocks. According to members of the CMC, this is the only settlement where CMC chairman was elected by the Rohingyas of the settlement. 2.2.4 Shamlapur

There is also a significant Rohingya presence in Shamlapur village within Teknaf upazila. A June 2017 study estimated 8,755 Rohingyas currently reside in Shamlapur12. The majority of Rohingyas residing in this area had arrived in the 1990s. However, there is no formal makeshift settlement in Shamlapur and the Rohingyas, although clustering together, are relatively integrated with the local community.

The village is divided into ten paras with a block ‘majhi’ or leader assigned to each. A ‘para unnayan’ committee exists for each of the ten paras and meetings are held regularly. The main occupations are fishing and forest based livelihoods which put considerable pressure on natural resources and in particular, the Teknaf Wildlife Sanctuary (Game Reserve) located in the Teknaf peninsula. Illegal encroachment of Rohingyas along Teknaf’s Marine Drive Road, a popular tourist destination, has also lead to eviction drives and a great deal of insecurity for the Rohingyas residing in this area. 2.3 Target Groups

As the focus of the study was on the coping strategies of the most vulnerable households, specific target groups were identified from whom data would be collected as follows:

 Women headed households  Child headed households  Elderly/disabled  Male headed households

Thus, from each target area, with exception to Shamlapur where a total of 30 surveys were conducted,at least 10 households from each category were enumerated.

11Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p. 6. 12Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 3, IOM. June 2017, p. 2. 13

2.3.1 Defining Household Categories

As data was collected on the coping strategies of all household members, the study relied upon the following definitions household and specific household categories:

Household – We used the following definition: a group of people who eat from a common pot and share a common stake in perpetuating and improving their socioeconomic status from one generation to the next. There are competing definitions such as that of Pincus and Sender (2008) that incorporate migrant members who may not be physically present in the household but remit earnings. However, considering the very unpredictable nature of migration that Rohingyas take and oftentimes the lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of family members who had migrated, we preferred the first definition of household that emphasized physical presence. Nevertheless, the questionnaire was still able to gather information on relatives living outside of the camp and whether remittances were being made separately.

Female-headed household – a household in which an adult female is the sole or main income producer and decision maker13 often as a result of death, disability or some other incapacity on the de facto male head. As Joshi (2004) has pointed out, there is a great deal of heterogeneity in economic welfare of female headed households based on how headship was obtained, be it through widowhood or due to male migration.

Child-headed household – a household where all the residents are younger than 18 years old.14 We expanded this definition to include situations where the child is the main income producer or decision maker, often as a result of death, disability, or abandonment of their parents. 2.3.2 Conceptual Blurs in Classification

As with using any standard definition to determine household status, there were cases where it was difficult to determine headship of the household. There were cases where the female was only present in the household as the male member had moved to another country but remitted. However, in such a case, based on the definition of household that was used, this household would still be classified as a female headed household though the female member may or may not be engaging in any form of remunerated economic activity. Furthermore, although there were many cases of children under the age of 18 whose parents had died, they were generally under the guardianship of an elder relative or neighbor. Though these children may have engaged in various economic activities, they were also receiving support from the household they were attached to. As such, defining these cases as child headed households also become problematic when considering the definition of child headed household. 2.4 Additional terms, concepts, and definitions A number of other important terms that are used throughout the study require elaboration. Most importantly, this study focuses on the unregistered and undocumented Rohingya; who reside in the settlements or surrounding areas and are not formally considered as having ‘refugee’ status. There are two registered refugee camps for Rohingyas in Bangladesh which receive both government and UNHCR support. The focus of this study is on the unregistered, undocumented Rohingyas.

13 ILO 2007 14SevAfrica 2010 14

The term ‘livelihood’ has also been used extensively throughout this study. It refers to the ‘capabilities, assets and activities required for a means of living.’15 It incorporates coping strategies which are both the precautionary strategies used in response to exposure to prolonged risks as well as the crisis strategies to cope with unusually severe shocks to food security and survival.16 The argument is that there are subtle differences between the two categories though the lines of demarcation may be vague. Hence, a household where members skip meals in order to survive would be engaging in a coping strategy. Receipt of aid would also constitute a coping strategy. On the other hand, a livelihood would consist of some form of exchange of labour or goods for in kind or financial compensation for those actions. 2.5 Data Collection The data collection was completed by a team headed by the principal investigator and a team of three local volunteers, all of whom reside in Ukhia and are fairly adept in the language spoken by the Rohingyas In KMS, a larger sample was collected due to the size of the settlement. The team also ensured that the majority of blocks within the settlements were covered and included in the sample.17

Settlement/area Upazila Union Sample size Dates of field work BMS Ukhia Palongkhali 40 June 20-21, 2017 KMS Ukhia Rajapalong 50 June 22, July 16 LMS Teknaf Nihila 40 July 17-18 Shamlapur Teknaf Baharchora 30 July 19-20

2.6 Limitations A number of practical challenges emerged during the course of field work. Firstly, the field work was delayed due to some of the emergency relief interventions that were being undertaken at the time as a result of Cyclone Mora. Moreover, as we commenced the field work in Balukhali during the month of Ramadan, the length of time that could be spent in BMS was curtailed. In the case of the other targeted areas which were commenced after Eid, there was the continued problem of prolonged monsoon rains which at times severely limited mobility within the settlements.

15This is based on the Chambers and Conway definition adopted by DFID. 16See Corbett (1988) 17 The sample size was based on a 95 percent confidence interval with a confidence level of 15%. Sample size was determined based on the following formula: Z 2 * (p) * (1-p)

ss = c 2 Where: Z = Z value (e.g. 1.96 for 95% confidence level) p = percentage picking a choice, expressed as decimal (.5 used for sample size needed) c = confidence interval

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A more serious challenge was in the nature of data collection itself. As the focus was on sensitive issues including extremist activities, trafficking and involvement with contraband, it was self-evident that respondents were reluctant to divulge information. The use of KIIs resolved this problem to some extent.

Some non-sampling errors may have also occurred during the enumeration process. The main advantage of using the enumerators was their language ability. However, the principal investigator observed some cases where the enumerators were leading the respondents to answer in a certain way or misinterpreting what the respondents sought to communicate. These were, however, for the most part, corrected at a later stage. There may have been some underestimation of wages earned and relief distributed due to a possible perception amongst respondents that doing so may provide them with certain benefits later on.

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CHAPTER III PROFILE OF THE REGION

Since 1992, Bangladesh has witnessed a fluctuating but persistent influx of Rohingyas into the Cox’s Bazaar region. Teknaf and Ukhia Upazilas on the Chittagong peninsula bordering Myanmar host the majority of Rohingyas including 33,000 registered refugees; 300,000 to 500,000 Rohingyas in total are estimated to have crossed the border and now reside in Bangladesh18.

Cox’s Bazaar District which is located on the south-eastern tip of Bangladesh borders Chittagong District in the north, Bandarban District, Naaf River, and Myanmar on its east, and is delimited by the bay of Bengal both its southern and eastern borders19. Cox’s Bazaar’s history with migration is prolonged, due to its contiguity to Myanmar and the permeable nature of this border.

The following table details the host population and Rohingya make-up of Teknaf and Ukhia at the union level. Table 1: Incidence of Rohingyas in Two Upazilas of Cox’s Bazaar

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18 Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar’s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p. 5. 19Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns of Cox’s Bazaar District, International Labour Organization. April 2007, p. 1. 20Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2: Undocumented Myanmar Nationals in Teknaf and Ukhia, Cox’s Bazaar. IOM. April 2017, p. 3. 17

3.1 Teknaf

Teknaf Upazila is the southernmost upazila in Bangladesh, and is surrounded by Ukhia Upazila in the north, Myanmar to the east, the Naaf River in the south, and the Bay of Bengal to its west. The area is 388.55km2 including 156km2 of forest21. The upazila has 6 unions: Whykong, Nhilia, Teknaf Sadar, Baharchara, Sabrang, and Saint Martine.

Teknaf is particularly reliant on its fishing industry including net repairs, high-sea fishing, and port activities.22Baharchara is a remote area by the sea that hosts many Rohingyas, the majority of whose livelihood is centered on fisheries, and a nearby hatchery meant children often collected shrimp fries. An FGD based study in Baharchara Union found that the “improved skill” of Rohingya fishers in the union allowed them to negotiate deals where they could keep 40% of the total catch23.

Disasters are a regular occurrence in this region. For instance, in 2015, heavy rain and flooding cut off road communication between Cox’s Bazaar and Teknaf. The rains also damaged shelters in Teknaf’s LMS and inundated roads, damaging 3 km or roads completely and 10 km partially24. 3.2 Ukhia

Ukhia is delimited by Ramu Upazila to its north, Myanmar and Naikhongchari Upazila to its east, Teknaf Upazila in the South, and the Bay of Bengal to its west25. The area covers 261.80 km2, including 175.64 km2 of forest area26. The upazila has 5 unions: Jaliapalong, Ratapalong, Holodiapalong, Rajapalong, and Palongkhali.

Due to its location, Ukhia is periodically at risk from natural disasters including cyclones, tidal surges, and landslides. Its hilly landscape and heavy rain makes it particularly vulnerable to flash flooding, water logging and landslides.All five unions are vulnerable to thunderstorms, heavy rainfall, flash flooding due to unplanned infrastructure, erosion of roads, and poor irrigation systems. Palongkhali, Rajapalong, Jaliapalong unions are especially vulnerable to elephant attacks because of the hilly environs and increasing deforestation.27Elephants may attack the community, crops, or fruit gardens.

According to the Upazila Disaster Management Plan for Ukhia, in Palongkhali, Ratnapalong, Holidapalong and Jaliapalong unions, about 20% of agriculture and 10% of vegetable fields are damaged by heavy rain each year. Fisheries and shrimp cultivation may also be damaged or washed out during cyclones and thunderstorms; they are also threatened by the increased salinity of water following cyclones.

21Community Report Cox’s Bazaar Zila Population and Housing Census 2011, p. 25. 22 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations; its Impact and Role in Bangladesh: A Mixed Method Impact Evaluation. WFP. December 2012, p. 41. 23Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p. 26. 24 Flash Floods in Cox’s Bazaar, Bandarban and Chittagong Districts, HCCT Joint Needs Assessment. June-July 2015, p. 23, 37. 25Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p. 12. 26Community Report Cox’s Bazaar Zila Population and Housing Census 2011, p. 25. 27Development of Upazila Disaster Management Plan: Ukhia, p. 29. 18

CHAPTER IV LITERATURE REVIEW: COPING MECHANISMS OF ROHINGYAS

Continuing ethnic violence in the Rakhine state of Myanmar precludes voluntary repatriation as a viable option28, and inadequate access to food, aid, education, and movement restrictions further present major challenges to a sustainable solution. This protracted refugee situation places numerous hardships on the Rohingyas in Bangladesh; as they struggle to make ends meet, their livelihood strategies may depend upon unsafe, unsustainable and/or coping mechanisms that are harmful both to the Rohingyas that engage in these activities as well as the wider community. The following provides an overview of the coping strategies based on the existing literature.

While there has been a wealth of reports concerning Rohingya refugees, and host communities in Cox’s Bazaar by various INGOs and UN agencies, few have focused on the coping mechanisms and livelihood strategies utilized by Rohingyas. The majority of these studies have been expressly concerned with nutrition, WASH, food security, and health sectors.29 Moreover,where protection and livelihood are addressed, these are mainly of secondary concern within broader studies. The focus of these studies largely reflects the approved 2013 GoB National Strategy on Rohingyas. Studies in the sectors of disability, human trafficking, psychosocial health, and resilience are ‘lagging behind.’ A better understanding of the coping mechanisms Rohingyas resort to, will help to inform more sustainable livelihood interventions and ensure these refugees are not simply surviving day-to-day, but may pursue more sustainable livelihood strategies during the interim period of their stay in Bangladesh. 4.1 Predominant Coping Strategies

Livelihood options for the Rohingya are limited as the majority are unregistered refugees. While some are registered refugees residing in official UNHCR-administered camps, a significant number of peoplelive in informal settlements. The government considers these Rohingyas to be “illegal economic migrants”30 and they are not allowed to take part in the economy, despite the fact that as unregistered refugees, they receive less assistance than their official counterparts. The Rohingya livelihood situation is made precarious by the illegal nature of any participation in the local market; this is furthered by the lack of protection under labour laws and the seasonal nature of their work. The GoB is opposed to the prospect of local integration31and has ‘put restrictions on mixed marriages between Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi citizens through government orders and letters to the administrative authorities’32.The

28 Riley, ‘Daily stressors, trauma exposure, and mental health among stateless Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh’, p. 306. 29 Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar’s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p. 40. 30Roger and Ruaudel, Refugees’ Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets – An Assessment Part II Country Cases (Preliminary), KNOMAD. September 2016, p. 1. 31Joint Assessment Mission: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 9. 32Roger and Ruaudel, Refugees’ Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets, KNOMAD. September 2016, p. 2. 19 reluctance of both Myanmar and Bangladesh to bestow either citizenship or refugee status on the Rohingyas leaves them stateless, and is a severe constraint on livelihood options for Rohingyas.

The majority of Rohingyas rely on several economic activities and coping mechanisms to survive, which vary according to opportunity and season33. The coping mechanisms they resort to often ‘result in loss of self-dignity for the refugees in addition to protection risks’34.An impact evaluation study by WFP found that the severity and type of coping mechanisms taken by the Rohingya was dependent on their registration status, wealth score, household size and earnings, marital status, and education level of the household head. Unregistered refugees employed a greater range of coping mechanisms and “adopted significantly more severe coping strategies” than their official counterparts35.

The following is a synopsis of the various coping strategies as identified in the literature.

4.1.1 Selling, Sharing, and Exchanging Food Rations

Most of the literature has described a practice of ‘borrowing, lending, trading, selling and buying food’36 as common coping mechanisms to compensate for the food deficit. This has been observed alongside adults abstaining from eating in order to allow their children to eat,37followed by eating less, skipping meals and starving38. This is particularly common during peak monsoon or the “lean season”, in July as many Rohingya reduce food intake to one meal a day. An FGD of female plantation workers in Rajapalong in Ukhia claimed they received TK 25 a day and two meals, but they often chose to forgo their meals in order to receive an additional TK 539.

A sample study of Rohingya refugees found it was common practice for refugees with official status to share rations and shelter with family or friends outside the camps40. This is supported by studies on supplementary feeding programs and e-voucher systems, in which the “practice of sharing supplementary foods” among official and unofficial refugees often resulted in “diluted nutritional benefits”41. Selling other aid rations distributed by NGOs has also been noted as a coping mechanism42.

This is not a sustainable strategy as food is already a scarce resource among Rohingyas, and the selling or trading of food may ensure a “food debt” in which refugees are trapped in an endless cycle of food shortage43.

33Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement: A Case Study of the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh’, 2010, p. 49; D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 25. 34JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23. 35 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 25. 3610 Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh: Past, Present and Future, MedecinsSansFrontieres. March 2002, p. 14. 37JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23. 38D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 29. 39Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p. 18. 40Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47. 41 Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar’s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p. 19. 42Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47. 4310 Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh, MSF. March 2002, p. 14. 20

4.1.2 Collecting and Selling Fuel Wood

Collection and sale of fuel wood from the environment surrounding the makeshift settlements is a well- documented coping mechanism. As livelihood opportunities for the Rohingyas are extremely limited, they must rely on the surrounding forest resources in order to supplement their scant income and resources. All displaced Rohingya households are considered “wood fuel dependent”44.

A study by Sayed, et al. reported 85% of households collected fuel wood from Teknaf Wildlife Sanctuary45, and according to an Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand, 25.16% of households went on to sell fuel wood for income. The fuel wood is also traded. During the “lean” monsoon season, where weather renders many legs of the journey to the forest inaccessible, wood fuel may be borrowed from shops at a high cost. The walk to collect the fuel wood is long, and the heavy loads carried makes these trips demanding. They collect the wood from either natural forests or from social forestry projects.

The Rohingya are not uniquely dependent on the fuel wood, and competition for resources often creates tension between the Rohingya and the host community. In Kutapalong and Leda, Rohingyas have a token money system whereby host community leaders are paid for wood fuel collection. The token varies on load capacity, averaging 50 BDT for men, 40 BDT for women, and 25 BDT for children46. The token is increased if going to collect the wood with a cart or vehicle. While the Balukhali Rohingya camp is the shortest distance to the nearest social forestry projects in comparison to the other three sites, the host community guards their trees, so Rohingyas must walk further to collect the wood from adjacent forests.

This coping mechanism, though ubiquitous, comes with several risks. In focus group discussions carried out in Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand, 92% of participants cited elephant attacks as a risk. This was followed by 72% citing pressure or threat from the Forest Department, 56% by the host community, 40% by bandits or opportunists, 16% by the police and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and 7% were concerned with getting lost inside the forest. Their survey showed women collected fuel wood more frequently than men (42.60% to 36.6%), and were thus more insecure from threats and more likely to encounter physical, verbal, sexual and psychosocial trauma, particularly from the host community The study found 20.8% of children also reported engagement in fuel wood collection47. 44.74% of households reported the host community as a threat for women who collected fuel wood48. In the 2010 Joint Assessment Mission by WFP and UNHCR, women and children cited fear of “beatings and harassment by villagers”49 while collecting firewood.

Further, the current demand in wood fuel resources – at about 4.285kg/household/day50 – puts Cox’s Bazaar District’s environment under considerable strain. The Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand confirmed this demand is higher than the environment is able to provide, resulting in gradual

44D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 29. 45 Sayed, et. al, quoted in D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 33. 46D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 34. 47D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 44. 48D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 44. 49Joint Assessment Mission: Report of the WFP-UNHCR, Bangladesh, WFP-UNHCR. June 2010, p. 37. 50D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 80. 21 depletion of the natural resources and leaving the surrounding forests in a ‘highly degraded […] and critical state’51. The emerging demand of wood fuel on the finite environmental resources is precarious and unsustainable, and will likely encroach on the social forestry projects in the near future and “promote potential conflict with the host community groups”52. 4.1.3 Remittances, Loans, Begging

Reliance on remittances or aid from families is another coping mechanism cited by reports53, but a sample study of both registered and unregistered Rohingya refugees found very few households reported surviving off of remittances. Households reported receiving remittances from Malaysia and Saudi Arabia, and these were often “meager” and “unreliable”54.

Borrowing from relatives or taking loans with high interest rates are common coping strategies55. FGD indicated that buying food on credit is common, so Rohingyas try to maintain good relations with local grocers56. The Rohingya also deposited cooking pots as guarantees for food credit, and if the money was not returned, the grocer sold the pots. This, as well as selling advance labour is particularly true for the “lean season.” Rohingyas also used assets like gold jewelry as a guarantee for loans or as in the case of many newly settled Rohingyas in Balukhali settlement in late 2016, sold the jewelry to meet the cost of daily necessities57.

Begging tends “to be restricted to the most vulnerable”, particularly female-headed households without the support of male relatives58. 4.1.4 Migration

Moving further south in Bangladesh is another coping strategy and constitutes a “de-facto socio- economic local integration” for Rohingyas in the protracted refugee crisis59.

There are increasing number of adult males “departing via irregular movements” through smuggling or human trafficking60. A survey found that Rohingya were much more likely to be targeted by migrant smugglers than the host population, with 27% of Rohingya households reported having been approached directly by smugglers in the previous 12 months61. This is compared with a 6% of a similar incident reported by non-Rohingya households62. The hardship of the main income-earner’s absence is

51D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 80. 52D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 33. 53 Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar’s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p. 29. 54Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47. 55JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23; Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar’s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p. 30. 56 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 23. 57D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 28. 58JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23; 24, 29 IOM Scoping Study 2017 59 Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar’s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p. 29. 60JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 25. 61Laczko, F., Migrant Smuggling Data and Research: A global review of the emerging evidence base, International Organization for Migration, 2016, p. 227. 62Laczko, F., Migrant Smuggling Data and Research, IOM. 2016, p. 227. 22 often aggravated by debts incurred in order to facilitate the irregular movement, and other demands by smuggling syndicates63.

Many young women also migrate to Cox’s Bazaar, Chittagong and Dhaka to work as housemaids, but often to the detriment of family unity, and hardship back in the makeshift site64. 4.1.5 Local Markets, Trading, and Services

Rohingyas sell products in local markets65, such as handcrafted fishing nets66. This is primarily a coping strategy employed by vulnerable groups such as households headed by females, children, or persons with disabilities67.

Rohingyas also engage in petty trading to pay for goods and services68. Other services are offered within the makeshift settlements and host communities based on prior skill sets, including: haircutting; tailoring69; being an imam, priest, or tutor70; creating handicrafts, carpentry, selling breakfast, and domestic work71. 4.1.6 Day Labour

A sample study of registered and unregistered Rohingya refugees found that 88% reported engagement in illicit day labour, such as construction and logging on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border72. The risks associated with such labour are high, as the poor working conditions mean workers may be injured or permanently disabled73. Furthermore, the high supply of skilled and unskilled labour drives wages down, puts the Rohingya in direct competition with the local population, and leaves them vulnerable to exploitation as employers sometimes refuse to pay74. Contractors often preferred to employ Rohingyas in earth and road work as they could be paid as much as 50% less than their Bangladeshi counterparts75. 4.1.7 Wage Work Rohingyas also find work among the host community in nearby villages as cooks, tailors, and rickshaw pullers76. Some find salaried work as fish/shrimp collectors, agricultural labourers/cultivators, and in salt cultivation77. As many Rohingya are engaged in unskilled labour, they are highly affected by seasonality.

63JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 25. 64Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 28. 6510 Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh, MSF. March 2002, p. 20. 66Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47. 67Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47; Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p. 17. 68JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23. 69Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 48. 70D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 24. 71D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 25. 72Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 46. 73Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 46. 74Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 48. 75Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p. 17. 76Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 48. 77D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 24. 23

Those working in agriculture, fishing, salt producing, and rickshaw pulling are particularly vulnerable and face significant hardship during the “lean” or peak monsoon season78. 4.1.8 Intermixing

Some females have been reported to marry into the local population, hoping to secure a more stable lifestyle. In a sample study of registered and unregistered refugees, 4% reported this, however interviews with NGO staff suggested the practice might be more common than was reported79. However, these Rohingyas are still vulnerable as they remain unprotected by national laws, and meet opposition from the government, whom restrict the marriages and do not award citizenship to the women80.

One case revealed that men also marry into the local population, and a WFP report recorded the accounts of two Rohingya brothers who reportedly obtained Bangladeshi identity cards through marriage with Bangladeshi women81. They reported enjoying greater mobility, access to loans, and assimilation into the local community through their marriages82. 4.1.9 Farming and Animal Husbandry

Women were found to engage in subsistence farming, poultry or cow rearing83.(where??) study found 28.43% of women engage in poultry rearing, and 10.46% in vegetable gardening84.

The makeshift sites are a type “safety net” for unregistered refugees who stay in the settlement either in hope to one day be eligible for legal refugee status or as a means of maintaining a channel to aid and food provided to those in the official camps85. The advantage of food assistance afforded to refugees in the official camps “disappears” when looking at some unregistered refugees living amongst host communities.

Thus, unregistered Rohingya refugees in the makeshift settlements were found to be the most food insecure and vulnerable in terms of protection; the high population concentration in the camps and consequently the accelerated deterioration of the natural environs (i.e. deforestation, fishing, water pollution) was a source of conflict and tension86. Interviews indicated unregistered refugees were more accepted by local communities who often “enviedthe distribution of food to [registered] refugees but

78 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 17. 79Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47. 80Roger and Ruaudel, Refugees’ Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets, KNOMAD. September 2016, p. 2; Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 47. 81 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 33. 82 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 33. 83D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 25. 84D’Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p. 28. 85 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 45. 86 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 44. 24 not to needy local people”87. Further tension in FGDsarose due to the host communities’ “unfamiliarity about refugee issues and the reasons for the Rohingya presence in Bangladesh”88. Some believed that Rohingyas brought security problems with them, creating a “pull factor for terrorist groups to enter Bangladesh.”89This highlights the importance of not only the need for a more transitional long-term food security outcomes, but the necessity and opportunity of some kind of local integration and acceptance90.

A large study of Rohingya refugees (registered, unregistered in makeshift camps, unregistered in host communities) by WFP and UNHCR was able to “cluster” the population into four groups based on economic characteristics and livelihood pursuits. However, there is a risk in assessing levels of economic welfare strictly through incomes generated. For instance, while unregistered refugees were more likely to have higher earnings, registered refugees across the board were considered to be better off because they received external assistance. This included food assistance and the fact they didn’t have to repair their shelters when damaged91. 4.2 Specific Labour Markets Linked to Coping Strategies of the Rohingyas

As there is considerable involvement of Rohingyas in various labour markets and arrangements as section 6 points out, three of the predominant ones are discussed here. 4.2.1 Salt Farms In some of the makeshift settlements, as reported in the surveys, Rohingyas are involved as day labourers in salt farms. Although salt mills are more scattered, saltpans where salt is mined are heavily concentrated in the Cox’s bazaar district. The span of the salt production cycle generally commences around November and continues till May92. The peak period for production is usually between March to April. It is considered to be a labour intensive industry with limited technological advances and an overdependence on traditional tools and methods. Around 3 labourers per acre of land is required for salt production. Low selling price of crude salt when compared to production costs as well as smuggling of salt from Myanmar has only made matters worse for salt farmers which in turn clearly has negative ramifications for salt farm labourers. 4.2.2 Shrimp Farming Working as shrimp fry collectors was also reported within the target areas as mentioned in the next section. Teknaf and Ukhia within Cox’s bazaar district are main shrimp fry collection areas in addition to other areas within the southeastern belt of Bangladesh. It has been widely reported in various studies

87 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 41; see generally Synthesis Report of the Joint WFP and UNHCR Impact Evaluation on the Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations, WFP-UNHCR. January 2013. 88Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 51. 89Crabtree, K., ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement’, 2010, p. 52. 90 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 45. 91 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 15. 92 Mamun et. Al, Salt Industry of Bangladesh: A Study in the Cox’s Bazar. Banglavision, v. 14, no.1, June 2014. 25 that women who work as shrimp fry collectors face sexual harassment93. The collection of shrimp fry generally starts around April and peaks during the middle of May though this may vary from region to region94. During the peak period, it has been reported that women may spend the entire night collecting fries. The health hazards are quite significant due to the long hours spent immersed in the water. As with other supply chains within agriculture, shrimp fry collectors are at the receiving end in highly unequal exchanges within both input and output markets. For one, indebtedness has been reported amongst shrimp fry collectors due to loans taken from moneylenders to purchase supplies for the purposes of fry collection. Then there is also the case of middlemen who can and have been reported to purchase fry at lower than market prices due to the limited bargaining power of fry collectors. 4.2.3 Fishing

Fishing and the various livelihoods to which it is linked constitutes one of the primary coping strategies and source of income amongst the poor within the Teknaf coastal region. Both members of the host communities and Rohingyas are involved in fishing from the Naaf river which demarcates the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar. Although fishing takes place throughout the year, March-April and September-October are considered to be more favorable times of the year95. Due to a general lack of access to formal credit mechanisms and fewer NGOs that include coastal fishermen as their target group, dependence on informal sources of credit and moneylenders is common considering the high prices of inputs such as boats and fishing nets. Other problems include low seasonal catch, lack of storage facilities and the overall system of sharing revenue from the catch amongst moneylender, owner of the boat, labourers, boat captain, and others.

93 S. Halim, Marginalization or Empowerment? Women’s Involvement in Shrimp Cultivation and Shrimp Processing Plants in Bangladesh in Women, Gender and Discrimination, Rajshahi, 2004. 94 Mahmood and Ansary, Shrimp Fry Collection as Alternative Livelihood: A Case Study on the Southwest Coastal Region of Bangladesh. ASA University Review, v.7, no.2, July-December, 2013. 95 Chowdhury et. al, Small-scale Fisherman along the Naaf River, Bangladesh in Crisis: A framework for management. Mesopot, J. Mar. Sci, 2011, 26(2). 26

CHAPTER V FINDINGS

In this section, the results of the purposive stratified sample of 160 households that was conducted in four target areas are discussed. In particular, the most prominent coping strategies and livelihoods are discussed and how they are distinguishable across different units of comparison such as gender, age, disability and geographic settlement. 5.1. Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies

Some coping strategies are clearly across the board – for instance, begging, day labour and working as domestic help are consistently found, particularly amongst the most vulnerable across each of the makeshift settlements that were included in the survey. Other more common coping strategies, especially for the better off, are running small stalls/shops inside the camp or some form of wage labour in stalls either inside or outside of the settlement and restaurants and factories as far off as Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaar.

An aggregate picture of incidence of different livelihoods is presented based on the broad categories that are used in national accounts. As Figure 1 demonstrates, the predominance of services is staggering and involvement in industry minimal across the sampled households in all of the settlements. Figure 1: Incidence of Livelihoods across Broad Categories96

96 As these were broad categories, agriculture was inclusive of fisheries and farming. We excluded foresting as this was common across majority of households. Industry referred to employment in factories such as garments. Services were the broadest category that mainly included such activities as domestic help, tailoring, and restaurant/stall work. Begging and other activities were not included as they did not fit into either of the categories. 27

Based on the sampled households in the target areas and the vast spectrum of coping strategies and livelihoods that they are engaged in, we ventured to classify these into a workable typology as presented in Table 2.

Table 2: Typology of Coping Strategies and Livelihoods

Coping strategies Livelihoods First order Second Unskilled Semi skilled Salaried/entrepreneurial/other order- -Receipt of aid -Sale or - Domestic work - Day labour: -Microenterprise tokens exchange of -Day labour: construction -Fishing (boat captain or mazhi) -Begging tokens agricultural, fishing, Handicrafts, -Restaurant work in Cox’s bazaar -Support from -Mortgaging carrying water, tailoring or elsewhere neighbors/relatives of tokens offloading -Carpentry, -Factory based employment in -Sale of assets -Sale of fuel -Wage labour in repair surrounding cities (jewelry/etc) wood microenterprises -Migrant abroad sending -Collection of fuel -Inter- -Fish processing remittances wood marriage -Rickshaw -Skipping meals -Trader

As discussed in the methodology section, we argue that coping strategies are distinguishable from livelihoods in that they do not require any exchange of labour or goods produced. A distinction has been made between first order and second order coping strategies with the first order being the most immediate types of strategies taken by Rohingyas to cope inside the settlements. Livelihoods, on the other hand, based on the working definition used in this study, are an exchange of labour or goods for either relief in kind or cash wages or salaries. These have been further classified into unskilled, semi- skilled and salaried or entrepreneurial work. The study, however,does not venture to argue that some are better off than others as far as the types of livelihoods they are engaged in considering the fluid and often times seasonal nature of work97. However, based on the data collected, those with salaried or entrepreneurial types of livelihoods or those who have engaged in successful migration are clearly better off as far as the types of assets they possess overall.98

The types of coping strategies and livelihoods across settlements are mentioned in Table 3 below. For instance, remittances from abroad was only found in LMS and Shamlapur but even in these areas, it was reported for less than 5 percent of the sample. Fishing and fishing related economic activity is by far the most prominent in Shamlapur.

97Even for households undertaking the same occupations, there can be a great deal of heterogeneity as far as economic outcomes and overall welfare. 98The main marker of some wealth was solar powered electricity. An income based classification of welfare is ridden with problems when considering actual incomes reported and recalling seasonal information. In this typology, we do not include the risky types of choices that some households have made such as engagement with contraband and prostitution. 28

Table 3: Incidence of Different Economic Strategies across Settlements for Sampled Households

Economic activity BMS KMS LMS Shamlapur Coping strategies Begging 4 9 13 3 (10.25%) (17.00%) (32.5%) (10%) Unskilled livelihoods Domestic help 6 16 5 4 (15.38%) (30.19%) (12.5%) (13.33%) Rickshaw 0 1 0 0 (0%) (1.89%) (0%) (0%) Miscellaneous jobs: carrying water, 0 0 2 1 recycling, etc. (0%) (0%) (5%) (3.3%) Trader: selling vegetables, nut, groceries, 2 0 2 1 matches, bricks, etc. (5.13%) (0%) (5%) (3.3%) Day labour (agricultural and other) 13 13 8 6 (33.3%) (24.5%) (20.00%) (20%) Wage work (daily wages provided in 11 11 6 2 exchange for work in stalls, stores, etc.) (28.21%) (20.75%) (15%) (6.67%) Semi skilled livelihoods Salaried work (monthly salaries) 1 10 3 1 (2.56%) (18.87%) (7.50%) (3.3%) Tailoring/handicrafts 2 2 4 2 (5.13%) (3.77%) (10.00%) (6.67%) Carpentry/masonry 1 2 1 1 (2.56%) (3.77%) (2.5%) (3.3%) Salaried/entrepreneurial and other Fishing 1 0 2 17 (2.56%) (0%) (5%) (56.67%) Business 1 2 1 2 (2.56%) (3.77%) (2.5%) (6.67%) Remittance from abroad 0 0 1 1 (0%) (0%) (2.5%) (3.3%) Imam 0 1 0 0 (0%) (1.89%) (0%) (0%) Note: Percentages will not add up to 100% due to a single household’s engagement in multiple occupations; foresting is not reported as it was common across all settlements and households

There are certain distinguishable differences across the settlements. In Balukhali, as it is a newly formed makeshift camp with mostly new arrivals, the types of coping strategies that Rohingyas engage in are far less diversified. The predominant coping strategy is accessing relief from organizations like WFP, MSF, IOM, Red Crescent Society and local NGOs like Mukti. The relief consists of various items distributed on a periodic basis including rice, tarpaulin and other such items. Although the distribution of relief is meant to be uniform and timely, the exchange or sale of relief tokens for other necessary items is commonplace as is the allotment of extra tokens to specific groups of persons like block leaders or other 29 selected persons for instance. Some key informants have argued that local ward members are involved in siphoning off relief. As relief is the primary scarce resource, intense competition has in turn spawned both corruption and conflict. There are also cases of locals who stay inside the camp under a presumed Rohingya identity in order to access relief as well as Rohingyas who may take a duplicate residence in BMS in addition to other settlements like KMS in order to receive tokens. The extent of leakages that flow out of the well-meaning system of relief designed and targeted for newly arrived Rohingya requires further investigation.

In BMS, collection of fuel wood from nearby forests is also common, albeit with some risks involved in dealing with forest officials99. Day labour work as shrimp fry collectors within Ukhia for instance was reported. Day labour work as far off as Satkania upazila in Chittagong was also reported by males predominantly. However, given the prevailing day labour rates for the region, it appears that Rohingyas are receiving less for a day’s worth of labour consistent with the findings of other studies. These wages can range from as little as half to approximately 75 percent of the wages earned by Bengalis. Work in some farms such as shrimp farms seem more lucrative although ridden with other problems, particularly for women.100 Table 4: Comparing wages across farms

Type of agricultural labour Average wages reported by Rohingyas Betel nut 200tk daily; 3000tk monthly Paddy 300 tk daily Wheat 200-300tk daily Salt 100-200tk daily Shrimp 300-500tk daily or 4000 to 5000tk monthly Poultry 200tk daily

In KMS, as it is an older makeshift settlement, not all Rohingyas receive relief. Disbursements of relief are targeted mainly for the new arrivals within this settlement. Given the longer duration of Rohingyass, coping strategies are more diversified. The type of day labour work is similar to that of Balukhali. Rohingyas are reported working as day labour in betel nut farms,paddy or wheat fields, mango orchards and construction sites. Wage work in restaurants, stalls and hotels was also found. Migrants to countries such as Malaysia and Thailand was also found which was not the case in BMS. Some of the more secure positions were within NGOs like ACF for instance.or Others held leadership positions within either the block or the camp as a whole.

Similar to that of Kutupalong, the Leda makeshift settlement (LMS) is also older with some Rohingyas being resident there for ten years or longer. Relief is not uniform with precedence given to new arrivals within the settlement. Distinct livelihoods for this area include fishing from the Naaf river and border related work. The predominant form of day labour is work in salt farms. Migration to Malaysia and Thailand was also found.

99 Collection of fuel wood for domestic purposes and/or for sale was found in all of the target areas. As this has been given an exclusive focus in another study, other coping strategies were given greater focus in this study 100 The particular problems that Rohingyas face as day labourers were not directly reported. However, there are a wealth of reports that discuss sexual harassment and other hazards in shrimp farms. 30

In Shamlapur, fishing related occupations dominate the type of livelihoods Rohingyas engage in. These include day labour on boats, fish transport and processing, weaving of fishing nets and boat rentals as listed below and mentioned further in section 5.4.

 Fishing in deep sea  Day labourer on boat  Fish trader  Fish transporter (manual)  Fish cleaning/drying/processing  Weaving of fishing nets  Dry fish business

As there is no formal makeshift settlement, Rohingyas here rent out land from landlords and pay rent. Migration to Malaysia and Thailand was also found as Rohingyas that have resided here for many years, some as long as ten years or more, have attempted to migrate.

The concept of a ‘livelihood zone’101 is useful in the case of the distinct livelihood opportunities in surrounding areas within the four settlements that were enumerated. Table 5 summarizes the distinct livelihoods that Rohingyas have been reported to engage in. When we consider these distinctions, it can be argued that although coping strategies such as begging, sale of assets, and collection of fuel wood are very common across all of the settlements, some of the livelihood opportunities do distinctly differ, particularly across the two upazilas as one would expect. Table 5: Livelihood Zones

Balukhali Kutupalong Leda Shamlapur  Betel nut farm  Betel nut farms  Salt farms  Deep sea work  Wheat/paddy  Fishing from fishing  Mango orchards Naaf river  Fish processing  Border  Fising nets trade/labour  Shrimp fry (transport of collectors cargo/etc.)  Recycling

It is also important to recognize that livelihoods constitutes a broad and overarching set of complex factors and processes. The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach as an analytical framework is used to assess the types of livelihood assets that Rohingyas possess. These are examined below in Table 6.

101 The concept of a livelihood zone has been used in the HEA approach. 31

Table 6: Livelihoods using the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework102

Social Capital Financial Capital

This is the predominant form of capital which Cash savings and assets such as gold have been Rohingyas are dependent on. Inside the reported though marginally. The majority of settlements the most important contacts are the households have reported that whatever assets block leader and members of the BMC and CMC. and savings they had were used up to come to the The close knit community of the Rohingya appears settlements or were looted or destroyed in to support each other when all else fails. Some Myanmar by army officials.104 households also have relatives or known persons outside of the settlement including Teknaf, Moheshkhali, Shahporir Dwip, Cox’s Bazaar, Chittagong, Malaysia, and even USA.103 Human Capital Natural Capital

The vast majority of Rohingyas reported having a The Naaf river that permeates the border between madrasah education of less than five years of Myanmar and Bangladesh as well as coastal schooling. Those individuals who were more fisheries are critical sources of livelihoods in educated are generally the ones who take up posts certain settlements, particularly LMS and within the CMC.105 There is also a strong link Shamlapur. Collection of fuel wood from the between human capital and financial capital as forest is also another form of natural capital which mentioned in footnote 101. Rohingyas are highly dependent on.

Vulnerability context Within a general state of vulnerability and social exclusion due to the stateless nature of their existence, there are factors that compound this vulnerability. Agricultural work is seasonal in nature and this is only exacerbated by the fact that the Southeastern belt is prone to cyclones and floods. Wage discrimination in day labour markets and conflicts that arise over relief distribution also make matters worse. Trafficking to Malaysia and Thailand have been widely reported in LMS, KMS and Shamlapur. In Shamlapur, fishing in the deep sea is a dangerous venture due to the climactic risks involved. Indebtedness and various forms of ‘bondedness’ have also been reported in Shamlapur.

Institutions and Processes

102 Physical capital such as land ownership is also part of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework but was not used in this schema. 103 Some of these locations such as Teknaf, Shah porir Dwip at the mouth of the Naaf river and Moheshkhali, however, are known to be trafficking hotspots and may have actually worsened the welfare of households 104 There may also be underreporting of financial assets based on the logic that doing so will lead to relief being reduced or eliminated. 105 We came across CMC members in KMS and LMS with some command over English and a higher level of education. As reported by Mr. Zahid, a Psychology graduate who lives inside LMS, those who wish to take up higher education may have to pay anywhere between 4 to 5 lakh taka equivalent to the Nasaka security force. There are subject restrictions so for instance Rohingyas cannot take up subjects such as law or an MBBS degree. There have been more restrictions imposed since 2012. 32

Due to the lack of direct government involvement inside the makeshift settlements, the fundamental ‘institution’ of sorts is the governance structure that has been set up to manage the day to day operations of relief distribution and maintain some semblance of order. However, the selection process for those who take up governing roles appears ad hoc and male dominated. Conflict and criminal activity involving or targeting these governance positions has also been reported. Although there is no direct government involvement, local ward members wield a great deal of influence within the settlements.

5.2. Distinctions Across Demographic Cohorts

As the questionnaire that was used distinguished across female headed and child headed households, we explored possible differences in well being and coping strategies across these cohorts.

Though there were minor differences across the makeshift settlements, for the most part, female headed households and women in general were found engaging in a limited number of economic activities such as begging and working as domestic help in surrounding areas in addition to receiving relief and collecting fuel wood. Other activities included tailoring which was found to be more visible in LMS as was fish processing in Shamlapur. Manual day labour and wage work in stalls and restaurants was restricted to younger adult males and male children. There were cases of women who had obtained work in nearby shrimp farms or in garments factories in Chittagong and even further off destinations within the country and abroad. As such, mobility in search of economic opportunities outside of the settlements in surrounding areas and further way was not exclusively a male phenomenon.

Child headed households relied upon relief as well as support from relatives and other known persons. They were also engaged in various forms of wage work in stalls and restaurants in nearby areas. The coping strategies of physically and/or mentally disabled persons and the elderly were not distinct from other households. It depended on what types of coping strategies other household members were involved in. In some cases, members of the household obtained wage work and were able to provide for them. In other cases, they resorted to begging and domestic work. The following provides a snapshot of some of the coping strategies of households across the various settlements.

Zahid Hussain is 70 years old and has been in BMS for under a year. He is physically handicapped, having lost a leg during the war. He stays in the settlement with his wife, son, daughter and two grandchildren. He knows no one outside of the settlement nor is he invited to attend any meetings. Back in Myanmar, he had a small grocery store in addition to farming and fishing. Currently, he sells nuts and chanachur inside the settlement and earns about 150 taka daily. His son works in a nearby restaurant and earns 100 taka daily.

Nur Nahar has been living inside Leda makeshift settlement for more than 5 years. She heads her household and supports her seven children and her husband who is blind. She does various types of day labour activities in a local village. Her daughter works in a garments factory in Chittagong and gets a monthly salary of 3000 taka.

Sobika Akhter is just 12 years old. She arrived in LMS less than a year ago with her mother. Her father died in Myanmar due to illness. Upon arrival in LMS in a span of just a few months, her mother died from diarrhea. Now she lives in a neighbor’s home and works as a domestic help in this home. Though she does not receive any wages, she is taken care of by this household. She

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also has elder siblings who are back in Myanmar and she speaks to them over phone. The woman in whose home she stays allows Sobika to use her phone to keep regular contact with her brothers back home. This woman’s husband is in Malaysia and sends remittances through hundi of anywhere between 10 to 12000 taka regularly. He received this job through an agent in Shah porir Dwip. It cost about 300,000 taka to finance this migration of which half was financed through mortgaging rations.

5.3 Mobility A scoping study conducted recently by IOM, as discussed earlier, discussed the dearth of analysis on the extent of mobility that occurs amongst the Rohingya. This phenomenon was assessed further to determine destination regions using various units of comparison. These are presented below. Figure 2: Incidence of mobility across settlements

Note: incidence reflects percentage within sample for each settlement

In BMS for instance, we did not come across any households who had immediate family members outside of Bangladesh with exception to relatives who were still in Myanmar. The incidence of mobility was significantly higher in the other target areas and particularly, LMS and Shamlapur where Rohingyas have stayed for a far longer duration than the new arrivals in Balukhali. As far as destinations within the country, Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaarwere the top reported locations outside of Bangladesh.

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Figure 3: Top destinations for Rohingyas in Target Areas106

60

50

40

30 57.1% 20 17.9 % 10 17.9 % 0 3.6% 3.6%

Note: the percentages reflect the incidence of location of migration amongst only households with migrant members across all settlements Figure 4: Incidence of male versus female migration

The gender disaggregated picture reveals that female migration outside of the settlement is not at all insignificant. For some destinations like Dhaka and India, we only found female involvement within the sample. The incidence of female mobility to Thailand and Malaysia was also considerable though not as high as that of males.

106 These are in addition to the union level migratory movements and in between settlement areas. For instance, migration from Shamlapur to Kutupalong or Balukhali or Palongkhali union in general was also reported. 35

Figure 5: Migration based on length of stay in settlement

Note: Incidence as a percentage is based on total number of households reporting some form of migration

Another dimension that was explored was length of stay inside the settlement and how that was linked to mobility. Length of stay was categorized into new, medium and long term which referred to under one year, one to five years and more than five years respectively. As expected, the mobility of new arrivals is mostly within the country. However, the fact that there are cases of new arrivals who arrived in under a year and are migrating abroad is cause for concern as it raises alarm bells that ‘dalals’ are still active especially when considering the phenomenon of trafficking. 5.4 Detrimental Coping Strategies

Given the precarious and ultimately makeshift nature of existence for the Rohingyas scattered throughout the various settlements and surrounding areas, it comes as no surprise that some of the coping mechanisms they use end up being detrimental both to themselves and the wider host communities. Their prolonged statelessness also makes them victim to exploitation on various fronts.

Drug peddling and prostitution do exist within the settlements but it was difficult to ascertain the extent of such activities given the sensitive nature of such issues. There were cases of possible sex workers in Balukhali and Kutupalong.107Given the proximity of the Bangladesh Myanmar border to LMS for instance, yaba trade involving Rohingyas does take place108 though it also was found in BMS and KMS. In KMS, there was also evidence of involvement in extremist activity based on a key informant interview. Some excerpts are presented below.

107 In KMC, E2 block appeared to have many engaged in prostitution based on an enumerator’s observations. However, this cannot be confirmed and requires further triangulation. 108 Inside the Leda Makeshift settlement during the course of enumeration, the principal investigator and volunteers could smell the stench of drugs by young males in block F. 36

Md. Yusuf, BMS, C2

Md. Yusuf has a small stall inside the BMS camp. He knows the block leader of C2 very well as he stays close by. He claims that this block leader is involved with yaba trade. He further claims that this block leader has given money as bribes to the local ward member and to others in the camp management committee to become a block leader.

Mataleb, Member of Policing Committee C block, LMS

Mataleb is a member of the block management committee for C block. He claims that the ward member of Teknaf is like a “godfather” as he put it in English. This ward member, according to his statement, is a supplier of drugs. There have been Rohingya dalals who were engaged in trafficking as well. He further claims that the ‘pradhan’ or head of Al-Yaqin use to stay in Leda but was later caught in Teknaf.

Nurul Kabir Landlord, Block E1, KMS

Nurul Kabir is the block ‘malik’ of E1. He took a 99 year lease for 15 bighas of land from the government under the Ekti Bari, Ekti Khamar programme. This is essentially forest land which he has cleared. He is setting up mango orchards and gives employment to Rohingyas who live on this new block. He says that he takes no rent from the Rohingyas that live on his block. There has been corruption within KMS due to a previous ward member by the name of Mv. Buktiar109.

Certain blocks in KMS like A and D block have been known to have dalals who were engaged in trafficking Rohingyas to places like Thailand. There is a dalal amongst the Rohingyas who was in prison but is now back in the camp. He himself went to Malaysia through Badam Musa and knows of people who were trafficked and held for ransom. This was a few years ago though he claims that since 2015, it is no longer as high as it once was. Certain Rohingyas within KMS are involved in martial arts trainings in the dead of night deep within the nearby forested areas west of the camp . This is linked to Al Yeakin otherwise known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Nurul Kabir also mentioned that some of the recent murders of CMC leaders are linked to this and possibly because they do not support such activity.

109 The corruption of Mv. Buktiar, former ward member was confirmed through the following link: http://www.rvisiontv.com/conspiracy-against-relocation-rohingya-refugee-camps-in-bangladesh/ The principal investigator and one of the enumerators visited his home near the camp. It appears as though he retain a considerable influence in the settlement. During our visit, some BMC members also called upon him. 37

Harakah al-Yaqin is an insurgent militant group of Rohingyas based in Myanmarbut with outfits in different countries. No evidence of extremism linked to any other militant groups or networks was found. In LMS, there were a number of households who reported involvement with Tablighi Jamaat and received various gifts such as fans and other durable assets in return for attending regular meetings in different towns. However, this did not appear as any form of militant or extremist activity.

Trafficking to countries such as Malaysia and Thailand was also recorded in KMS, LMS and Shamlapur, particularly for Rohingyas who have been living within Bangladesh for a longer period of time. This was not the case for the surge of new arrivals who have been entering Bangladesh since October 2016 though with some exceptions in Shamlapur. There were local ‘dalals’ or brokers both within the settlement and within the Rohingya community as well as in nearby towns. In LMS, the former CMC chairman whom we interviewed claimed that he was wrongly accused of acting as a dalal by the government and went into hiding for several years as a result.110 A recent crackdown by the government has lead to key arrests of ‘godfathers’ operating in the Teknaf area.111 Similar crackdowns in Thailand have also taken place.

In the majority of cases where a relative has gone abroad, the majority of respondents reported that they were trafficked and were either killed or in prison as the figure below demonstrates.

Figure 6: Fate of Migrant Rohingyas in all Target Areas

In some cases, the respondents who were enumerated have no account of where their relatives currently are. Some excerpts are presented below that narrate the experiences of returnees who survived the ordeal.

110 Interview with Md. Ayub, former CMC chairman of LMS 111 newspaper 38

Monjur Rahman, Para Unnayan Committee chairman, Shamlapur112

Monjur went with a friend to meet a dalal in Teknaf Harakali. He took a loan of 18,000 taka from his mother in law to finance his trip. They were taken by car in the middle of the night. Saidin Sairat was the name of the ship he took on his journey to Thailand and then to Malaysia. On the ship, they were given two packets of Maggi noodles twice a day. Many died on board the ship. The captain of the ship was Buddhist. In Thailand, they stayed in the jungle for one night before reaching Badam Musa at the Thailand Malaysia border. He did construction work in Malaysia but then returned after a few years. “It is better to starve than go to Malaysia,” he stated. Nur Begum, KMS

Nur Begum has been in Bangladesh for some 15 years. She is about 35 years old. Her mother was trafficked to Thailand. The ‘dalals’ demanded a ransom in order to free the mother. As they could not do so, she was left stranded in the Thailand jungle. Somehow, her mother was able to manage to enter Malaysia after some time though it only ended up with her being thrown in prison. Nur Begum presumes her mother is still in prison there. For the last two years, Nur Begum has been working with ACF for a monthly salary of 2000 taka. She received this job through a lottery.

Mosaba Khatun LMS

It has been over five years that Mosaba has been staying inside the makeshift settlement in Leda. Both her husband and daughter went to Malaysia at separate times and she has no contact with them. She spoke to her daughter only once over telephone but she has not contacted her since then. She has an uncle in law who stays in Tulatuli, Teknaf. He has many criminal contacts there apparently. There is also a dalal she knows who spent some time in prison but is currently staying in C block. Her son works as a day labourer and gets a daily wage of anywhere between 200 to 300 taka.

Md. Ayub, CMC LMS

Md. Ayub is a madrasah teacher and the ‘elected’ chairman of LMS based on an election that was held four years ago by the UNO. According to the chairman, when Muslim Aid no longer provided relief back in 2008, there was a period of extreme hardship in this settlement. According to him, 12 children died of pneumonia and diarrhea.113This was before IOM was providing relief. There may be some drug trade but not to that extent. Often times it is the women involved in swallowing yaba tablets and bringing it across

112 Based on interview with chairman of Para Development Committee member in Shamlapur 113Though we could not confirm this number of deaths, there was evidence in newspaper reports that suggested a number of deaths occurring on this site around the same time suggested by the LMS chairman. See the following link to an article in the Asian Tribune:http://www.asiantribune.com/node/13962 39 the border from Myanmar. Bangladeshis are also involved so why is the blame being pinned only on Rohingyas. There is also no Harakah al-Yaqin presence, he claims. However, siphoning of relief by ward members does exist. He also claims that he was wrongly accused of trafficking and ‘disappeared’ for a few years. He recently returned to LMS to reclaim his position as chairman.

5.5 Exploitive Practices

Finally, Rohingyas also face highly discriminatory treatment within the types of economic coping strategies that they pursue within Bangladesh. It is quite common for Rohingyas to receive lower daily wages for day labour compared to their Bengali counterparts. As mentioned earlier, this could be anywhere between half to three quarters of that received by locals. In Shamlapur, the dominant survival strategy that Rohingyas pursue is highly exploitive. Many of the male respondents enumerated in Shamlapur have taken advances from different boat owners and in return, they are able to rent out the boat for fishing. As the Rohingya cannot access formal credit markets or microcredit due to their stateless identity, they generally have no other choice but to rely on these informal sources. In exchange, the boat owners or ‘maliks’ as they are called generally receive half of the revenue from the catch114. As the system of ‘dadondar’ or moneylender is entrenched, there is also evidence that the prices of the catch are determined by the boat maliks who clearly have a vested interest in usurping as much profit as possible. The remaining amount goes towards the costs of day labour, fuel and other costs. Whatever remains is very little to be able to pay back the original loan advance. Hence, the loanees are locked inside what appears to be a bonded relationship as they cannot pay back the principal, let alone the exorbitant interest rates imposed on them. There is also evidence of monopsonistic115 relationships where the land that the Rohingyas rent out are owned by the same boat malik. If it is not the same person, generally the boat malik and the landlord are known to each other and can easily evict the Rohingyas in the case of nonpayment. This was actually reported to be the case for a number of Rohingyas who were evicted and in turn moved to the Balukhali makeshift settlement.These practices are also evident amongst coastal fishermen who are Bangladeshi. 5.6 Determinants of Overall Welfare

As the overall state of living conditions are poor and the types of coping strategies limited, to determine differences in the level of well-being was a challenge. Nonsampling biases where respondents understate wages earned or relief given may have also been present. Thus, the use of assets provided a better measure in such settings to determine differences in welfare, however narrow these differences may be.116However, we did come across certain visual differences that were used as markers to determine how well-off households were. Though this was not the case in BMS, in the remaining settlements, one indicator of wealth was the presence of electrical solar powered current within the dwellings of certain households. A few dwellings visited also possessed water filters and battery fans which were clearly purchases and not relief items. The coping strategies of these better off households

114How much the fishermen end up keeping is highly dependent on their negotiating capacity however and whether receiving half of the catch can been seen in a positive light or not depends on how much others receive and the extent of indebtedness. 115 A monopsony in Economics refers to a situation where there is only one buyer in contradistinction to a monopoly where there is only one seller. It often occurs in input markets such as labour, credit, land and so on. 116 Assets have been used as an overall measure of welfare in the Demographic Health Surveys (DHS) 40 was a combination of entrepreneurial activity, salaried employment or receipt of remittances from abroad.

There are a number of factors at play that can explain why some households are able to accumulate faster or appear to be in a generally better off position than others. Preexisting wealth accumulation or savings from Myanmar itself is a major factor. Those who were engaged in businesses in Myanmar tend to take on similar types of activities within the settlements and are in a better economic position. The buildup of social capital within the settlement and outside is perhaps of critical importance. Having relatives or known persons who can navigate relief networks and job opportunities and support new arrivals was found to be the predominant method for Rohingyas in sustaining themselves. Some Rohingyas clearly had access to more privileges in the form of relief tokens and other benefits through the leadership positions they obtained within the block as block leaders or block volunteers or within the camp management committees. Block leaders and other members of the block management committees sought to be on good terms with the local ward members who seem to wield a great deal of influence and power over the selection of block leaders.117 Wage work, both within the country and in countries like Malaysia if employment was secured and remittances were sent regularly, were also associated with better off economic positions. These households were able to finance migration to these countries through loans from relatives and accumulated savings. In one case in LMS, a respondent mentioned that they mortgaged rations to partly finance her husband’s migration to Malaysia.

In addition to social capital and the ability to obtain privileged positions, mobility was an important aspect of well being. Those who could access economic opportunities outside of the camp or even farther off in places like Cox’s bazaar or Chittagong had access to higher incomes. This mobility appeared to be more of a male phenomenon though it was not completely absent amongst females either. This mobility could also be linked to duration, also an important determinant of welfare. As mentioned earlier, the coping strategies of the new arrivals was far more limited though they had a greater access to relief from multiple agencies. This was found, in fact, to be a source of conflict in KMS and LMS where the settlements were mixed with new arrivals alongside those who have resided within the settlements for several years. In the case of LMS, interestingly, the new arrivals who were relegated to a relatively undeveloped area of the settlement paid rent for their dwellings to landlords/forest officials which the longer term residents did not have to incur. There was also a great deal of unevenness in other costs incurred across the sites. In Balukhali, for instance, some of the stall owners paid monthly rents to CMC members whereas other stall ownersdid not report such costs. The confluence of officially designated UMN leadership and local ward members and their roles in the distribution of relief and imposition of costs and rents is a gray area that needs more attention118.

117 It has also been suggested that some ward members may also be using their choice of block leaders to siphon relief 118 In Shamlapur, based on enumeration in Notun para or Nur Nagar para, there has been a claim made that NGO Forum officials are also involved in siphoning relief.

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CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS

This section summarises the main findings and key conclusions that can be drawn. A total of 150 respondents were enumerated across four settlements in two upazilas in Cox’s Bazaar district. Both new arrivals and long term residents were enumerated as were female headed and child headed households alongside male headed households. 6.1 Predominant Threats and Vulnerabilities Vulnerability inside the settlements and in surrounding areas is pervasive. The Rohingya live in squalor, poverty and in a general state of uncertainty. This is only exacerbated by climactic vulnerabilities which are also evident in this region. The region is prone to cyclones and flooding and the nature of certain livelihoods such as fishing in the open sea are also risky ventures. We discuss more types of threats and vulnerabilities that Rohingyas encounter as discussed below. 6.1.1 Conflict over Resources

The dependence on aid from various international agencies and NGOs is extensive for the Rohingya and in particular the new arrivals who have no other recourse for their survival other than the relief they receive. Conflict over resources and corruption in distribution channels was reported in each and every target area. The role of ward members is a particularly dubious one that requires further investigation. Although they have been viewed for their positive role in influencing the host community’s level of acceptance of Rohingyas, their role in siphoning relief has also been reported. Cases of local community members siphoning relief has also occurred and has been reported in KMS, LMS and Shamlapur. Moreover, there are cases of duplication where a single Rohingya household can have multiple homes simply in order to access relief. This was found in the case of Rohingyas from Kutupalong who also took residence inside BMS, the newly formed makeshift settlement. Moreover, claims have been made that local community members are passing off as Rohingyas to access relief and in some instances, under the direction of ward members. This again was evidenced in BMS. The possible role of block leaders in leaking out relief to politically influential persons or siphoning the relief for their own households is also a matter of concern. The role of power within the fluid governance structures inside makeshift settlements and how this ultimately influences resource allocation is of utmost importance. 6.1.2 Extremism

Engagement with militancy and extremism was found in KMS and has been reported by several key informants and confirmed in newspaper reports.119 The nature of this involvement is linked to Harakah

119See Reuters report, “Murders, masked men spook Rohingya in Bangladesh camps,” July 14th, 2017.

42 al-Yaqin, a militant Rohingya group based in Myanmar whose sole aim is the liberation of Rohingyas in Myanmar. Recent murders that have taken place in KMS are possibly linked to tensions arising as a result of this extremism. As discussed earlier, it has been reported that there is a training center hidden within the forest near KMS where trainings are taking place. Arms have also been uncovered from homes (reference). 6.1.3 Risky Coping Strategies

The extent of sex work that may be occurring inside the settlements is difficult to ascertain considering the unwillingness to report such activity. From inferences made by neighbours and relatives within the settlements, it appears as though there are cases of this occurring within Balukhali though it cannot be confirmed. Engagement in the drug trade has also been reported in a similar way, through other Rohingyas, in BMS, KMS and LMS. Newspaper reports also confirm the thriving drug trade occurring near border areas like LMS for instance. Again, the role of ward members in facilitating this trade requires further examination.

Trafficking is another thriving industry to which Rohingyas are highly susceptible. Cases of trafficking were widely reported in KMS, LMS and Shamlapur, particularly amongst the longer term Rohingyas. Areas such as Teknaf, Cox’s Bazaar, Moheshkhali and Shahporir Dwip are trafficking hotspots with many ‘dalals’ engaged in the trade. Although it has been claimed by some Rohingya that this has come down due to recent crackdowns, it is still a very alarming concern particularly when considering that Bangladesh is not signatory to important conventions on trafficking. Many of the dalals within the settlements who were involved in trafficking are no longer in prison according to the claims of the Rohingya. It has also been reported that trafficking related crimes have not been addressed adequately.120 6.2 Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies

In this study, we were able to compare across makeshift settlements as well as type of households. Receipt of aid forms the backbone of coping in the newest makeshift settlements like BMS and amongst the new arrivals in KMS and LMS. Other common coping strategies, particularly amongst female headed households include begging and domestic work. Wage work and day labour are also common across all settlements. However, the nature of this day labour is distinct across the upazilas. There is a distinct livelihood zone in Shamlapur, for instance, where fishing and fishing related livelihoods are dominant. In Leda, due to its geographical location within Teknaf, work in salt farms is common as a form of day labour. In Balukhali and Kutupalong, agricultural based day labour in betel nut, paddy and wheat farms was widely reported.

Engagement in a more diverse set of coping strategies was found in LMS and in Shamlapur. For instance, in Leda, tailoring was more visible amongst women inside the settlements. Recycling, carrying water and border related work such as offloading cargo was recorded. Interestingly, there was very little engagement with transport such as rickshaw/van. In fact, only one case was recorded in KMS. Surprisingly, selling of breakfast, which has been reported in various scoping studies, was not at all found within the sample in this assessment.

120 Bangladesh has been placed on the watch list in the most recent US trafficking report in 2017 43

6.3 Recommendations

Based on the findings, some initial recommendations can be made as far as future livelihoods programmatic interventions and further research. These are discussed below.

Underutilised coping strategies: Given the limited engagement with certain livelihoods perhaps due to a lack of training, capital, or both, there is scope to promote specific skills through vocational training programs in areas such as tailoring, handicrafts and metal work for instance. Other underutilized livelihoods were rickshaw/van and selling of breakfast. The role of Rohingyas in receiving training in health related occupations such as skilled birth attendants and so on can also be considered.

Transparent, democratic governance: Taking the example of LMS where an election was held to determine the leadership for the settlement, instituting similar governance mechanisms in all of the settlements can perhaps reduce to some extent the influence of corrupt motives.

Role of women in leadership positions: Within the governance structure inside the makeshift settlements which consists of block leaders, BMC members and CMC, we came across very few women holding leadership positions. Although women perhaps do hold various managerial positions, it was not very visible. Bringing in more women into these positions can help to address the particular issues women or female headed households face and as a matter of diversifying the leadership base from one that appears ad hoc to one that is more rational and representative of the settlement.

Areas for future research: When considering that new arrivals are still pouring into the border and aid agencies are already overstretched, there is a pressing need to assess the scale of leakages that occur within relief distribution networks. The governance structure and the power and influence that ward members have over relief distribution and trade in contraband also requires further investigation.

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REFERENCES

Abrar, CR. and Sikder, Md., Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns of Cox’s Bazaar District, International LabourOrganisation, Dhaka. April 2007. Available at: http://www.rmmru.org/newsite/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/workingpaper43.pdf Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 1: Undocumented Myanmar Nationals in Teknaf and Ukhia, Cox’s Bazaar. IOM. March 2017. Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2: Undocumented Myanmar Nationals in Teknaf and Ukhia, Cox’s Bazaar. IOM. April 2017. Chambers R, Conway G. Sustainable rural livelihoods: practical concepts for the 21st century. Institute of Development Studies (UK); 1992. Chowdhury MS, Hossain MS, Das NG, Barua P. Small-scale fishermen along the Naaf River, Bangladesh in crisis: a framework for management Mesopot. J. Mar. Sci. 2011;26(2):146-69. Community Report Cox’s Bazaar Zila, Population and Housing Census 2011, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics and Informatics Division Ministry of Planning. June 2012. Available at: http://203.112.218.66/WebTestApplication/userfiles/Image/Census2011/Chittagong/Cox%27s% 20Bazar/Cox%27s%20Bazar%20at%20a%20glance.pdf Corbett J. Famine and household coping strategies. World development. 1988 Sep 1;16(9):1099- 112. Cox’s Bazaar Zila, Bangladesh (web), 2011 Census. City Population. Available at http://www.citypopulation.info/php/bangladesh-admin.php?adm1id=22 Crabtree, K, ‘Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement: A Case Study of the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh’, Journal of Muslim Mental Health, vol. 5, no. 1, 2010, pp. 41-58. Development of Upazila Disaster Management Plan: Ukhia, Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief. August 2014. Available at: https://www.scribd.com/document/261610770/DM-Plan- Ukhia-Upazila-Coxsbazar-District-English-Version-2014 DfID, U. "Sustainable livelihoods guidance sheets. UK DFID Department for International Development: London." (2007). Flash Floods in Cox’s Bazaar, Bandarban and Chittagong Districts, HCTT Joint Needs Assessment. June-July 2015. Available athttp://cxbcoordination.org/wp- content/uploads/2017/04/Flash-Floods-in-Cox%E2%80%99s-Bazar-Bandarban-and-Chittagong- Districts_20072015-4.pdf

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Jaspars S, Shoham J. A Critical Review of approaches to assessing and monitoring livelihoods in situations of chronic conflict and political instability. London: Overseas Development Institute; 2002 Dec. Joint Assessment Mission: Report of the WFP-UNHCR JAM, Bangladesh, WFP-UNHCR. June 2010. Joint Assessment Mission: Myanmar Refugees in Cox’s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012. Joshi, Shareen. "Female household-headship in rural Bangladesh: incidence, determinants and impact on children's schooling." (2004). Laczko, F., Migrant Smuggling Data and Research: A global review of the emerging evidence base, IOM. 2016. Mahmood, S.M. Shah and Bikash Saud Ansary, “Shrimp Fry Collection as Alternative Livelihood: A Case Study on the Southwest Coastal Region of Bangladesh,” ASA University Review, V.7, no.2, July-December 2013. Mamun, Mohammad Abdullah, Md. Raquib, Tasmina Chowdhury Tania, Syed Mohammed Khaled Rahman, “Salt Industry of Bangladesh: A Suty in the Cox’s Bazar,” Banglavision, v. 14, No.1, June 2014. Nielson, N.et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations; its Impact and Role in Bangladesh: A Mixed Method Impact Evaluation. WFP. December 2012. Available at http://www.unhcr.org/510fcefb9.pdf Rahman, M.Z. Livelihoods of Rohingyas and their Impacts on Deforestation in: Tani, M. Rahman, M. (eds.) Deforestation in the Teknaf Peninsula of Bangladesh, Springer, Singapore, 2018. Rémid’Annunzio, Liam Costello, IkbalFaruk, and RajibMahamud,Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand in Displacement Settings and Surrounding Areas in Cox’s Bazaar District.IOM. May 2017. Reuters, “Stateless Rohingya refugees sucked into booming Bangladesh drug trade,” February 15, 2012. ______”Murders, masked men spook Rohingya in Bangladesh camps,” July 14, 2017. Riley, A et. al, ‘Daily stressors, trauma exposure, and mental health among stateless Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh’, Transcultural Psychiatry, vol. 554, no. 3, 2017, pp. 304-331. Roger, Z. and Ruaudel, H., Refugees’ Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets – An Assessment Part II Country Cases (Preliminary), KNOMAD. September 2016. Scoping Study of Cox’s Bazaar Humanitarian and Development Studies, Bangladesh, IOM. May 2017.

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Seaman J, Clarke P, Boudreau T, Holt J. The household economy approach. A Resource Manual for Practitioners. 2000. Synthesis Report of the Joint WFP and UNHCR Impact Evaluation on the Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations, WFP-UNHCR. January 2013. 10 Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh: Past, Present and Future, MSF. March 2002. The Guardian, “Myanmar treatment of Rohingya looks like ‘textbook ethnic cleansing,’ UN says,” September 11, 2017.

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ANNEX:

Annex 1 List of Key Informants

Name Position Location Mahmud Hossain Block leader, I1 BMS Mohammed Ayub Block volunteer, Block I BMS Md. Saber Block leader, B1 BMS Md. Khalil Block leader, A1 BMS Md. Yusuf Block C2 resident and stall owner BMS Nurul Kabir Block zamindar , E1 KMS Abul Kalam Mazhi Block leader, E1 KMS Abdul Hafiz Block leader, A1 KMS Mv. Bukhtiar Ahmed Ward member Kutupalong Md. Nur CMC secretary KMS Mataleb BMC policing committee LMS Amir Hossain CMC secretary LMS Md. Ayub CMC ‘elected’ chairman LMS Monjur Rahman Para Unnayan Committee chairman Shamlapur

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Annex 2 QUESTIONNAIRE FOR STUDY ON: ASSESSMENT OF COPING STRATEGIES OF UNDOCUMENTED MYANMAR NATIONALS IN TWO UPAZILAS IN COX’S BAZAAR DISTRICT, BANGLADESH

Name of Enumerator Date Codes

………………… 1st visit……………… 2nd visit………………

Upazila

………………… Union

………………..

Name of makeshift settlement 1 1 Kutupalong 2 2 Balukhali 3 3 Leda 4 4 Shamlapur

Part 1: DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

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A01 A02 A03 Name of Principal Respondent Gender Length of stay in settlement or surrounding areas 1 ……………………………… 1 2 2 3 4

A04 Code for Code for A03 Age A02 Less than 6 months …….. 1 Male 6 months to a year 2 Female Up to 5 years More than 5 years

A05 A06 Code for A06 A07 Code for A07 Number of household members residing Headship 1 Female Process Death of spouse with respondent 1 2 Child/youth leading to 2 Death of parents/guardian 3 Male headship 3 Illness or disability …… 2 1 4 Abandonment If you answered 2 Migrated spouse or parent 3 1 or 2, proceed 3 6 Other (specify) to A07 4 ………………………………………….. 5 6

Enumerator’s comments ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

List each household member, their age and relationship to respondent

Name Age Relationship to respondent

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B01 B02 Code for B02 Does the respondent have economic/financial If yes, then where 1 Myanmar links with other household members currently are these Other country ……………………………. not in settlement? members located? Other settlement or surrounding area in Bangladesh 1 YES NO 2 3

Human Capital

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C01 Code for C01 and C02 C02 C03 Code for C03 Level of education of Less than five years of What is highest education Type of principal respondent schooling level received by any Education 1 Madrasah 2 Five to eleven years member within household Non Madrasah 1 3 High school graduate 1 Both 2 Some college 1 2 3 College graduate 2 3 4 Beyond college 3 5 4 6 5 6 Social Capital C04 C05 C06 Code for C06 Does respondent have Does respondent or members of relatives or known household participate in any formal or What is the nature of 1 Mosque or religious persons outside of informal settlement management participation, if any, with meetings makeshift settlement committee networks/associations? area School management 1 NGO committees or 2 1 2 2 meetings 3 Other Yes No Yes No 4 …………………………… ……… Physical capital Code for C07 C08 C07 List all assets the household owned in Land Does the household currently have any cash Myanmar 2 Cow or other livestock savings? 3 Jewelry/ornaments ………………………………………… Other (specify) ………………………………………… Don’t know 2 3 ………………………………… Yes No No answer

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List occupation(s) members of this household were engaged in within Myanmar?

Enumerator’s comments:

Current coping strategies

Check all those that apply in box ( in consideration of all members of household) Comments (details of NGO/labor contract/location of work/etc) 1 Aid/support from NGO or other 2 Microcredit loan 3 Fishing/shrimp fry collector 4 Farming/cultivating 5 Carpentry/Masonry

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6 Cow rearing 7 Poultry rearing 8 Contraband (drugs or other to be specified)** 9 Remittance/gift 10 Work with local NGO 11 Salaried employment 12 Handicrafts 13 Vendor/stall/petty trade 14 Prostitution** 15 Tailoring (sewing/knitting/weaving handloom) 16 Domestic help 17 Selling of breakfast or meals 18 Sale of fuel wood or other forest products 19 Sale of assets/jewelry 20 Savings 21 Day laborer 22 Wage worker 23 Advance sale of labour 24 Mechanic 25 Rickshaw/auto/van 26. Begging 27. Imam/priest/house tutor 28. Small business 29. Other (specify) 30. Other (specify)

** Sensitive issues to be broached with caution

Enumerator’s comments:

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List strategies as mentioned above starting from the most important from the respondent’s perspective down to the least (use duplicate sheets if necessary to include all strategies)

A. C. D. E. F. Strategy/activity B Which Income How was this Nature of extra . months earned( source of income costs/barriers/fees/bribes # or daily or obtained? (see towards managing or season monthl code) obtaining this source of o (if it can y) income on regular f be basis(see code) specifie m d) o n t h s

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Code for F: Code for E NGO support Forest officials On own Police Committee support NGO Relative or friend Other UMN Payment/bribe in cash or kind Registered MNs Loan Host community members Other (specify) Middlemen Other (specify)

Enumerator comments:

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Questionnaire completed ……………….

Questionnaire incomplete ……………….

Reasons in the case of partial completion: …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

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