Pasifika Well-Being and Trans-Tasman Migration: A Mixed Methods Analysis of Samoan and Tongan Well-Being Perspectives and Experiences in and Ruth (Lute) Faleolo B.A. Geography/History, M.A. Development Studies, M.Ed. Adult Education

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of in 2020 School of Architecture Aboriginal Environments Research Centre Institute for Social Science Research Life Course Centre, Brisbane Abstract

It has been suggested that Brisbane is the new 'land of milk and honey' for Pasifika groups based in Auckland, who are seeking a 'better' life. Although contemporary Pasifika trans-Tasman migration is happening at increasing rates and has been noticeable since the 1990s, this process has not hitherto, been accurately recorded or fully understood. The trans-Tasman migration literature suggests that Pasifika movements are economically driven. However, my research shows that Pasifika trans- Tasman migration involves a host of other reasons that relate to Pasifika notions of well-being. Therefore, the aim of my research is to understand Pasifika perceptions of well-being and their trans- Tasman migrant experiences that fulfil their well-being aims. The focus is on the movements of Samoan and Tongan groups, between Auckland and Brisbane, and utilises a mixed-methods approach within Pasifika research frameworks to capture Pasifika voices and understandings. Interviews, surveys and participant observations were carried out during 2015-2018 in Auckland and Brisbane. The interweaving of the qualitative and quantitative data sets recorded in this study provide a deeper understanding of the salient links that exist between Pasifika notions of well-being and their trans- Tasman migration movements. The findings show that Pasifika define their well-being holistically: Tongan mo‘ui ‘oku lelei and Samoan ola manuia are usefully understood as eight spheres of well- being. The interconnections between the eight spheres influence both current experiences of well- being and future outlooks held by Pasifika living in Auckland, compared to Brisbane. A key finding is that the spiritual/God (relationship with God and church), familial/social (relationship with significant others) and cultural spheres are intrinsic to the holistic well-being of Pasifika individuals and their collectives within Auckland and Brisbane. These three spheres have been redefined within the freedoms and new spaces found in Brisbane, compared to Auckland. This process of redefinition is particularly evident amongst the second-generation and third-generation descendants of the Pasifika migrants. Another key finding is the defining of Pasifika economic participation in the labour markets within and . Economic provision and economic sustainability spheres are best understood in light of the collective well-being of Pasifika. The research has also generated an innovative methodological development. E-talanoa is an informant-centred method of studying multi-sited Pasifika groups, using online forums, and represents a contribution to the culturally appropriate data collection of Pasifika voices and knowledge for the trans-Tasman literature and diaspora discourse. Given the obvious lack of information on Pasifika well-being and trans-Tasman migration, this study can inform both local and national government policies that are affecting the well-being of Pasifika migrants living in Australia.

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Declaration by author

This thesis is composed of my original work, and contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference has been made in the text. I have clearly stated the contribution by others to jointly authored works that I have included in my thesis.

I have clearly stated the contribution of others to my thesis as a whole, including statistical assistance, survey design, data analysis, significant technical procedures, professional editorial advice, financial support and any other original research work used or reported in my thesis. The content of my thesis is the result of work I have carried out since the commencement of my higher degree by research candidature and does not include a substantial part of work that has been submitted to qualify for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution. I have clearly stated which parts of my thesis, if any, have been submitted to qualify for another award.

I acknowledge that an electronic copy of my thesis must be lodged with the University Library and, subject to the policy and procedures of The University of Queensland, the thesis be made available for research and study in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968 unless a period of embargo has been approved by the Dean of the Graduate School.

I acknowledge that copyright of all material contained in my thesis resides with the copyright holder(s) of that material. Where appropriate I have obtained copyright permission from the copyright holder to reproduce material in this thesis and have sought permission from co-authors for any jointly authored works included in the thesis.

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Publications included in this thesis

Faleolo, R.L. 2016. ‘Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant perspectives of well-being in Australia and New Zealand,’ Pacific Asia Inquiry Journal, 7(1), Fall, 2016: 63-74. Available online: http://www.uog.edu/schools-and-colleges/college-of-liberal-arts-and-social- sciences/publications/pacific-asia-inquiry-8

Faleolo, R.L. 2018. ‘Understanding Pasifika migrant behaviour and perspectives of well-being in Brisbane through material cultural adaptations,’ State of Australian Cities National Conference, 28- 30 November 2017, Adelaide, South Australia Australian Cities Research Network. Available online: http://doi.org/10.4225/50/5b2dea577591c

Faleolo, R.L. 2019. ‘Pasifika diaspora in Auckland and Brisbane: Review of literature,’ Life Course Centre working paper series, 2019-07. Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland. Available online: https://www.lifecoursecentre.org.au/research/journal-articles/working-paper- series/pasifika-diaspora-in-auckland-and-brisbane-review-of-literature/

Faleolo, R L. 2019. ‘Pasifika well-being in Auckland and Brisbane: Review of literature,’ Life Course Centre working paper series, 2019-08. Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland. Available online: https://www.lifecoursecentre.org.au/research/journal-articles/working-paper- series/pasifika-well-being-in-auckland-and-brisbane-review-of-literature/

Faleolo, R L. 2019. ‘Pasifika diaspora research methodology: Review of literature,’ Life Course Centre working paper series, 2019-09. Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland. Available online: https://www.lifecoursecentre.org.au/research/journal-articles/working-paper- series/pasifika-diaspora-research-methodology-review-of-literature/

Faleolo, R.L. 2019. ‘Understanding Pasifika migrant behaviour and perspectives of well-being in Auckland and Brisbane through material cultural adaptations,’ Life Course Centre working paper series. Institute for Social Science Research, 2019-10. The University of Queensland. Available online: https://www.lifecoursecentre.org.au/research/journal-articles/working-paper- series/understanding-pasifika-migrant-behaviour-and-perspectives-of-well-being-in-auckland-and- brisbane-through-material-cultural-adaptations/

Faleolo, R.L. 2019. ‘Well-being and labour mobility experiences of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants in Auckland and Brisbane,’ Life Course Centre working paper series. Institute for Social Science Research, 2019-11. The University of Queensland. Available online: https://www.lifecoursecentre.org.au/research/journal-articles/working-paper- series/well-being-and-labour-mobility-experiences-of-pasifika-trans-tasman-migrants-in-auckland- and-brisbane/

Faleolo, R.L. 2019. ‘Wellbeing perspectives, conceptualisations of work and labour mobility experiences of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants in Brisbane.’ In V. Stead, & J. Altman (Eds.). Labour lines and colonial power: Indigenous and labour mobility in Australia. (pp.185-206). Canberra, Australia: ANU Press, The Australian National University. Available online: http://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n5654/pdf/ch08.pdf

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Submitted manuscripts included in this thesis

Faleolo, R.L. ‘Understanding Pacific Island well-being perspectives through Samoan & Tongan material cultural adaptations & spatial behaviour in Auckland & Brisbane,’ SITES: A Journal of Social Anthropology and Cultural Studies (2019, forthcoming).

Faleolo, R.L. ‘Brisbane Pasifika diaspora: Cultural and spatial links to well-being,’ Australian Journal of Anthropology (2019, forthcoming).

Other publications during candidature Faleolo, R. 2019, May. A mixed methods analysis of Pasifika well-being, migration and agency in Brisbane. Paper presented at the Transregional Academies: Histories of Migrant Knowledges Academy, 2019, Berkeley, California. Abstract published online by Transregional Academies https://academies.hypotheses.org/5454

Faleolo, R. 2017, November. Understanding Pasifika migrant behaviour and perspectives of well- being in Brisbane through material cultural adaptations. Paper presented at the 8th State of Australian Cities National Conference 2017, Adelaide University, Australia. Paper published online by Analysis and Policy Observatory https://apo.org.au/taxonomy/term/89401

Faleolo, R. 2016, April. Pasifika trans-Tasman migration: Hope for ‘better’ employment and ‘improved’ living standards. Paper presented at the 6th Australian Association for Pacific Studies Conference, 2016, James Cook University, Australia. Abstract published online by Australian Association for Pacific Studies http://pacificstudies.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/Final-AAPS-Conference-Booklet- 2016_8.pdf

Contributions by others to the thesis No contributions by others.

Statement of parts of the thesis submitted to qualify for the award of another degree No works submitted towards another degree have been included in this thesis.

Research Involving Human or Animal Subjects Ethics approval number 20150801 was approved by the Human Ethics Unit of the School of Architecture Research and Ethics Committee. Ethics approval number 20160308 was approved by the Human Ethics Unit of the School of Architecture Research and Ethics Committee. A copy of these ethics’ approval letters have been included in the thesis appendices section.

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Acknowledgements

‘Oku ou tōmu‘a tuku a e fakafeta‘i kihe ‘Eiki; ke langilangi‘ia pe ia! Fakamālo atu kihe ‘eku ‘ofa‘anga: Thom, Israel, Sh’Kinah, Nehemiah, Lydiah mo Naomi. Fakamālo atu kihe‘eku ongo mātu‘a, Faifekau ‘Ahoia mo Faifekau Lose ‘Ilaiū. Fakamālo lahi atu kihe kāinga mo ‘āiga kotoape na‘e tokoni‘i eku fekumi.

A special word of thanks to my amazing team of advisors: Prof. Paul Memmott and Dr. Kelly Greenop, of the Aboriginal Environments Research Centre, as well as Prof. Mark Western and Dr. Denise Clague, of the Institute for Social Science Research at the University of Queensland (UQ). Your guidance has been invaluable to this study. I remain indebted to you all for walking alongside me in this part of my journey and inspiring a new-found love for cultivating my Pasifika knowledge. I thank the wonderful people at the Aboriginal Environments Research Centre, Institute for Social Science Research and the Life Course Centre, Brisbane who made the learning journey a smooth one. Your kindness has helped me to stay the path and I sincerely thank you for your ongoing support and friendships.

Many of my extended family, teaching colleagues, ex-students and Pasifika community leaders, in Auckland and Brisbane, have contributed greatly to this study by distributing information, collecting surveys, connecting me with informants, providing accommodation, transport, meals, and caring for my children during research trips and visits across the Tasman. My success is our success. You are my trans-Tasman village and I thank you all for your warmth and generosity. Fa‘afetai lava -- Mālo ‘aupito!

Thank you to my global prayer warriors; sisters and brothers in faith that have stood with me in prayer during this season. May you be blessed hundredfold for your faithfulness.

Last, but not least, I thank my Samoan and Tongan informants who contributed their knowledge and have openly shared their well-being perceptions and migration narratives. You have freely welcomed me into your families, homes, churches and community meetings. Several of you continued to e-talanoa over the last three years and freely gave of your time to do so. This work has been inspired by your journeys. May your voices continue to be heard and your knowledge continue to cultivate and inspire. Fa‘amanuia le Atua ia oe --‘Ofa ke tapuekina kimoutolu ‘e he tau ‘Eiki.

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Financial support This research was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. Other funding, I have received to support my PhD candidature includes: University of Queensland Research Scholarship (UQRS) University of Queensland Research Higher Degree Scholarship (UQRHDS) Other funding, I have received to support my PhD research travel includes: Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalization Grant University of Queensland, School Travel Grant Forum Transregionale Studien, Berkeley Academy Grant Life Course Centre Student Award

Keywords Auckland, Brisbane, narratives, participant-observation, Pasifika, surveys, talanoa, trans-Tasman migration, well-being experiences, well-being perceptions

Australian and New Zealand Standard Research Classifications (ANZSRC) ANZSRC code: 169905, Studies of Pacific Peoples’ Societies, 60% ANZSRC code: 160104, Social and Cultural Anthropology, 20% ANZSRC code: 160403, Social and Cultural Geography, 20%

Fields of Research (FoR) Classification FoR code: 1699, Other Studies in Human Society, 60% FoR code: 1601, Anthropology, 20% FoR code: 1604, Human Geography, 20%

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Dedications

I dedicate this work to my family. To my best friend and husband Thom, and to our children: Israel, Sh’Kinah, Angels, Nehemiah, Lydiah and Naomi. Thank you for your constant love and support over the years. I look forward to the new seasons ahead, with you by my side. Ou te alofa ia te oe e fa‘avavau.

I also dedicate this work to my parents ‘Ahoia and Lose. Thank you for your generous spirits and prayerful support of my education since the start. You are both champions in my eyes. You have raised me well to know that wisdom begins when you know the source of true wisdom. Ko Sisu pē. ‘Ofa lahi atu.

I remain eternally grateful for the long journeys and sacrifices made in Tonga, New Zealand and Australia to provide a better life. I thank God for you, my family.

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Contents 1 Introduction ...... 18 1.1 Problem statement and aim ...... 18 1.2 Research objectives ...... 19 1.3 Research questions ...... 19 1.4 Overview of the structure ...... 20 1.5 Research positioning ...... 22 2 Background: Pasifika Diaspora ...... 24 2.1 Introduction ...... 24 2.2 Pasifika diaspora ...... 24 2.2.1 Pasifika peoples in the study ...... 24 2.2.2 ...... 25 2.2.3 Tongans ...... 26 2.2.4 Pasifika movement away from Pacific homelands ...... 28 2.2.5 Pasifika in NZ ...... 30 2.2.6 Pasifika in Australia ...... 32 2.2.7 Pasifika trans-Tasman migration ...... 33 2.2.8 Regulated inequalities for Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants ...... 35 2.2.9 Reasons for Pasifika trans-Tasman migration ...... 37 2.3 Conclusion ...... 38 3 Literature Review ...... 40 3.1 Introduction ...... 40 3.2 Pasifika well-being ...... 41 3.2.1 Defining well-being subjectively ...... 41 3.2.2 Pasifika perspectives of well-being ...... 42 3.2.3 A Pacific Island well-being scale ...... 45 3.2.4 The Pasifika well-being research and literature gap ...... 46 3.3 Pasifika research and methodological approaches ...... 47 3.3.1 Anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a-Sāmoa ...... 48 3.3.2 Pasifika worldviews ...... 49 3.3.3 Talanoa and vā...... 51 3.4 Conclusion ...... 54 3.4.1 Pasifika well-being: Literature summary ...... 55 3.4.2 Pasifika methodology and methods: Literature summary ...... 55 4 Research Methodology ...... 57 4.1 Introduction ...... 57 4.2 Methodological underpinnings ...... 57 4.2.1 Pasifika frameworks...... 57 4.2.2 Positioning self in research ...... 58 4.2.3 Appropriateness of research design ...... 59 4.3 The design ...... 59 4.3.1 Mixed methods research ...... 59 4.3.2 Talanoa interviews ...... 61 4.3.3 Online e-talanoa ...... 62 9

4.3.4 Participant-observation ...... 63 4.3.5 Online image sharing ...... 64 4.3.6 Field notes and ‘brain dumps’ ...... 64 4.3.7 Photographs and videos ...... 64 4.3.8 Online surveys ...... 64 4.3.9 Face to face surveys ...... 64 4.4 Context and participants ...... 65 4.4.1 Samoans and Tongans...... 65 4.4.2 Samoans and Tongans in Brisbane ...... 65 4.4.3 Interview informants and survey participants in Auckland and Brisbane ...... 66 4.4.4 Generations of migrants ...... 68 4.5 Materials and instruments ...... 69 4.5.1 Interviews ...... 69 4.5.2 Pasifika trans-Tasman migration page ...... 69 4.5.3 Private messenger and email ...... 70 4.5.4 Surveys ...... 71 4.5.5 Mobile devices ...... 72 4.5.6 Brain dumps ...... 72 4.6 Procedures and processes ...... 72 4.6.1 Literature review ...... 72 4.6.2 Initial scoping ...... 72 4.6.3 Interviews 2015-2017 ...... 73 4.6.4 Participant observations 2015-2018 ...... 74 4.6.5 Surveys 2016...... 75 4.7 Data processing and analysis ...... 77 4.7.1 Participation observation analysis ...... 77 4.7.2 Photo analysis ...... 77 4.7.3 Online print screen analysis ...... 79 4.7.4 Talanoa and e-talanoa analysis ...... 81 4.7.5 Survey analysis ...... 81 4.7.6 Survey data management and analysis ...... 82 4.7.7 Literature analysis ...... 83 4.8 Ethical considerations ...... 84 4.8.1 Research ethics ...... 84 4.8.2 Access and authorisation ...... 84 4.8.3 Informed consent ...... 84 4.8.4 Confidentiality and anonymity...... 84 4.8.5 Tauhi vā and reciprocity ...... 85 4.9 Reliability and validity of findings ...... 85 4.9.1 Capturing Pasifika voices ...... 85 4.9.2 Representing Pasifika accurately ...... 85 4.9.3 Triangulation of research methods ...... 86 4.10 Conclusion ...... 86 5 Pasifika Well-Being ...... 88 10

5.1 Introduction ...... 88 5.2 Methods ...... 89 5.2.1 Qualitative data considered ...... 90 5.2.2 Quantitative data considered ...... 90 5.3 Findings ...... 91 5.3.1 Sample characteristics of interview informants ...... 91 5.3.2 Sample characteristics of survey participants ...... 91 5.3.3 Holistic well-being ...... 95 5.4 Eight spheres of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei -- ola manuia ...... 99 5.4.1 Significance of Spiritual and God sphere...... 99 5.4.2 Significance of Family and Social sphere ...... 103 5.4.3 Significance of Economic Provision sphere ...... 105 5.4.4 Significance of Cultural sphere ...... 107 5.4.5 Significance of Mental and Emotional sphere ...... 113 5.4.6 Significance of Economic Sustainability sphere ...... 117 5.4.7 Significance of Physical sphere ...... 120 5.4.8 Significance of Environmental sphere ...... 121 5.4.9 Comparing well-being spheres across Pasifika demographic groups ...... 127 5.5 Discussion ...... 127 5.6 Conclusion ...... 130 6 Pasifika Well-Being Experiences ...... 132 6.1 Introduction ...... 132 6.2 Methods ...... 133 6.3 Findings ...... 134 6.3.1 Economic Sustainability well-being experiences ...... 136 6.3.2 Economic Provision well-being experiences ...... 138 6.3.3 Mental/Emotional well-being experiences ...... 140 6.3.4 Physical well-being experiences ...... 142 6.3.5 Cultural well-being experiences ...... 144 6.3.6 Environmental well-being experiences ...... 149 6.3.7 Spiritual/God well-being experiences ...... 151 6.3.8 Familial/Social well-being experiences ...... 154 6.4 Discussion ...... 159 6.5 Conclusion ...... 163 7 Pasifika Experiences Influencing Location Fulfilment and Well-Being Expectations ...... 164 7.1 Introduction ...... 164 7.1.1 Well-being experiences affect location fulfilment ...... 164 7.1.2 Migration theories ...... 166 7.1.3 Pasifika experiences of well-being vary ...... 167 7.2 Methods ...... 168 7.3 Findings ...... 170 7.3.1 Well-being aims shared by talanoa and e-talanoa informants ...... 170 7.3.2 Significant change perceptions ...... 172 7.3.3 Positive and negative perceptions ...... 175 11

7.3.4 Comparison of Auckland and Brisbane demographic groups ...... 177 7.4 Discussion ...... 183 7.4.1 Well-being perceptions linked to location fulfilment and migration ...... 183 7.4.2 Pasifika migration models ...... 183 7.4.3 Total sample perceptions ...... 187 7.4.4 Similarities in change perceptions across locations connected to shared values ...... 188 7.4.5 Differences in change perceptions connected to specific location experiences ...... 189 7.4.6 Auckland-based Pasifika remain hopeful ...... 190 7.5 Conclusion ...... 193 8 Pasifika Well-Being Fulfilment Through Trans-Tasman Migration ...... 194 8.1 Introduction ...... 194 8.2 Methods ...... 196 8.3 Findings ...... 198 8.3.1 Current advantages and disadvantages affecting well-being fulfilment ...... 198 8.3.2 Expected well-being fulfilment in Auckland compared to Brisbane ...... 200 8.4 Discussion ...... 204 8.4.1 Auckland-based Pasifika have different opinions on further migration across the Tasman ...... 204 8.4.2 Brisbane-based Pasifika happy to remain in Australia ...... 206 8.4.3 Significant well-being fulfilment ...... 207 8.4.4 Significant drivers for trans-Tasman migration ...... 208 8.4.5 Leaving burdensome traditions and old ways of thinking ...... 209 8.4.6 Circulatory migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane...... 211 8.4.7 Significant preferences of moving to, or remaining in Australia ...... 211 8.4.8 Significant differences in preferences amongst Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane ...... 213 8.4.9 Overall emerging themes ...... 216 8.5 Conclusion ...... 219 9 Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration: A ‘Good and Happy’ Life ...... 220 9.1 Introduction ...... 220 9.2 Research questions guiding inquiry ...... 220 9.3 Methodological impacts ...... 221 9.4 Key concepts discussed and significant findings presented ...... 223 9.5 Key contributions of the study ...... 228 9.6 Key assumptions and limitations of the study ...... 230 9.7 A summary of recommendations for further research ...... 231 9.8 Concluding thoughts: On Pasifika trans-Tasman well-being ...... 232 Appendices ...... 234 Appendix 1a: Focus questions used in e-talanoa and talanoa interviews in 2015 ...... 234 Appendix 1b: Well-being perspectives from e-talanoa and talanoa interviews in 2015 ...... 235 Appendix 2: Auckland survey used in 2016 ...... 236 Appendix 3: Brisbane survey used in 2016 ...... 238 Appendix 4: Samples of interview scripts colour-coded for thematic analysis ...... 240 Appendix 5: Information sheet and consent form ...... 241 Appendix 6: Tables related to Chapter 5 ...... 243 Appendix 7: Tables related to Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 ...... 251 12

Appendix 8: Ethics’ approved documentation ...... 259 Bibliography ...... 261

List of Figures and Tables Figure 1.1: Thesis overview: Interweaving...... 22 Figure 2.1: Samoan and Tongan Pasifika diaspora movements between Australia, NZ, Samoa and Tonga...... 25 Figure 2.2: Samoa Islands...... 26 Figure 2.3: Tonga Islands...... 27 Figure 4.1: Convergent mixed methods design: Triangulation of data...... 60 Figure 4.2: Mixed methods research: Qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis, 2015-2018...... 61 Figure 4.3: Samoan, Tongan & Pasifika populations in Brisbane, Queensland, 2006-2016...... 66 Figure 4.4: Examples of initial recruitment within Samoan and Tongan groups based in Brisbane...... 67 Figure 4.5: Screenshot of Facebook community page ‘Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration.’ ...... 70 Figure 4.6: Informant ‘in-transit’ between Auckland and Brisbane, 2015...... 78 Figure 4.7: Brisbane-based informant photographed during observation in Logan, 2015...... 79 Figure 4.8: Facebook post showing trans-Tasman Pasifika connections between Brisbane artist and Pasifika clients in Auckland, 2018...... 80 Figure 4.9: Facebook post showing evidence of shared cultural and communal connections across Australia and New Zealand Pasifika diaspora, 2018...... 80 Figure 5.1: Five dimensions of holistic Pasifika well-being developed from interviews, 2015...... 98 Figure 5.2: Eight spheres of holistic Pasifika well-being developed from surveys, 2016...... 98 Figure 5.3: An Ekalesia Fa‘apotopotoga Kerisiano Sāmoa (EFKS) church in Brisbane, 2017...... 101 Figure 5.4: A Tongan Assembly of God (AoG) church in Brisbane, 2015...... 101 Figure 5.5: A baby dedication in a Catholic church in Auckland, 2018...... 102 Figure 5.6: An evangelistic evening service in an AoG church in Auckland, 2015...... 102 Figure 5.7: Family members from Auckland arriving at Brisbane International Airport, 2016...... 104 Figure 5.8: Family members commuting for work at Brisbane International Airport, 2018...... 106 Figure 5.9: Tongan Uniting church misinale celebrations in Brisbane, 2016...... 108 Figure 5.10: EFKS youth listen to Samoan elder during cultural practice in Brisbane, 2017...... 108 Figure 5.11: Tongan youth performing at the annual Pasifika event in Auckland, 2016...... 109 Figure 5.12: My children attending the annual Pasifika event in Auckland, 2015...... 110 Figure 5.13: My daughters visit a Tongan crafts stall at the Pasifika event in Auckland, 2015...... 110 Figure 5.14: A Tongan graduation celebration in Brisbane, 2016...... 111 Figure 5.15: Samoan youth prepare to perform a cultural dance in Brisbane, 2017...... 112 Figure 5.16: A Tongan academic celebrates her tertiary graduation in Auckland, 2016...... 115 Figure 5.17: A Samoan academic celebrates his high school graduation in Auckland, 2018...... 115 Figure 5.18: A Tongan academic celebrates his high school graduation in Brisbane, 2018...... 116 Figure 5.19: Fijian, Samoan and Tongan family members gather in Brisbane for a family member’s tertiary graduation, 2016...... 116 Figure 5.20: A Tongan family home purchased in Brisbane, 2014...... 119 Figure 5.21: A Samoan family home purchased in Brisbane, 2016...... 119 Figure 5.22: A Tongan family’s garden and home in Brisbane, 2018...... 123 Figure 5.23: Preparing a traditional dish using talo leaves grown in South Brisbane, 2015...... 123 Figure 5.24: A traditional meal of lū and manioke served in South Auckland, 2016...... 124 Figure 5.25: South Bank man-made beach pool in Brisbane City, 2018...... 125 Figure 5.26: Tygum park and lagoon, a popular local park for Pasifika in Logan, Brisbane, 2018...... 125 Figure 5.27: Orion lagoon, a popular swimming spot for Pasifika families in Brisbane, 2016...... 126 Figure 6.1: Mean satisfaction of Pasifika with well-being experience, as a total, and comparing Auckland to Brisbane...... 135 Figure 6.2: Tongan homeowner in Brisbane, 2015...... 137 Figure 6.3: Samoan cultural dance in Auckland, 2015...... 147 Figure 6.4: Tongan cultural dance in Auckland, 2018...... 147 Figure 6.5: Tongan/Māori family at funeral in Brisbane, 2017...... 148 Figure 6.6: Mate ma‘a Tonga (MMT) supporters in Brisbane, 2017...... 149 Figure 6.7: A Tongan first birthday celebration in Brisbane, 2018...... 149 Figure 6.8: Plants typically eaten in Pacific homelands are easily grown in Brisbane, 2018...... 151 Figure 6.9: Harvested root crops from a North Brisbane family garden, 2018...... 151 Figure 6.10: A Samoan church in Willawong, South Brisbane, 2017...... 153 Figure 6.11: Brisbane-based Samoan women visit congregation member in hospital, 2017...... 153 Figure 6.12: Extended Pasifika fāmili/‘āiga Christmas gathering in Logan, Brisbane, 2015...... 157

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Figure 6.13: Genealogical and relational connections of three extended families at a Christmas gathering in Brisbane, 2015...... 158 Figure 6.14: Brisbane baby shower using Tongan material culture from Tonga via Auckland, 2016...... 161 Figure 7.1: Well-being spheres with significant differences in change perceptions between Auckland and Brisbane. . 173 Figure 7.2: Well-being spheres with non-significant differences in change perceptions between Auckland and Brisbane...... 174 Figure 7.3: Positive perceptions of well-being (positive expectations compared to current experiences) in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 176 Figure 7.4: Negative perceptions of well-being (negative expectations compared to current experiences) in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 176 Figure 7.5: A cyclical and multi-directional push-pull model of Pasifika migration...... 185 Figure 7.6: A systems model of Pasifika migration...... 186 Figure 8.1: Advantages/disadvantages experienced: Internal/external drivers of migration...... 201 Figure 8.2: Anticipated fulfilment of the eight well-being spheres in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 202 Figure 8.3: Annual Pasifika festival in Auckland, 2016...... 205 Figure 8.4: South Auckland retail marketplace caters for Pasifika material cultural needs, 2015...... 205 Figure 8.5: A Brisbane-based Tongan family run a shipping company between Tonga and Auckland, 2018...... 215 Figure 8.6: An Auckland-based Samoan family work a food stall at the ASB Polyfest, 2016...... 215

Table 2.1: Samoan, Tongan & Pasifika in Auckland, NZ 2001-2013...... 32 Table 2.2: Samoan, Tongan & Pasifika in Brisbane, Australia 2006-2016...... 34 Table 4.1: Summary of talanoa and e-talanoa sessions, 2015-2017...... 73 Table 4.2: Participant observations in Auckland and Brisbane, 2015-2018...... 75 Table 5.1: Demographic summary of talanoa and e-talanoa informant characteristics, 2015...... 93 Table 5.2: Demographic characteristics of the survey samples, 2016 (Column%)...... 94 Table 5.3: Distribution of elements included in the Spiritual/God well-being sphere (SGW-B)...... 100 Table 5.4: Distribution of elements included in the Familial/Social well-being sphere (FSW-B)...... 104 Table 5.5: Distribution of elements included in the Economic Provision well-being sphere (EPW-B)...... 106 Table 5.6: Distribution of elements included in the Cultural well-being sphere (CW-B)...... 112 Table 5.7: Distribution of elements included in the Mental/Emotional well-being sphere (MEW-B)...... 114 Table 5.8: Distribution of elements included in the Economic Sustainability well-being sphere (ESW-B)...... 117 Table 5.9: Distribution of elements included in the Physical well-being sphere (PW-B)...... 121 Table 5.10: Distribution of elements included in the Environmental well-being sphere (EW-B)...... 126 Table 5.11: Summary of how different demographic groups view the significance of the eight well-being spheres. .... 128 Table 5.12: Summary of significant well-being spheres in mo‘ui ‘oku lelei -- ola manuia...... 130 Table 6.1: Satisfaction with Economic Sustainability well-being in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 136 Table 6.2: Satisfaction with Economic Provision well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 139 Table 6.3: Satisfaction with Mental/Emotional well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 141 Table 6.4: Satisfaction with Physical well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 143 Table 6.5: Satisfaction with Cultural well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 145 Table 6.6: Satisfaction with Environmental well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 150 Table 6.7: Satisfaction with Spiritual/God well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 152 Table 6.8: Satisfaction with Familial/Social well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane...... 155 Table 6.9: Summary of well-being experiences drawn from narratives (2015-2017)...... 159 Table 7.1: Summary of well-being aims for interview informants, 2015...... 171 Table 7.2: Percentage of change perceptions on Economic Sustainability well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups...... 179 Table 7.3: Percentage of change perceptions on Physical well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups...... 180 Table 7.4: Percentage of change perceptions on Environmental well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups...... 181 Table 7.5: Percentage of change perceptions on Mental//Emotional well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups...... 182 Table 8.1: Summary of advantages and disadvantages in Auckland diaspora context...... 199 Table 8.2: Summary of advantages and disadvantages in Brisbane diaspora context...... 200 Table 8.3: Frequency of responses to Q1_12a, comparing Auckland to Brisbane survey results, 2016...... 203 Table 8.4: A comparison of Auckland to Brisbane preferences of living in Australia, 2016...... 203 Table 8.5: Mean differences in preferences, per well-being sphere for Auckland and Brisbane, 2016...... 204

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List of abbreviations used in the thesis

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics AoG Assembly of God Aust. Australia/Australian EFKS Ekalesia Fa‘apotopotoga Kerisiano Sāmoa (Congregational Christian Church of Samoa) MPIA Ministry of Pacific Island Affairs (NZ) NZ New Zealand OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PIWBS Pacific Identity Well-Being Scale SCV Special Category Visa (Aust.) StatsNZ Statistics New Zealand TTA Trans-Tasman Agreement

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Glossary of terms used in the thesis

‘āiga family, belonging to a collective (Samoan) ‘āiga lautele wider extended family (Samoan) ‘āiga potopoto the collective of extended families (Samoan) Anau Ako preschools for NZ-based Pacific Island learners (Pasifika) anga faka-Tonga the Tongan Way (Tongan) aoga amatas Samoan preschools, Gagana Sāmoa nests in New Zealand (Samoan) land of the long white cloud, New Zealand (Māori) ‘atamai mental sphere, mind (Tongan)

Ekalesia Faapotopotoga Kerisiano Sāmoa Congregational Christian Church of Samoa (Samoan) e-talanoa online conversation (Pasifika) fa‘aaloalo respect (Samoan) fa‘alavelave familial and community financial duty/burden (Samoan) fa‘amanuiaina progress, development (Samoan) fa‘a-Sāmoa the Samoan Way (Samoan) fahu eldest sister of the family, honorary role at events (Tongan) Faifekau Reverend (Tongan) faka‘apa‘apa respect (Tongan) fakalakalaka progress, development (Tongan) fāmili family (Tongan) fie pālagi wanting to be European or Western (Samoan) Fonofale meeting house (Samoan)

Gagana Sāmoa (Samoan) hopa plantain bananas (Tongan) kāinga family, collective (Tongan) kavenga familial and community financial duty/burden (Tongan) kie tonga/ha‘amoa fine mat worn around waist (Tongan) laumālie spiritual life, spirit (Tongan) lava-lava wrap-around skirt/fabric worn by men and women (Samoan) lea faka-Tonga Tongan language (Tongan) lelei well, or good (Tongan) lī pa‘anga money collection (Tongan) lū cooked taro leaves (Tongan) luau cooked taro leaves (Samoan) mālie feelings of happiness (Tongan) manioke root crop also known as cassava or tapioca (Tongan) manuia blessed, happy (Samoan) Manukau South Auckland city in New Zealand (Māori) misinale mission collection for the church (Tongan) mo‘ui life (Tongan) mo‘ui kakato life in its entirety (Tongan) mo‘ui lelei wellness, healthy (Tongan) mo‘ui lō tolu three-fold life including mind, body and spirit (Tongan)

16 mo‘ui ‘oku lelei a good life, well-being (Tongan) ngatu bark cloth (Tongan) ola life (Samoan) ola fa‘alelagona emotional well-being (Samoan) ola fa‘alemafaufau psychological well-being (Samoan) olaga life (Samoan) ola magaia a good or happy life (Samoan) ola manuia a blessed life, well-being (Samoan) oua talanoa pe kiai; fai leva! don’t just talk about it, do it! (Tongan) pule tasi two-piece matching outfit for women (Samoan)

Sapate āko celebration on first Sunday of the academic year (Tongan) siapo bark cloth (Samoan) sino physical realm, body (Tongan) soifua wellness, healthy (Samoan) soifua maloloina wholeness, wellness, healthy (Samoan) soifua manuia a blessed health (Samoan) suīga ‘alūa ‘īa progressive development (Samoan) tagata Pasifika People of the Pacific (Samoan) talanoa free-flow communication, dialogue, narrative method (Tongan) talo root crop also known as taro (Samoan/Tongan) tangata whenua indigenous peoples of the land (Māori) tapa commonly used term for bark cloth in diaspora contexts (Pasifika) tauhi vā to nurture, maintain sociospatial relationships (Tongan) teu le vā to nurture, maintain sociospatial relationships (Samoan) tofi inheritance (Samoan) toko shortened form of tokoua, meaning brother/sister (Tongan) tokoua brother or sister, without gender reference (Tongan) Toko-Uso colloquial combination of words for ‘brother’/’sister’ (Samoan/Tongan) Tusi ‘upu Sāmoa Samoan dictionary (Samoan)

‘ufi yams (Tongan) uso shortened form of usotāne or usofinēa, meaning brother/sister (Samoan) usofinēa sister (Samoan) usotāne brother (Samoan) vā sociospatial relationships (Samoan/Tongan)

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1 Introduction

…my ‘Auckland Pasifika’ voice; my ‘Brisbane Pasifika’ voice, my ‘Academic researcher’ voice, my ‘Christian Tongan woman’ voice, my ‘Wife/Mother’ voice, my ‘Teacher/student’ voice…all these voices have been in some way influenced by the Trans-Tasman migration process itself, as well as…the data. I feel the data has changed my researcher’s perspective…the research process has heightened my awareness of what the data has been screaming out at me all along. Faleolo (brain dump 2017)

1.1 Problem statement and aim

Although Pasifika1 is a term used mainly to refer to people of Pacific Island descent now living in New Zealand (NZ), people from the Pacific Islands who have migrated to Australia commonly use the identity of Pasifika. Since the 1990s, there has been a noticeable increase in the number of Pasifika migrating across the Tasman Sea between NZ and Australia, and now live in Australia (Ravulo 2015; Va‘a 2001). Much of the research that has been done on the reasons for this trans-Tasman migration2 outlines economic and political perspectives (Green, Power & Jang 2008; Haig 2010; Poot 2010). This research, however, fails to capture the sociocultural perspectives and migrant experiences that could help explain the drift of Pasifika across the Tasman Sea. This thesis aims to highlight the importance of understanding the Pasifika trans-Tasman migration process from the perspective of the Pasifika migrants. It will be the first of its kind to use a mixed-method approach to investigate self-reported well-being and asks whether or not Pasifika well-being aims are fulfilled in the process of trans-Tasman migration using interviews and surveys. By highlighting the importance of their perspectives, as opposed to more objective indicators of well- being, we can more fully understand what is of core value to Pasifika people living in Australia and New Zealand and we can more fully appreciate the inter-play of the factors involved in the Pasifika trans-Tasman migration process. In this study, I will focus on the trans-Tasman migrant experiences and well-being perceptions of the Samoan and Tongan communities, in both Auckland and Brisbane. These particular Pasifika groups and locations were identified as a focus of the study for two main reasons. Firstly, the decision was made to work with my existing networks within the Samoan and Tongan communities in these localities in order to achieve an in-depth level of inquiry that would have not been possible as an outsider of other Pasifika communities and localities (this is discussed further in Chapter 4). Secondly, available statistics (Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS 2018) and reports show a steady and significant increase in the trans-Tasman movements of these particular Pasifika groups (Barcham,

1 ‘Pasifika’ is the transliteration of the word Pacific developed in a localised Aotearoa context, coined by NZ-born Pacific Islanders (Mila-Schaaf 2010: 22-23). ‘Pasifika’ is also a pan-Pacific Islander identity shared by community groups from the , , Hawai‘i, , New Zealand, , Samoa, Tonga, and (McGavin 2014:128, 134). 2 Trans-Tasman migration is the movement of people between Australia and New Zealand, across the Tasman Sea. See Chapter 2, section 2.2.7 for more information about this process. 18

Scheyvens & Overton 2009; Brown, Leeves & Prayaga 2012; Hamer 2014). The study of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant perceptions and experiences of well-being in Auckland, NZ compared to their perceptions and experiences of well-being in Brisbane, Australia is important because there is limited information available on the underlying motives of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants moving from NZ to settle long-term in Australia (this is further demonstrated in Chapter 2). With the steady increase of the Pasifika population in Brisbane, this research aims to better understand Pasifika migrants’ perceptions and experiences of well-being -- in the context of their movements between Auckland and Brisbane -- to inform government policies in the area of immigration, health, housing and education to promote the well-being of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants.

1.2 Research objectives

This research fulfils three main objectives. Firstly, to define the Pasifika migrant concept of well- being. Secondly, to identify the salient links between Pasifika trans-Tasman migration experiences and their well-being aims. Thirdly, to identify the key areas of Pasifika well-being fulfilled in the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane.

1.3 Research questions

The primary questions asked by this inquiry are ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ These primary research questions are broken down into the following four secondary sets of questions that have directed this inquiry:

1. Is there a distinct Pasifika concept of well-being and what are its salient components? Are there demographic differences in how well-being is defined by Pasifika migrants? 2. How satisfied are Pasifika with their well-being experiences? Are there differences in how well-being is experienced in Auckland compared to Brisbane? 3. How do Pasifika view their future well-being? Are there differences in the future expectations which Pasifika have in Auckland compared to those held by Pasifika who are in Brisbane? 4. What well-being experiences influence the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika? What key well-being aims are fulfilled, or not fulfilled, by Pasifika trans-Tasman migration?

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1.4 Overview of the structure

To achieve this aim and to answer these research questions within this thesis, Chapter 2 will firstly provide important background information that will be vital for understanding the Pasifika perspectives and experiences presented in this study. Following on from this, Chapter 3 will provide an overview of literature that has informed this study as well as provide evidence of gaps in the literature that this research will address. Chapter 3 is divided into two parts focusing on: (i) Pasifika well-being and (ii) Pasifika research and methodological approaches. Within each of these sections, an overview of relevant works introduces initial discussion points that will be further developed in later chapters. Chapter 4 will provide an overview of the frameworks that have helped to shape this research, as well as outline aspects of the research design, and explain the processes taken to collect and analyse the data presented in this study. This chapter has been divided into eight parts focusing on: methodological underpinnings; the design; context and participants; materials and instruments; procedures and processes; data processing and analysis; ethical considerations; and reliability and validity. Chapter 5 explores Pasifika notions of well-being and discusses the Pasifika concepts of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei (Tongan) and ola manuia (Samoan). In light of this, the aim of this chapter is to address the first set of research questions: Is there a distinct Pasifika concept of well-being and what are its salient components? Are there demographic differences in how well-being is defined by Pasifika migrants? This chapter has been divided into five parts. The first part outlines the methods used to collect the data presented here. The second part provides summaries of the demographic characteristics of the interview informants and survey participants. The third part presents a holistic concept of Pasifika well-being drawn from the findings of this study, alongside a discussion of each of the content ‘spheres’ within the developed model of Pasifika well-being. The fourth section of this chapter presents a comparison of these well-being spheres across different demographic groups. Lastly, the findings are further discussed with concluding thoughts in relation to the literature and remaining chapters of the thesis. Chapter 6 considers Pasifika migrant experiences of well-being in Auckland compared to Brisbane and hypothesises that the economic well-being experiences of Pasifika are interconnected with their other well-being spheres. The aim of this chapter is to address the following research questions: How satisfied are Pasifika with their well-being experiences? Are there differences in how well-being is experienced in Auckland compared to Brisbane? This chapter has been divided into four parts. The first part outlines the methods used to collect the data sets presented here. The second part presents Pasifika well-being experiences captured in the qualitative and quantitative data sets, 20 comparing levels of satisfaction experienced in Auckland and Brisbane. The experiences for each of the eight well-being spheres are presented in order of the size of the differences in mean satisfaction between Auckland and Brisbane, from largest to smallest. The third part of this chapter discusses the shared Pasifika well-being experiences and considers the differences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. The fourth section will discuss the overall findings that address the research questions and assumptions made about a ‘better life’ in Brisbane versus Auckland. The aim of Chapter 7 is to understand how the current well-being experiences of Pasifika are influencing their future well-being perceptions. I will analyse the relationship between current (2016) Pasifika well-being experiences and their expected well-being fulfilment in the next one to two years (2017-2018). The purpose for this comparison is to assess Pasifika understandings of location fulfilment in Auckland and Brisbane. The hypothesis in this chapter is that current well-being experiences affect location fulfilment and the future well-being outlook or well-being change perceptions within that location. This outlook or change perception may lead to onward migration. Therefore, the focus of this chapter is to identify the areas of Pasifika well-being that are most significant in each of the two locations considered in this study. This chapter seeks to address the following two research questions: How do Pasifika view their future well-being? Are there differences in the future expectations that Pasifika have in Auckland compared to those held by Pasifika who are in Brisbane? The aim of Chapter 8 is to discuss the fulfilment of Pasifika people’s well-being aims in Auckland compared to Brisbane in order to identify any salient links between well-being and Pasifika trans-Tasman migration movements between these two locations. Therefore, this chapter seeks to address the following two research questions that lie at the heart of the research goals for this thesis: What well-being experiences influence the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika? What key well-being aims are fulfilled, or not fulfilled, by Pasifika trans-Tasman migration? The aim of the final Chapter 9 is to conclude the thesis and weave together the research findings analysed in previous chapters. Firstly, I will consider each of the four sets of secondary research questions addressed in this thesis. Secondly, I will consider the methodology employed in this research and the impacts of this on the findings. Thirdly, I will summarise the key points of discussion and key findings per chapter. Fourthly, I will comment on the significant aspects of the research, its contribution to broader knowledge and how this relates to wider society. Fifthly, I will discuss some assumptions and limitations of the research. Sixthly, I will provide a list of recommendations for ongoing research. Lastly, the final part of the chapter will draw from all previous chapters to answer the overarching research questions: ‘How do Pasifika define their well- being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’

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The process of writing this thesis is likened to the process of weaving a mat. As Figure 1.1 below shows, material from the reviewed literature and methodology discussions are drawn into the latter chapters to highlight the significance of the findings. The narratives and qualitative themes are interwoven throughout the thesis, and likewise the quantitative survey data and findings are carried across remaining chapters. This overall interweaving process is an important methodological development that contributes to the mixed methods approach employed in this study.

Figure 1.1: Thesis overview: Interweaving.

1.5 Research positioning

In this research, my personal position as a researcher relates to my interest in the topic of study, my connections to the diaspora communities studied and the kinds of knowledge recorded, and how this is further analysed. Therefore, it is important that I make my positioning in the research transparent for the reader. I am of Tongan descent, born and raised in NZ and I am married to a Samoan, also born and raised in NZ. Our family (including five young adult children of Samoan and Tongan descent all born in NZ) would identify as Pasifika. The interest I have in the links between the well-being and migration of Pasifika has grown over time, while living in Auckland, from personal observations to research inquiry. From 2003 to 2015, in my role as a secondary school Geography teacher in South 22

Auckland, I have observed the significant links between the well-being of my Pasifika students, their families and the transient nature of the Pasifika community in South Auckland. While working closely with families and students over these years, as a pastoral care leader in the school, I gained further insight into the familial networks that existed across the Tasman Sea, for many families. Over the years I witnessed the departure of several Pasifika students and their families from South Auckland to the urban areas of Australia (mainly Brisbane and ) either on a temporary basis or permanently. My follow-up work with these families revealed that most had found success in gaining employment and opportunities, in Australia, that had been otherwise difficult to achieve in South Auckland. More recently my own journey has bolstered this interest in understanding the trans-Tasman migration process and its links to my own family’s well-being. In December 2015 my family and I made the big move from Auckland to Brisbane. This move was made a year after commencing this current study. At the start of my PhD candidature in January 2015, I was based in Auckland with my family and spent many months travelling back and forth between Auckland and Brisbane, as part of my research work. Through these trips we discovered the benefits of living in Brisbane. In particular, it was noticeable that my children’s health was greatly improved by the warmer temperatures in Brisbane. Another appeal was the affordable quality homes in Brisbane, compared to Auckland. An underlying belief that my husband and I had in moving was that we were able to provide better opportunities for our children in Australia. After much prayer and discussion, we received spiritual confirmation that it was time to move. In August 2015 we purchased a family home in Brisbane and began the transition across from Auckland. Six months later we had secured employment in our new suburb and our children were successfully enrolled at local schools and universities. As a family we attribute the ease of our transition to God. In 2016, I continued to travel between Auckland and Brisbane for research work, and again in 2018. During 2017-2018 my husband and eldest son also travelled between Auckland and Brisbane for work and study reasons. Our family remains in contact with extended family in Auckland by trans- Tasman visits, regular phone calls and e-talanoa.3 Our trans-Tasman movements and connections are ongoing and have allowed me as a researcher to maintain a dual perception as both an Aucklander and a Brisbanite. My family’s story of migration influences my outlook. My positioning as a researcher has transformed from an outside observer of migration to an inside participant observer of migration. For these reasons, it is important that I make my positioning transparent at the outset of the following discussions.

3 Online ongoing free-flow dialogue 23

2 Background: Pasifika Diaspora

‘Everywhere they go, to Australia, New Zealand…and elsewhere, they strike roots in new resource areas, securing employment and overseas family property, expanding kinship networks through which they circulate themselves, their relatives, their material good, and their stories all across their ocean, and the ocean is theirs because it has always been their home.…The resources of Samoans…and Tongans, are no longer confined to their national boundaries. They are located wherever these people are living, permanently or otherwise…’ Hau‘ofa (1994:155-156)

2.1 Introduction

The aim of this chapter is to discuss background and cultural knowledge that will be vital for understanding the Pasifika perspectives and experiences that are presented in this study. In order to achieve this, the chapter has been divided into nine main parts: (1) the term Pasifika, (2) Samoans, (3) Tongans, (4) Pasifika movement away from homelands, (5) Pasifika in NZ, (6) Pasifika in Australia, (7) Pasifika trans-Tasman migration, (8) Regulated inequalities for Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants, and (9) Reasons for Pasifika trans-Tasman migration. Therefore, this chapter provides necessary background information that relates to the primary research questions: How do Pasifika define their well-being? What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims? This chapter provides an overview of the Pasifika diaspora now residing in Australia or NZ, with a specific focus on the trans-Tasman migration of Samoan and Tongan groups and their historical and geographical contexts that provide important information necessary for understanding their trans- Tasman migrations and pursuit of improved well-being in Auckland and Brisbane.

2.2 Pasifika diaspora 2.2.1 Pasifika peoples in the study

The Pasifika diaspora are dispersed populations originating from the Pacific Islands and now living in significant demographic collectives within Australia, NZ and the United States (US) (Ka‘ili 2017:21,52-53,94; Scull 2004:53-56). In particular, this study is focused on the Pasifika migrants who are from the island nations of Samoa and Tonga, now residing in Australia or NZ (Figure 2.1). According to Mila-Schaaf (2010:22-23), the word ‘Pasifika’ is the transliteration of the word Pacific which has developed in a localised Aotearoa context, coined by NZ-born Pacific Islanders. Pasifika is a pan-Pacific Islander identity also shared and used by community groups in Australia, from the Cook Islands, Fiji, Hawai‘i, Kiribati, NZ, Niue, Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, and Tuvalu (McGavin 2014:128,134). Thus, the collective term Pasifika used in the statistics presented in this chapter, refers to migrant peoples belonging to Melanesian, Micronesian and Polynesian ancestry groups living in

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Australia and NZ; these groups are considered separately from the indigenous peoples of Australia and Aotearoa, NZ4 as categorised by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) and Statistics New Zealand (StatsNZ) census data. More specific to this study, the term Pasifika refers to the Samoan and Tongan groups who collectively use this term as a shared identity within Auckland and Brisbane. Although this study mostly considers the Samoan and Tongan Pasifika groups simultaneously when referring to them as a collective, it will be important to note that these two groups are not from the same Pacific islands. Samoan and Tongan people originate from two separate Pacific Island groups as shown in Figure 2.1. 5

Figure 2.1: Samoan and Tongan Pasifika diaspora movements between Australia, NZ, Samoa and Tonga.

2.2.2 Samoans

Samoans originate from the islands of Samoa, located in the central South Pacific, forming part of and the wider Oceanic region. As shown in Figure 2.2, 6 the archipelago includes all of Samoa and most of . As recorded by So‘o (2008:44-45), in 1899 a convention was signed placing the eastern group of the archipelago under the US and the Western Islands of Samoa under German control. At the onset of World War I, the Western Islands were later given to NZ to administrate until Samoa gained independence in 1962 (So‘o 2008:47,71; Brown et al. 2012:2-3). The Samoa 2006 Census7 had recorded the population of Samoa Islands as being over

4 The Australian and NZ censuses provide subcategories of Oceanic peoples based on ethnicity and ancestry. 5 Map adapted to show movements of Samoans and Tongans between Australia, NZ, Samoa and Tonga. Source: Goway Travel. Retrieved 30/10/2018. https://www.goway.com/trips/des/Australia-and-south-pacific/ 6 Source: CartoGIS Services, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University. Retrieved 31/10/2018. https://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/mapsonline/base-maps/samoa-american-samoa# 7Samoa Census, Population 2018. 25

179,000. More recently, the 2018 United Nations estimate recorded an increase in the population of Samoa with over 197,000. Of this current total population residing in Samoa, more than 92% are of full Samoan descent and the remaining percentage is classified as Euro-nesian (mixed European and Polynesian ancestry) or European. Over 75% of Samoans living in Samoa associate their belief systems with a Christ-based faith (Christian) and the majority of these are regular attendees at a place of worship.

Figure 2.2: Samoa Islands.

2.2.3 Tongans

Tongans originate from the Kingdom of Tonga. As shown in Figure 2.3,8 Tonga is also an archipelago and as Figure 2.1 shows is situated south of the islands of Samoa in closer proximity to NZ. Like Samoans, the majority of Tongans living in Tonga Islands attend church on a weekly basis and this social norm is evident with the closure of stores and main businesses on a Sunday. Tonga has been described as a ‘strongly Christian nation’ and is evidence of the strong missionary influence on its social and political systems since the 19th century (McGrath 2004:981).

8 Source: CartoGIS Services, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University. Retrieved 31/10/2018. http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/mapsonline/base-maps/tonga-base

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Tonga became a constitutional monarchy in 1875, a British protectorate in 1900 and later joined the Commonwealth of Nations in 1970. The Tonga 2006 Census9 recorded the population of Tonga at 103,000. More recently, the 2018 United Nations estimate10 recorded the population of Tonga just over 109,000. Of this total, more than 98% are of full Tongan descent, with the remaining percentage of European, Chinese and other Pacific Islander descent (Tonga Census, Population, 2018). According to Brown et al. (2012:3), ‘there are an estimated 125 thousand ethnic Tongans living abroad, of which 50 thousand are in New Zealand.’11

Figure 2.3: Tonga Islands.

9 Tonga Department of Statistics, cited in Tonga Census, Population 2018, para.2. 10 UN estimate dated 1/7/2018, cited in Tonga Census, Population 2018, para.10. 11 2011 statistics sourced from Asian Development Bank, cited in Brown et al. (2012:2). 27

2.2.4 Pasifika movement away from Pacific homelands

Hau‘ofa (1993:156) correctly described the contemporary migration of Oceanians, people of the Pacific, away from traditional homelands to newfound homelands as an expected proclivity:

Human nature demands space for free movement, and the larger the space the better it is for people. Islanders have broken out of their confinement, are moving around and away from their homelands, not so much because their countries are poor, but because they were unnaturally confined and severed from many of their traditional sources of wealth, and because it is in their blood to be mobile. They are once again enlarging their world, establishing new resource bases and expanded networks for circulation.

The migratory pattern of movement of Pasifika people, in search of better opportunities and resources is a natural inclination that has been happening for centuries (Hau‘ofa 1994; Keck & Schieder 2015). The phenomena of Pasifika mass migration, 1950s-1990s, from the Pacific Islands directly to Pacific Rim countries like NZ, Australia and the US mainland has been well-documented (Ahlburg & Brown 1998; Barcham et al. 2009; Bedford 2007; Brown 1998; Brown & Walker 1995; Lee 2004; Ravulo 2015; Va‘a 2001) and the contemporary interaction of with Indigenous Australia has also been considered by various studies (George 2014; Hamer 2009; Henare-Solomona 2012). The more recent occurrences seen in the 1990s onwards, of Pasifika migrating across the Tasman Sea from NZ to Australia, is a continuation of their journey that began with initial movements from the Pacific Islands to NZ (Barcham et al. 2009; Bedford 2007; 2009; Vause 2010). Besides this apparent Pasifika desire to explore and to migrate, Pacific-rim countries like NZ and Australia beckon those Pasifika in search of opportunities (Barcham et al. 2009; Carey 2019). For instance, the aging demographic structure of Australia leaves the country encouraging an increase in the migration of working sector age groups to sustain the economic needs of the country. This demographic need in association with the broadening of Australia’s immigration policies since the mid-1970s has led to new groups of migrants arriving from all parts of the world, including Pasifika. There is evidence that there are more Samoans and Tongans living abroad than there are living in Samoa (McGarvey & Seiden 2010:214-215) and Tonga. According to Besnier (2011:36), the most common destinations for Tongans migrating overseas are ‘urban centres of New Zealand…Australia, and…the United States.’ Likewise, Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:10) claims an ‘expanded territorial distribution’ of Samoans into the Pacific ‘rim countries of the United States, New Zealand, Australia.’ According to Brown et al. (2012:3), ‘there are around 300 thousand ethnic Samoans living abroad…most of these live in New Zealand.’ For many Pasifika, NZ is a steppingstone to Australia. Several studies prove this fact (Barcham et al. 2009; Brown et.al. 2012; Lee 2003; Va’a 2001). Two decades ago, Va‘a (2001:83) carried out a study of Samoans in (NSW), Australia and found that almost 70% of the Samoans in his study had lived in NZ before migrating to Australia. Of the sample of 735 people in the NSW-based study, ‘practically all Samoan who migrated to Australia were New Zealand citizens’ (Va‘a 2001:81). A decade later, Brown et al. (2012:3) carried 28 out a survey of Pasifika migrants living in NSW. In their sample, more than 60% Samoans and almost 40% Tongans had ‘migrated to Australia as step-migrants from New Zealand.’ According to Lee (2003:24-26), ‘Australia is generally preferred over New Zealand, primarily because of the perception that it offers more opportunities’ compared to the ‘economic downturn in New Zealand.’ Some proponents of diaspora theory suggest when migrants leave their homelands, they become uprooted from their culture and disconnected from their people. According to Guo (2016:153-154), migration has been viewed as ‘traumatic’ for victimised diaspora groups and marginalised groups dealing with crisis (Perez 2002). With regards to Pasifika migrants, there are two schools of thought on whether their social and cultural experiences within diaspora contexts continue to connect to their homelands. On the one hand, diaspora studies focus on the challenges Pasifika face when caught between two different worlds (Gershon 2012; Lee 2003; Mila-Schaaf 2010; Va‘a 2001). While on the other hand, Pasifika academics advocate that migrants remain culturally whole and socially connected despite the distance travelled (Hau‘ofa 2008; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009). Gershon (2007:474-475) elaborates on the significant Pasifika family webs that interconnect people in island homelands and diasporas allowing for the continued exchange and circulation of cultural knowledge and resources. Hau‘ofa (1994; 2019: 358-359) reminds us that we remain spiritually and genealogically joined to our homelands and ancestors of Oceania. Furthermore, Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:22) concludes in her study of Samoan migration that:

distance does not separate ‘āiga, but only provides further interconnecting social pathways…because social connections constitute a significant part of people’s identity and self-esteem. It is…social connections, rather than geographic boundaries that are central to Samoan conceptions of movement.

Similarly, Ka‘ili (2005:86-87; 2017:79-80) suggests that the migration of Tongans away from their islands is both a familial and communal process. There is no one theory that can explain the Pasifika trans-Tasman migration processes captured in this study. However, there are several that give partial explanations of aspects of the Pasifika people’s movements. The push-pull models developed in the neoclassical era consider the economic factors related to the labour mobility of Pasifika. King (2012), and Arango (2004), suggest that these models fail to consider the socio-cultural reasonings behind the movements of people between places. The notion of Pasifika migrating in search of progress and opportunities for development is supported by Zelinsky’s (1971:221-222) model of modernisation. However, the Pasifika trans-Tasman migration processes between Australia and NZ are not exactly fitting this model of modernisation because Pasifika migration is not only a result of the decisions of governments within Australia and NZ. Pasifika migration is also influenced by sociocultural motivations (Barcham et al. 2009). According to King (2012:17-18), there are three schools of thought in migration theory: neoclassical, modernisation and dependency. Neoclassical migration

29 theory suggests that the process of migration leads to equilibrium, where migration ceases after rates of income are equalised. Whilst neo-Marxist dependency theory promotes that migration reproduces inequality through cumulative causation creating conditions of underprivileged workers in below- standard living and working conditions. Unfortunately, these theories are cloaked within colonial frameworks of thought whereby migrants are seen as passive pawns. There needs to be a decolonised consideration of the movements of Pasifika peoples. Global and transnational migration results in the retextured societies that non-passive migrants reside in and influence as a result of their residence. King (2012) suggests that a systems approach to studying migration allows for more contextualisation of the migration theory, particularly with the sociocultural contexts of the places sending and receiving migrants. This contextualised approach will be considered further in chapters 7 and 8. Further to this understanding of migration, progressive change and holistic development has been recorded in Pasifika migration discourse. ‘Ilaiū (1997) records, in her work with , notions of holistic development that relate to Tongan women migrating to Australia and NZ for employment and further studies. Similarly, Lee (2003) captures dialogue of Tongan migrants living in Australia who refer to their move from NZ to Australia as a progressive change. Migration is also considered a progressive change for Samoan migrants and their families. Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:10) claims that Samoan outward migration from their islands is an expansion of territory:

Today, large numbers of Samoans and other Pacific Islanders live in the rim countries of the United States, New Zealand, and Australia. Their journeys are not simply movements through space but, like all travels, lead to a reshaping of boundaries and reconfigurations of culture, community, and spirituality, as well as an expanded territorial distribution.

Therefore, progressive change and holistic development through migration are embraced by both Tongans and Samoans. Their concepts of progress and development relate to hopes of betterment in the future (Barcham et al. 2009; Faleolo 2012; Ka‘ili 2017; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009). Fakalakalaka is a Tongan term that is discussed by ‘Ilaiū (1997) and ‘Ilaiū Talei (2014) in their understandings of this Tongan idea of holistic development. Similar phrases in the Samoan language meaning progressive change are fa‘amanuiaina and suīga ‘alūa ‘īa.

2.2.5 Pasifika in NZ

The Pasifika peoples of NZ have mostly migrated from the Cook Islands, Niue, , Samoa, Tonga, and Fiji. In 1974 NZ’s immigration policy affirmed the citizenship of people from the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau (Beaglehole 2015:6) granting them unrestricted access to NZ. As the territory of Western Samoa was once administered by NZ, their people were given special consideration when applying for visas, permanent residency and citizenship. Since the 1960s various immigration quotas admitted people from the Pacific, including Fiji, Kiribati, Samoa, Tonga and 30

Tuvalu as well as to live and work in NZ. Many of these Pasifika were expected to return to their homelands once their work contracts ended. According to Beaglehole (2015:6), several Pasifika continued to stay in NZ even if it meant illegally overstaying beyond the expiry of a work permit or visitor’s visa. According to StatsNZ and the Ministry of Pacific Island Affairs (StatsNZ & NZ. MPIA 2010:8), the Pasifika population in NZ has increased from ‘a small immigrant community’ to a ‘rapidly growing’ urban population, ‘from just 2,200 people to 266,600 between 1945 and 2006.’12 In 2006, Samoans were the largest Pasifika group in NZ, while Tongans were the ‘fastest- growing’ Pasifika group in NZ ‘with their numbers increasing more than threefold between 1986 and 2006’ (StatsNZ & NZ. MPIA 2010:8). The most recent census figures13 record a total of 295,941 Pasifika living in NZ. Table 2.114 shows this growth of the Samoan, Tongan and overall Pasifika populations within Auckland and NZ. More than 65% of NZ Pasifika live in Auckland (Auckland Council 2015:3). The Pasifika population of Auckland is distributed in ‘high concentrations in the south and western parts of Auckland’ (Auckland Council 2015:5). At present, the two largest Pasifika groups in Auckland are the Samoan and Tongan groups. Almost half of Auckland’s Pasifika identify as being Samoan (over 95,000 people). A quarter of Auckland’s Pasifika identify as being Tongan (over 46,000 people). The next three largest groups are Cook Islands Maori, Niuean and Fijian (Auckland Council 2015:8). The specific movement of Pasifika migrants between NZ and Australia is part of a greater trans-Tasman migration flow that is discussed in depth by several studies (Green et al. 2008; Poot 2010). There is evidence of an increase of Pasifika migration to Australia from NZ (Brown et al. 2012) and this may be driven by economic reasons (Haig 2010; Johnson 2019) and the evident wage gaps (Carey 2019; Tutagaloa 2017). Unfortunately, the wage gaps experienced by ethnic minorities15 living in NZ have largely been based on ethnicity (Carey 2019:28). The ‘Labour Market Outcomes for Immigrants and the New Zealand-born 1997-2009’ suggest that labour market discrimination onsets the lower levels of well-being experienced by Pasifika living in NZ (Carey 2019:27-28). In his report based on the ‘2019 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Economic Survey of New Zealand,’16 Carey (2019:3) points out that NZ needs to reconsider its treatment of immigrants and NZ-born, including Pasifika, in order to ease labour shortages in NZ. Whether Pasifika peoples migrate frequently between Australia and NZ for economic reasons, or not, will be discussed further in this study.

12 2006 Census in NZ. 13 2013 Census in NZ. 14 Source: StatsNZ. Retrieved 28/1/2019. http://nzdotstat.stats.govt.nz/wbos/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=TABLECODE8021&_ga=2.202628505.901319176.15486 40340-1743282063.1540698474# 15 According to Carey (2019:28), ‘Maori, Pasifika and Asians have lower wages than individuals with European or Other ethnicity, regardless of whether they are immigrants’ or not. 16 http://www.oecd.org/economy/new-zealand-economic-snapshot/ 31

Table 2.1: Samoan, Tongan & Pasifika in Auckland, NZ 2001-2013.

Auckland New Zealand 2001 n 2006 n 2013 n Growth 2001 n 2006 n 2013 n Growth 2001- 2001- 2013 2013 Samoan 76,581 87,837 95,916 2.10% 115,017 131,103 144,138 2.11% Tongan 32,538 40,140 46,971 3.70% 40,719 50,478 60,336 4.01% Pasifika17 154,680 177,948 194,958 2.17% 231,798 265,974 295,941 2.31%

2.2.6 Pasifika in Australia

Despite an influx of Pasifika people both directly from the Pacific homelands, and via NZ, into Australia, Pasifika communities in Australia have been described as ‘statistically invisible’ (Queensland Health 2014:1). One reason for this invisibility is that the many Pasifika who have migrated to Australia through NZ have been categorised in the Census data as ‘New Zealanders.’ Queensland Health (2014:1) also suggest that Pasifika are ticking ‘other’ and not their country of birth or ancestry on the census forms. A likely reason for not providing the correct information is the avoidance of being tracked by authorities, for immigration purposes. Besnier (2011:43) cites the findings of Lee (2003:19-21), who supports this notion that migrants avoid being documented by immigration and census departments. Consequently, the actual number of Pasifika living in Australia may be significantly higher than what has been recorded. Samoans and Tongans are in the top five Pacific ancestry groups recorded in Australia and are concentrated along the Eastern coast; with the highest concentration of Pasifika in Queensland, followed by New South Wales and then (ABS 2011 cited in Ravulo 2015:4; Teaiwa 2019: 385). Batley (2017:1) concludes from his analysis of the 2006, 2011 and 2016 census figures, that the proportion of people in Australia claiming Pacific ancestry (including Micronesian, Melanesian and Polynesian) is ‘growing strongly both in absolute terms and as a proportion of the total population.’ It should be noted here that Ravulo (2015) has included Māori (Indigenous NZ Peoples) whereas Batley (2017) does not. Table 2.2 shows the growth of the Samoan, Tongan and overall Pasifika population within Brisbane and Australia. The Pasifika populations in Australia ‘have a long association with Australia as part of its identification within the Oceania region’ (Ravulo 2015:4). For instance, during the early 20th century, a small number of Samoans migrated to Australia for ‘commerce, education and missionary purposes’ and later during the 1970s, ‘educational programs sponsored by the Australian Government resulted

17 Pasifika figures include all Melanesian, Micronesian and Polynesian ethnic/ancestry groups excluding tangata whenua/indigenous of Australia and NZ. Both Australian and NZ census data consider Maori and Aboriginal peoples separately to migrant Pasifika groups living in Australia and NZ.

32 in increased numbers of Samoa-born people migrating to Australia’ (Aust. Department of Immigration and Citizenship 200618 cited in Queensland Health Multicultural Services 2011:1). As mentioned earlier, several Samoa-born and NZ-born Samoans migrated from NZ to Australia for work and study (Brown et al. 2012; Tiumalu 200919 cited in Queensland Health Multicultural Services 2011:1-2). The Australian Department of Immigration and Citizenship (2017:1) states that the contemporary migration of Tongans to Australia has a ‘strong pattern of family migration’ beginning in the 1970s when Tongans came to ‘study, work or join family members, maintaining strong kinship ties.’ By the mid-1970s the NZ contract-worker scheme, that had encouraged many Tongan labourers to migrate to urban centres like Auckland, ended. This event in NZ spurred many Tongans to travel across the Tasman and settle in Australia (Brown et al. 2012), while other Tongans migrated directly to Australia from Tonga, further encouraging other family members to settle in Australia (Brown et al. 2012; Aust. Department of Immigration and Citizenship 2017).

2.2.7 Pasifika trans-Tasman migration

Pasifika migration across the Tasman Sea from NZ to Australia, and particularly to Brisbane, is part of a general trans-Tasman migration flow of New Zealanders. There has been a consistent increase in this general trans-Tasman flow since the late 1960s due mainly to the countries’ proximity, as well as cultural connections (Green et al. 2008; Poot 2010; Pryke 2014; Teaiwa 2019:385). Trans-Tasman migration is often facilitated by the preferential migration access accorded to New Zealanders under Australia’s migration policy; this is particularly so for those Pasifika who are born in NZ and thus have NZ citizenship or permanent residency rights. Pasifika obtain the rights to travel onwards to Australia because of NZ’s visa and citizenship regimes which accord rights to people from many Pacific Island nations based on NZ’s own colonial history in the region (something, incidentally, that Australia does not do). Green et al. (2008:35) explain that New Zealanders sometimes become permanent migrants ‘by default’ when they continue living in Australia after a temporary move. This is often the case for NZ-born Pasifika, or Pasifika who have obtained NZ citizenship, who often become permanent migrants after visiting family in Australia. Since the mid-1990s, the number of NZ-born Pasifika arriving in Australia has exceeded the arrival numbers of Pasifika born in the Pacific Islands (Green et al. 2008). Hamer (2014:113) reported on the Australian census figures available for 2011, that NZ-born Samoans outnumbered those born in Samoa for each year of arrival since 1995. Similarly, NZ-born Tongans outnumbered those born in Tonga (Hamer 2014:113). Current census figures reveal that the number of Pasifika living in

18 Settlement reporting database. Retrieved 7/12/2018. http://www.immi.gov.au/settlement 19 Tiumalu (2009). ‘Samoans in Queensland.’ Unpublished data. Townsville: Diversicare. 33

Queensland has surged from just under 39,000 in 2011 to more than 70,00020 in 2016. There is a concentration of Pasifika living in Brisbane, as shown in Table 2.2,21 particularly south of Brisbane. According to Batley (2017:2), ‘the highest numbers are recorded in the Ipswich-Logan-Gold Coast- Beaudesert area of south of Brisbane.’

Table 2.2: Samoan, Tongan & Pasifika in Brisbane, Australia 2006-2016.

Brisbane Australia 2006 n 2011 n 2016 n Growth 2006 n 2011 n 2016 n Growth 2006- 2006- 2016 2016 Samoan 11,287 17,333 22,623 10.04% 39,997 55,837 75753 8.94% Tongan 2,389 3,732 5,126 11.46% 18,426 25,096 32695 7.74% Pasifika22 25,961 37,767 50,632 9.50% 112,140 150,066 206,674 8.43%

Brisbane has become, as a NZ documentary series (Tagata Pasifika 2015) described it, the new ‘land of milk and honey’ for NZ Pasifika seeking improved lifestyles. Indeed, since the 1960s migration flows between Australia and NZ have moved strongly in Australia’s favour, with relative economic conditions between the two countries being the main cause of high net migration loss to Australia (Haig 2010). There has also been a broadening of Australia’s immigration policies since the mid- 1970s that allowed for new groups of migrants arriving from all parts of the world to enter Australia. However, the usual migration procedures that other migrants must comply with do not always apply to NZ citizens under the Trans-Tasman Agreement (TTA) that exists between the two nations. This freedom of entry in conjunction with the proximity between NZ and Australia, as well as the strong pull of employment opportunities, encourages NZ Pasifika to live and work in Australia (Teaiwa 2019: 386). Although the increase of Pasifika arriving in Australia has been recorded as a notable migration trend occurring since the 1990s, this contemporary migration by Pasifika forms part of a centuries-old tradition of people departing their Pacific homelands in search of new opportunities and resources (Banivanua Mar 2015; Hau‘ofa 1993; Keck & Schieder 2015; Mallon, Māhina-Tuai, & Salesa 2012; Va‘a 2001). Over the past five years (2014-2018), news articles23 focused on increasing housing prices in Auckland and lower wages in NZ compared to Australia suggest economic reasons are driving New Zealanders, including Pasifika migration across the Tasman. The ‘State of the Nation Report’ (Johnson 2019) provides a picture of the socioeconomic circumstances affecting the well-being of

20 ABS census figures for Queensland show a recent surge in numbers of Pasifika living in the state (2006:36,092; 2011:38,651; 2016:70,289). 21 Source: ABS, retrieved 28/1/2019 https://auth.censusdata.abs.gov.au/webapi/jsf/tableView/openTable.xhtml 22 Pasifika figures include all Melanesian, Micronesian and Polynesian ethnic/ancestry groups excluding tangata whenua/indigenous of Australia and NZ. Both Australian and NZ census data consider Maori and Aboriginal peoples separately to migrant Pasifika groups living in Australia and NZ. 23 Several related articles from the NZ Herald available on https://www.nzherald.co.nz

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Pasifika in this study, particularly those still living in Auckland. This report is funded by the Salvation Army to track the social progress of NZ nationwide. Of interest is Johnson’s (2019) coverage of poverty and housing issues affecting Aucklanders over a ten-year span, that includes the timeframe of this study (2015-2018). According to Johnson (2019:62), the ‘slowdown in Auckland housing price inflation appears to have arrived.’ However, increasing house prices over the past five years and unaffordable rent has left many families in disarray in Auckland. Tutagaloa (2017:i) discusses the affordability of housing in Auckland and the impacts of this on the labour market. She claims that:

Housing is critical to social and health outcomes of all Aucklanders…Auckland faces a housing crisis and disparities in housing affordability and housing quality need to be addressed…Teachers and other important workers are leaving Auckland because they cannot afford home ownership nor afford rent. Teachers are leaving mid-career (in their 30s) to have stability in a home in order to start a family. There is still a desire for many towards home ownership, especially when settling down and starting a family. Most teachers earn above the median income of total people employed in Auckland which also suggests that even for professional workers who earn a good income, buying that first home or renting is increasingly beyond their reach as well.

In support of Tutagaloa’s plea, for more discussion of the deeper issues related to the Auckland housing crisis, the State of the Nation Report documented the ongoing impacts of the increasing house prices in Auckland. The report stated that since the end of 2013, the median house price in Auckland had increased by 43% to $867,000 by the end of 2018 (Johnson 2019:66). The scars of the housing crisis were evident in the winter of 2018, with an even higher than average number of Aucklanders homeless or needing supplementary forms of support. The Salvation Army foodbank recorded an increased demand in Auckland for food parcels and that this was exceptionally high in 2017 (Johnson 2019:32). A noteworthy finding presented in the report is that living costs have risen at a faster rate than incomes across the board in NZ. Even more interesting is the fact that ‘over the past two years [2017-2018], living costs for the poorest households have risen at a slightly faster rate than for other households’ (Johnson 2019:31). Both the housing crisis and financial hardships experienced by Aucklanders in the past five years, particularly in the last two years, may have important links to the findings of this study.

2.2.8 Regulated inequalities for Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants

Since the 1920s, the Australian and NZ governments have had arrangements in place that have allowed their citizens ease of movement between the two countries; Australian and NZ citizens are allowed to migrate between Australia and NZ without the need to obtain visas, and have the ability to live and work within these two countries without qualifying on skills-based or humanitarian grounds (Green et al. 2008). The 1973 Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement formalised this long- standing understanding (Walrond 2014). As a result of this trans-Tasman agreement an estimated

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640,770 NZ citizens were present in Australia by 2013 with work and residence rights (Aust. Department of Immigration and Border Protection, 2017). The significance of this for Pasifika in this study is that the preferential migration arrangements that NZ has with many Polynesian countries (including Samoa and Tonga) means that Pasifika with NZ citizenship can access Australian residence and work opportunities by virtue of these trans-Tasman arrangements. A consequence of this is a much higher rate of migration to Australia (and Australian labour market participation) by Polynesian people as contrasted to entering the country via NZ. This implication of the trans-Tasman arrangement has been discussed by Mackay and Guinness (2019) in relation to the Fijian migrants who have experienced more difficulty in obtaining residency in either Australia or NZ. Since 1994, however, policy changes announced by the Australian Government have meant residency status changes and decreased benefits for these migrants, including Pasifika, arriving from NZ. As of the 1st of September 1994, all non-citizens in Australia were expected to hold a visa to remain in the country. The Special Category Visa (SCV) was introduced for NZ citizens as a temporary visa; the benefit of this SCV is that it was automatically issued upon arrival in Australia. However, the SCV has also been used to control the benefits and opportunities received by NZ citizens in Australia such as social welfare assistance, medical benefits and tertiary fees support. The policy changes affecting the labour mobility of trans-Tasman Pasifika migrants, since the 1990s, reveal the ambivalent role that government visa schemes and social welfare policies play in controlling the level of access to socio- economic benefits.24As discussed by Mackay and Guinness (2019), Australia has gradually withdrawn benefits and rights to NZ citizens. This ultimately creates an un-level playing field of challenging social and economic circumstances that contemporary Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants find themselves in upon arrival to Brisbane. The recent changes to Centrelink (welfare payment) access have created socioeconomic differences across the community with benefits changing over time and affecting people’s circumstances across several generations. Despite the ease of entering Australia under the TTA, challenges exist for Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants. Teaiwa (2019:392) asserts that Pasifika living in different locations may experience different levels of socio-political challenges and opportunities based on their visibility within the Australian diaspora contexts that they live in:

Being a Pacific Islander in New Zealand or the United States, where there are named Pacific Islander agencies, programs and statutory bodies, is very different from being a Pacific Islander in Australia, where issues such as Pasifika education, health and welfare are dealt with, fairly inconsistently, at the state level. And within Australia, being a Pacific Islander in Canberra, with smaller, dispersed Pacific populations, is different from being a Pacific Islander in Campbelltown, Western Sydney, or Logan, Queensland, where they are concentrated and visible…particular social and political circumstances [vary] considerably.

24 Note: Some Australian Government policies (e.g. 2017 changes to Centrelink children’s education bonuses) affect both NZ citizens and Australian citizens alike. 36

In 2001 the Australian Government introduced changes to the Social Security Act 1991. A NZ citizen arriving for the first time in Australia, after the 26th of February 2001, was classified as a non-protected SCV holder and was required to apply for an Australian permanent visa to access particular social security assistance. In short, this meant that a New Zealander can enter Australia to settle and work, with a SCV, but they do not have any benefits or rights as Australian citizens or permanent residents. For example, NZ citizens, on turning 18 years old or after leaving high school, although considered ‘domestic’ fee paying students on enrolment to an Australian tertiary institute, are required to pay their full fees upfront at the beginning of each semester. They have no access to Study Assist for a student loan or student allowance and do not qualify for an Australian scholarship if they have not completed their final year of high school in Australia. The significance of this policy for Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants wanting a tertiary qualification is the inevitable choice to be made between returning to NZ for a student loan-supported degree and entering the Australian workforce as an unskilled or untrained worker.

2.2.9 Reasons for Pasifika trans-Tasman migration

Although there is a wealth of literature outlining the political and economic views behind the trans- Tasman movement of Pasifika, the sociocultural reasons for this movement pattern are not yet fully explained. Haig (2010) provides an economically focused report of the NZ diaspora (including Pasifika) working across the ‘ditch’ in Australia since the 1970s. Bedford (2004), and Ho, Hugo and Bedford (2003) have carried out quantitative work based on the movements of New Zealanders (including Pasifika) to Australia before and after Australia’s social security policy was introduced in 2001. Hamer (2014) examines the history of policy changes, previously discussed, in both NZ and Australia towards the Pasifika people and the challenges placed on their migratory movements across the Tasman. These changes in policy are linked to the public and media concern for the increased immigration of Pasifika (Bedford 2004). Bedford (2009:37-39) emphasises the negative stereotyping of Pasifika migrants in NZ contexts, with the usual focus on social and economic disparity; Ravulo (2015:5) equally acknowledges that previous research on Pasifika in Australian contexts is often limited to a focus on Pasifika over-representation in antisocial behaviour and crime. A few studies (Burns & Morton 1988; Lee 2003; Va‘a 2001) capture evidence of Pasifika entering Australia through NZ (1980s) and the increasing numbers of Pasifika migrants residing in Australia (1990s onwards), however, these rarely consider the sociocultural aspects of Pasifika economic behaviour. Va‘a (2001) is one of the first Australian-based studies attempting to provide a broader perspective of the sociocultural aspects influencing Pasifika migrant life in Australia. Other surveys have been carried out in New South Wales and Victoria considering the economic behaviour 37 of Tongans and Samoans, including the remittance of goods and money to their island homelands. Overall, the literature continues to analyse Pasifika economic behaviour without considering the underlying perspectives of their movements, particularly that of the trans-Tasman migration from NZ to Australia. According to Hamer (2014:94), there is an evident ‘silence’ in the literature that has yet to consider the ‘voices’ and ‘perspectives of Pacific people who have migrated to Australia from New Zealand.’ Therefore, understanding Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant perceptions and experiences in- between their movements from Auckland to Brisbane is important. Based on the 2016 Australian Census figures, the 70,000 Pasifika in Queensland,25 with the majority living in Brisbane is steadily increasing through the process of trans-Tasman migrations. An aim of this research is to gain a better understanding of Pasifika migrant perceptions and experiences of well-being -- in the context of their movements between Auckland and Brisbane. A better understanding of Pasifika well-being experiences in Brisbane will also provide valuable information on the behaviours of Pasifika migrants in Australia as a whole; for instance, the underlying reasons for their spatial distribution in certain urban areas and the underlying motives for economic participation in the labour market across Australia and NZ. This first part of the literature review informs my study by providing current background information and a cross-section of Samoan and Tongan community groups that begins with their Pacific homelands (Samoa and Tonga) and extends to the Pasifika diaspora contexts (Australia and NZ). These components are essential for understanding Pasifika perspectives and experiences within the trans-Tasman migrant contexts of Auckland and Brisbane that this study focuses on. This overview has also highlighted the gaps in the literature which will be addressed in the following chapters.

2.3 Conclusion

This chapter has important background knowledge that will be foundational for understanding the Pasifika perspectives and experiences that are presented in the following chapters. This information will also be vital in understanding the primary questions asked by this inquiry: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’

The existing literature that touches on the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika, originating from NZ and migrating to Australia, is largely focused on describing the evolving trans-Tasman immigration policies and provides an economic and political discussion surrounding the movements of Pasifika

25 Source: ABS. Retrieved 28/1/2019. https://auth.censusdata.abs.gov.au/webapi/jsf/tableView/openTable.xhtml 38 between Australia and NZ. These discussions consider Pasifika within the broader contexts of New Zealanders participating in trans-Tasman migration and are largely based on census data. The available literature relating to the Pasifika diaspora based in Australia is sparse in comparison to what is available in the NZ context. To date, surveys and studies of the Samoan and Tongan diaspora have been undertaken in Victoria and New South Wales. However, according to Queensland-based reports, the Pasifika diaspora residing in Queensland is ‘invisible,’ and inaccurately recorded in data. Therefore, this thesis seeks to contribute a holistic Pasifika perspective of trans-Tasman migration between Australia and NZ. This chapter contributes an assemblage of information specific to the Samoan and Tongan diaspora groups residing in Queensland. To my knowledge this collation of both qualitative and quantitative data drawn from Australian and NZ literature, with a specific focus on Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants of diaspora residing in Auckland and Brisbane, is the first of its kind.

The following chapter of the thesis will provide an overview of literature that has informed aspects of Pasifika well-being and Pasifika research approaches embraced in this study.

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3 Literature Review

…[there are] shifting understandings, disciplinary approaches and emergent genealogies that make up our various Pacifics. Indeed, diverse topics, methodological styles and imaginaries of the region [have] encouraged productive tensions and new learnings…the importance of positionality and reflexivity in understandings of ourselves as researchers and the place we understand as the (Trans)Pacific…Such multisitedness reminds us that depending on where you and your work are located, the region is redrawn multiply, with various historical, cultural and social geographies…In the ebb and flow of contemplating relatedness and relation, the significance of positionalities in individual framings of the Pacific [become] clear. Of what Pacific do you speak? Powell (Transregional Academy 2019)

3.1 Introduction

The aim of this chapter is two-fold. Firstly, to provide a synopsis of literature that has informed this study. Secondly, to provide evidence of gaps in the literature which this research will address. In order to achieve this, the chapter has been divided into two main parts: (1) Pasifika well-being and (2) Pasifika research and methodological approaches. Within each of these sections, an overview of relevant works introduces initial discussion points that will be further developed in the following chapters. Therefore, this chapter provides relevant information that relates to the primary research questions:

How do Pasifika define their well-being? What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?

Pasifika notions of happiness, ‘the good life’ or well-being are rarely discussed in the Diaspora literature from a Pasifika worldview. However, a small but key number of publications in the last five years have begun to address the well-being of Pasifika based in NZ from a Pasifika viewpoint. These works provide an understanding that Pasifika well-being involves the mind, body and spirit. An overview of findings and research methods used in these studies will be considered. Pasifika research methods and frameworks are important considerations when studying Pasifika peoples. The way in which people are recruited, interviewed, surveyed, observed and informed during research needs to align with acceptable protocols and social and cultural observances of the peoples being studied. In this study, understanding anga faka-Tonga26 and fa‘a-Sāmoa27 forms the basis of my interactions with Pasifika informants, families and their communities; it is important for me as a researcher to be culturally responsive in my practice.

26 The Tongan way of life. 27 The Samoan way of life. 40

3.2 Pasifika well-being 3.2.1 Defining well-being subjectively

Literature reflects the changes in the definition of well-being that further reflects what researchers and their paradigms, at the time, have deemed most important when evaluating life and wellness. Historically, the defining process of the concept of well-being has been rife with academic debates about whether it should take on a subjective view within scientific studies and to reconsider the strong economic focus of a measurable well-being (Clark, Frijters & Shields 2008; Easterlin 2006; Kahneman, Diener & Schwarz 1999; Oishi 2010; Rojas 2017). There has also been the debate about what to measure (Layard 2005; Veenhoven 2000; 2010; 2017) and whether well-being should measure positive or negative psychological states of being (Deaton, Fortson & Tortora 2010; Harter & Arora 2010). The constructive outcome of these debates is the refining of the definition of ‘well- being’ within the realities and contexts of individuals and communities being studied, whereby the application of an understanding from individuals can help to shape an understanding of a group of people and their way of life. For instance, Altman (2015) discusses what constitutes ‘the good life’ for Aboriginal people in Australia’s remote communities, and Altman and Gregory (2018) focused their discussion on the important role that morality and values play in the quest of Australia-Pacific peoples’ quest for the good life. Further to this, Inglehart (2010) and Oishi (2010) consider the existing links between cultural constructs and well-being satisfaction (Oishi 2010:55), and religious beliefs and increased levels of subjective well-being (Inglehart 2010:361). Of interest to Pasifika contexts, is Inglehart’s (2010:352) argument that ‘religion can help compensate poverty, so that countries that are strongly religious are substantially happier…’ Ferriss (2002), Inglehart (2010), Norris and Inglehart (2004) consider in their international well-being studies how religion or faith impacts the levels of ‘happiness’ or ‘satisfaction’ experienced by groups of peoples and countries. Interestingly, Norris and Inglehart (2004) in their study make the correlation between cross-national subjective well-being differences and religiosity. Similarly, Inglehart (2010:367) points the significant link between subjective well- being perceptions and experiences of faith and religion and further notes that some high-level income countries in the Central and Eastern Europe region:

…show lower scores than their economic level would predict…[whereas] Latin American countries show levels of subjective well-being that are comparable to those of the Nordic countries although they have not experienced comparable prosperity or good governance…One reason why the Latin American societies rank so high on subjective well-being is linked with the fact that they rank high on religiosity, a traditional pathway to relatively high levels of subjective well-being.

The significance of this insight to the Pasifika context is that both Samoan and Tongan communities are religious, with the majority claiming a Christian faith (McRobie & Makasiale 2013:148-149, 157;

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Va‘a 2001:29) and relationship with God as significant (Makasiale 2013:277-278). It would be interesting to test the correlations between spirituality and well-being within the Auckland and Brisbane diaspora contexts of the study. The significance of spirituality will be discussed further in chapter five. Brulʹe and Maggino (2017:1) discuss this movement towards more complexity in subjective well-being studies, particularly with a growing focus on what is ‘important in people’s lives.’

The idea that observing subjective well-being has a high informative and analytic value is widely accepted. Perceptions and evaluations influence the way persons face life and benefit from opportunities. In other words, considering subjective well-being among the conceptual dimensions of general well-being allows for attention to be oriented towards a component of the quality of life which is the result of the individuals’ evaluation of living conditions, opportunities, preferences, expectations, and adaptations…information on subjective well- being can usefully complement other objective information by allowing divergences between what persons perceive and what is objectively observed to be evaluated…metrics are therefore needed to portray these objective and subjective parts of individuals’ reality and measure what is deemed desirable from the perspective of citizens and policy-makers. Brulʹe and Maggino (2017:6)

Of interest to my thesis objectives, is the increasing number of studies focused on measuring and understanding the subjective well-being of the collective (community) as well as the individual. Brulʹe and Maggino (2017:4) discuss the benefits of evaluating the subjective part of individuals’ well-being as a collective, societal and community phenomenon, well-being contrasts that will help guide policymaking. The subjective aspects of community and societal well-being listed by Brulʹe and Maggino (2017) are characteristic of both Pacific homeland and diaspora Pasifika communities and contexts, as discussed by Ka‘ili (2017) and Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009), whereby ‘āiga28 or kāinga29 constructs are core to Samoan or Tongan well-being.

3.2.2 Pasifika perspectives of well-being

Pasifika notions of ‘a good life’ or well-being can be better understood when seen from a point of solidarity; as the collective aspect of a Pasifika worldview anchors Pasifika well-being behaviours. There are several examples of research that embraces a Pasifika worldview contributing to our understanding of the holistic perceptions held by Samoan and Tongan migrants (Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009; McGarvey & Seiden 2010; Penn 2010; Seiuli 2013; Va‘a 2001; Yancey et al. 2014). For example, Taumoefolau (2013) captures valuable insights into social behaviours of Samoan and Tongan communities in NZ influenced by their shared cultural values. Pasifika frameworks provide researchers with contexts to better understand Pasifika well- being perspectives. Both fa‘a-Sāmoa and anga faka-Tonga are frameworks that are based on the

28 The Samoan term ‘āiga typically refers to the family, including extended family and village or church. 29 The Tongan term kāinga typically refers to the family, including the extended family and village or church.

42 understanding that relationships are at the core of their way of life. Relationships with God (spirituality) and with others (communality) are considered important aspects of life. Makasiale (2013:277) advocates that ‘spirituality…is a dynamic, guiding light in all aspects of life for the Pacific person.’ Ihara and Vakalahi (2011:411-412) highlight spirituality as the essence of wellness among Samoan and Tongan elders in Pasifika diaspora based in Hawai‘i, with a focus on the methods of connecting spiritually with God and with others through support networks in the church. Ihara and Vakalahi (2011:412) suggest an interdependence of culture, spirituality and well-being as well as the interwoven links between biological, physiological and social dimensions of Pasifika elders’ lives. These findings are significant to my thesis because of the holistic, collective and interdependence of important spheres within a person’s well-being. It is obviously important to understand well-being from a Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant perspective and to fully understand what this well-being looks like within the two diaspora contexts of Auckland and Brisbane, both subjects of the current study. Agee, McIntosh, Culbertson and Makasiale (2013) present a valuable collection of cross-cultural perspectives from papers presented at a Pacific Research Symposium: ‘Cross-Cultural Conversations about Pacific Identities, Mental Health and Well-being’, held in Auckland in 2010. This event was held in conjunction with the first joint conference of the ‘New Zealand Association of Counsellors’ (NZAC) and the ‘Australian Counselling Association’ (ACA) in 2010. The collection presented by Agee et al. (2013) emphasise the importance of drawing on Pasifika knowledge and traditions to better understand Pasifika identities and well-being. Their book contributes ‘Pacific-centred responses’ to the questions that have arisen in relation to Pasifika mental health and well-being (Agee et al. 2013:16). Their work also highlights the lack of well-being literature written by and about Pasifika, with most research being quantitative rather than qualitative. They clearly state that there is a need for ‘Pacific voices to be heard’ because ‘those whose origins lie in the South Pacific…are a vibrant and ubiquitous population and need to be approached, respected and appreciated through the lens of cultural literacy if they are to be engaged effectively’ (Agee et al. 2013:17). In response to this plea for empirical research, recent qualitative studies have been released by NZ-based Tongan researchers. Pope (2017) provides a valid study focused on the intergenerational well-being views of Tongan women in Auckland. Pope (2017:i) states that there are both convergent and divergent well-being views impacting on the lives of Tongan women in NZ. Pope (2017:154) also presents a holistic model of Tongan well-being -- that she labels ‘Mo‘ui lo tolu’ -- a well-being triangle representing the ‘three main components; mind, body and spirituality.’ Mafi (2018) considered the well-being perspectives of older Tongans living in Wellington, NZ. His nine informants gave descriptions of the enablers or inhibitors to their well-being. Mafi (2018:42) promotes a similar threefold notion to that provided by Pope (2017), claiming that Tongans perceive

43

‘life in threefold [whereby] Mo‘ui lōtolu is comprised of the three pillars of Sino (physical), ‘Atamai (mental) and Laumālie (spiritual life).’ What is interesting about the narratives captured by Mafi (2018) is that his elderly informants further elaborate on their holistic notions of well-being using the concept of ‘Mo‘ui kakato’ (life in its entirety), with seven well-being dimensions: responsibilities and life purpose, mental, physical, social, environment, Tongan cultural values, and spiritual (Mafi 2018:41-42). These holistic notions of well-being will be discussed further in Chapter 5. Thomsen, Tavita and Levi-Teu (2018) provide a valuable discussion of a ‘Pacific Perspective’ on well-being within the context of NZ through their evaluation of the Living Standards Framework that was developed by the NZ Treasury (published in 2011) to assess the impact of government policies on the well-being of New Zealanders. Importantly, they raise the point that there is a gradual shift in Pasifika perceptions from first generation to second and third generation migrants ‘away from the church as their main collective institution, to other support systems.’ (Thomsen et al. 2018:i-ii). However, there is also evidence provided by other studies that this movement away from the church is not a movement away from the Christian faith, but rather a departure from more traditional churches to less conservative spaces of worship (Gershon 2012:48-69), and a spirituality that rests on maintaining a relational commitment to God, rather than a commitment to institutional rituals of church-going (Makasiale 2013:277-279). This inter-generational difference in views about spirituality will be discussed further in Chapter 8. What is significant about the paper by Thomsen et al. (2018:2), is that this is the first time NZ-based Pasifika views and aspirations have been considered and embedded in the NZ Treasury’s rationale. An important aspect of the Thomson et al. (2018) paper is their use of frameworks that already exist for Pasifika in NZ. Of interest to my thesis is their consideration of analytic frameworks relevant to the Pasifika trans-Tasman communities of Auckland and Brisbane, namely the Pacific Operating Model (Thomsen et al. 2018:11-14), and Fonofale (meeting house) model (Thomsen et al. 2018:15) which draw out commonly shared cultural elements that relate to the well-being of Pasifika, including ethnic identity and diversity. Their consideration of identity and diversity relates to various Pasifika cultures that are lived out in the diaspora contexts of NZ. These same aspects of identity have also been observed in Pasifika cultures within Australian diaspora (Enari30 2019; Lee 2003; McGavin 2014). Thomsen et al. (2018) also draw their evaluation from the research and work undertaken by Manuela and Sibley (2015), on the Pacific Identity and Wellbeing Scale - Revised (PIWBS-R).

30 Enari presented a working paper titled ‘Fa‘a Saymore - From promised land to dream land: Perceptions of Fa‘a Samoa by New Zealand born Samoans in Brisbane, Australia’ at the University of Queensland, Anthropology seminar series on the 1st of August 2019 that I had attended. Further information was retrieved 15/8/2019. https://social- science.uq.edu.au/event/session/3745 44

3.2.3 A Pacific Island well-being scale

Manuela and Sibley’s NZ-based project formulates a well-being scale based on a range of Pacific groups (specifically Cook Islands Maori, Niuean, Samoan and Tongan) and their identities within the diaspora context of NZ (Manuela & Sibley 2013; Manuela & Sibley 2015). The value of the NZ- based study and well-being scale is its consideration of familial and societal well-being, as well as a ‘connection’ to God. My current research will contribute to this broader knowledge of well-being by considering the significance of familial well-being alongside other significant spheres that have been identified. Upon commencing this research, it was clearly necessary for me to allow the Pasifika informants to define their understandings of well-being and to use their own terms to illustrate their concepts of living well. Manuela and Sibley (2013:83) initially described a Pacific Identity and Well-being Scale (PIWBS) that categorises Pasifika perceptions of well-being under five factors: ‘Perceived Familial Wellbeing,’ ‘Perceived Societal Wellbeing,’ ‘Group Membership Evaluation,’ ‘Pacific Connectedness and Belonging,’ and ‘Religious Centrality and Embeddedness.’ More recently, Manuela and Sibley (2015:146) revised the PIWBS to include a sixth factor that assesses ‘Cultural Efficacy.’ The items and construct definitions were developed through qualitative interviews, as well as a review of psychological theories and previous research on Pacific concepts of ethnic identity and well-being. Manuela and Sibley (2013:83) advocate the use of the PIWBS because it ‘provides a culturally appropriate valid and reliable assessment tool that can be used for within-cultural research for Pacific peoples from a Pacific perspective.’ What is significant about Manuela and Sibley’s work (2013; 2015) is their emphasis on the multi-faceted or holistic nature of Pasifika well-being based on a combined set of Pasifika perspectives, analysable into distinct spheres of overall well-being. According to Manuela and Sibley (2013:83), ‘Pacific peoples and cultures influence the social landscape of NZ, so too does NZ influence the identity and wellbeing of Pacific peoples.’ This same fact would be true of Pasifika well-being in Australia. It is important to note here that Pasifika core values and beliefs are shared across island homelands and diaspora contexts in which they reside (Gershon 2007; Gershon 2012; Va‘a 2001) because of the centrality of these values to the cultural essence or make-up of Pasifika (Ka‘ili 2017). According to Taumoefolau (2013), Samoan and Tongan people living in diaspora contexts in NZ have shared cultural concepts and values that are holistic. Manuela and Sibley (2013; 2015) contribute valuable research and ongoing dialogue to the silent void that exists within well-being literature specific to the Pasifika context in NZ. The PIWBS is ‘grounded in qualitative research on Pacific identity and Pacific peoples’ (2013:84). Their work identifies important linkages in the ‘ethnic identity of selfhood, culture and religion’ with ‘subjective well-being of family and broader social groups’ (2013:87). They also note significant variability of cultural practices amongst various Pacific groups that needs to be addressed in well-being studies. I 45 would suggest that these differences may also exist within cultural groups, across the different demographic characteristics and may also vary across different locations for these groups. In response to this, Manuela and Sibley (2013:98) encourage researchers ‘to continue to adapt and tinker with the items in the PIWBS’ further stating that ‘other researchers may well identify additional factors…or other items that further improve the reliability of the scale.’ On this note, my thesis will focus on developing further understanding of other possible spheres or elements that relate to the well-being of Pasifika. There is also further scope for understanding how specific cultural groups’ well-being perceptions and experiences vary across two different contexts, as will be a second focus of my thesis in comparing the perspectives and experiences of Pasifika Samoan and Tongans living in Auckland and Brisbane diaspora contexts.

3.2.4 The Pasifika well-being research and literature gap

Well-being literature across Australia and NZ has emphasised that research from a Pasifika perspective is ‘lacking’ (Manuela & Sibley 2013:84). There is insufficient literature available on Australian-based well-being studies that deals specifically with Pasifika diaspora communities and their well-being. The minimal literature relating to Australia’s or Queensland’s Pasifika migrants (more specifically Samoan and Tongan) are information sheets or Queensland Health publications providing community profiles for government agencies and service providers (for instance health care providers or immigration services). Examples of these types of documents are ‘Samoan ’ community profile created by Queensland Health Multicultural Services (2011), and the ‘Community Information Summary: Tonga-born community profile’ produced by Australia’s Community Relations, Department of Immigration and Citizenship (n.d.). Although some government-generated reports provide thorough reviews of available well-being literature, like the Queensland Health (2011) report, most other documents largely draw general information from the available Census data (sourced from the ABS website). Most of the Australian-based well-being literature rely heavily on NZ-based or US-based studies of Pasifika diaspora communities. The critical issue with this is that it embeds an assumption that Pasifika peoples have the same well-being experiences across different diaspora contexts. The Queensland Health (2011) report contributes important discussions about the Pasifika socioeconomic disadvantages affecting the well-being of Pasifika communities in Brisbane. Their report is based on literature reviews, Census data, consultation forums (using focus groups) with 191 Pasifika (community members and leaders) and telephone surveys with 54 health service providers. Their findings help to pave a way forward for further government initiatives and they make valid suggestions about the general status of Pasifika and Māori health in Queensland. However, these findings have focused on very broad features of socioeconomic characteristics that are assumed to be 46 shared across most Pasifika communities in Queensland, with very little development of the unique aspects of the demographic characteristics associated to each of the groups included in their dataset. There are several aspects of their data that can be further developed to gain a better understanding of the well-being behaviours, status and outcomes of action plans, by focusing on the unique aspects of each cultural group and the contexts of location and government policies affecting specific demographic groups. Therefore, there is a need for more localised, community-based research that goes beyond broad-stroke descriptions of Pasifika communities solely based on Census data. It is important to note that the Pacific Island groups collectively termed Pasifika are heterogeneous; although they do share some common values and aspects of their belief systems, their collective processes, traditional use of materials and shared behaviours within each cultural group do vary from each other in unique ways. For instance, Samoan and Tongan people speak different languages and interact within their public and private spaces in slightly different ways, according to their gender, familial, domestic and public roles (Hanifan 2010; ‘Ilaiū 1997; Macpherson & Macpherson 2009; Meleisea, Meredith, Chan Mow, Schoeffel, Sasa, Boodoosingh & Sahib 2015). This part of the chapter has discussed the available well-being literature and research carried out in diaspora contexts that are relevant to the focus of my study of Pasifika diaspora in Auckland and Brisbane. The recurring theme, in this section of the literature review, is that Pasifika well-being is best understood as a collective well-being model with subjective measures pertaining to a shared way of life. Aspects (or ‘spheres’) of individual Pasifika well-being are enmeshed with the collective well-being. This discussion has also highlighted voids in the well-being literature and dialogue pertaining to Pasifika well-being perspectives. There is much need for further research, as suggested by Agee et al. (2013) and Manuela and Sibley (2013). I would add that this research will require an accurate understanding of Pasifika concepts and beliefs of the island groups considered, that influence their well-being.

3.3 Pasifika research and methodological approaches

The selection and use of culturally appropriate Pasifika research methods and frameworks are critical considerations when studying Pasifika peoples. The way in which people are recruited, interviewed, surveyed, observed and informed during research needs to align with acceptable protocols and social and cultural observances of the peoples being studied. Therefore, this part of the chapter aims to provide an overview of the research methodologies and frameworks relevant to the Pasifika diaspora contexts of Auckland and Brisbane, with a focus on research frameworks and methods that are culturally responsive to the Samoan and Tongan groups which my research seeks to embrace. The following discussion will consider the following aspects pertinent to the research focus on Pasifika 47 diaspora residing in Auckland and Brisbane: (1) anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a-Sāmoa -- cultural guidelines for researchers embedded in Tongan and (2) Pasifika worldviews, and (3) talanoa and vā -- widely accepted Pasifika research approaches.

3.3.1 Anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a-Sāmoa

According to Ka‘ili (2017:48-65), researching within Pasifika contexts is a communal concept and practice. This leads me to suggest that there are significant understandings of the cultural ways of life, embraced by Tongan and Samoan communities in both their homelands and in diaspora communities abroad, and that researchers working with Pasifika Tongan and Samoan informants and consultants should be aware of these cultural ways of being. Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:20) advocates that ‘harnessing an awareness of indigenous concepts is not enough, however, unless indigeneity and its concepts are fully integrated into theoretical approaches to mobility research in Oceania.’ In support of this notion, I would recommend that both Pasifika and non-Pasifika researchers working with Pasifika Tongan and Samoan informants pursue a more in-depth knowledge of cultural aspects that relate to their topic of study and adopt research approaches, design and strategies that will be culturally responsive. It is reasonable to assume that these will inevitably lead to more fruitful outcomes in the research. In the case of my own research, with the Tongan and Samoan communities based in Auckland and Brisbane, I have selected a narrative approach as well as participant- observation; these strategies naturally align with culturally acceptable ways of research within Pasifika contexts where anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a-Sāmoa are naturally expected of a Pasifika researcher. Anga faka-Tonga is better known as the ‘Tongan way of life.’ According to Faleolo (2012:8), anga faka-Tonga is ‘the combined output or living out of two concepts; Tongan ethnic identity and Tongan cultural identity.’ These identities are both subjectively defined although always embracing all values, beliefs and practices that are deemed ‘Tongan culture.’ Ka‘ili (2017:30-31) compares several lists of Tongan values fundamental to the Tongan cultural way of being; tauhi vā is evidently central to anga faka-Tonga. It should be noted that although there is a strong acceptance across Tongan communities (both diaspora and homeland) of anga faka-Tonga, there is a continuum of views held about its application in different contexts whereby some traditional aspects of anga faka- Tonga can be seen by some as ‘burdensome’ and limiting of progressive lives within the diaspora contexts (Faleolo 2012:9,53). According to Afeaki (2004) and Taufa (2010), anga faka-Tonga is a highly contested concept within the Tongan diaspora communities of Australia and NZ. There are differing views between the older and younger generations of migrants. Afeaki (2004) analysed the sociocultural connections that NZ-born Tongans maintained. She concluded that despite not speaking fluent lea faka-Tonga (Tongan language), Tongan youth remained connected to their culture and

48 identity as ‘being Tongan’ through their parents, extended family and participation in cultural and community events. Taufa (2010) notes that while inter-generational differences exist between the Western perspectives that younger cohorts have and the Tongan perspectives that older cohorts continue to embrace in Australia, both cohorts maintain that their cultural identity is Tongan. Similarly, Enari (2019) noted that despite existing differences between younger and older generations of Samoans living in NZ and Australia, both generations maintained their cultural identity as ‘Samoan’ in both diaspora contexts. Fa‘a-Sāmoa, the Samoan way of life, is an all-embracing set of cultural ways of knowing, thinking and living, that Samoan people embrace in their daily lives and decision-making processes. Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:16) highlights the existing links between fa‘a-Sāmoa and mobility, explaining that the significance of this knowledge set is comprised of ‘symbolic capital’ and ‘nonmaterial investments’ made by Samoan people migrating from Samoa further abroad. Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:16-17) argues that this symbolic capital is often more important than economic capital; that allows them to live within a Western system of development and individual gross domestic product, and that is purposefully fed back into a collective ‘āiga31 well-being driven by their moral economy. Gershon (2012:56-57) and Ioane (2017:38) further explain this way of thinking, whereby Pasifika Samoans based in NZ pride themselves on their relationships to their family, village and community, as a ‘Samoan perspective’ or ‘Samoan worldview.’ According to Ioane (2017), a key component of the Samoan collective worldview is the concept of vā; ‘it is how Samoan people generally understand and define the social, spiritual, cultural, economic and religious system to which they belong’ (Mo’a, 2015 cited in Ioane, 2017:39).

3.3.2 Pasifika worldviews

Essentially, Pasifika see themselves as a part of a wider whole. They do not regard themselves as stand-alone-individuals, but rather as an important member of a greater collective that usually form along lines of kinship and genealogy, as well as other social and cultural connections (Ka‘ili 2017:52- 55; Macpherson & Macpherson 2009:73-77) between Pacific homelands and diaspora, including spiritual connections (Makasiale 2013:277-278). The following words, by His Highness Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Ta‘isi Efi (2003:51), explains the Samoan worldview that also echoes similarities with the Tongan worldview, upheld by the late Queen Sālote’s account of Tongan virtues (cited in Ka‘ili 2017:31) and further endorsed by Samoan and Tongan scholars alike:

I am not an individual; I am an integral part of the cosmos. I share divinity with my ancestors, the land, the seas and the skies. I am not an individual, because I share a “tofi” (an inheritance) with my family, my village and my nation. I belong to my family and my family belongs to me. I belong to my village and my village belongs

31 The Samoan term ‘āiga typically refers to the extended family although the more formal terms used for the Samoan extended families are ‘āiga potopoto or ‘āiga lautele. 49

to me. I belong to my nation and my nation belongs to me. This is the essence of my sense of belonging. These are the reference points that define who I am, and they are the reference points of other Samoans.

Katavake-McGrath (2015) provides an outline of the different worldviews driving NZ Government policies during 1998-2013. His exploratory study discusses the importance of understanding key concepts in Pasifika culture when studying Pacific peoples in NZ. These Pasifika concepts are often founded on age-old values that have evolved through histories of migration and settlement and therefore are not ‘new’ to the diaspora dialogue that my research focus picks up on. From my interdisciplinary readings across both Australian and NZ-based Pasifika-related studies, the acknowledgement of Pasifika ways of being have increased significantly since the 1990s (examples are Cowling 1990; Fusitu‘a 1992; ‘Ilaiū 1997; Kavapulu 1991; Macpherson 1999; Schoeffel- Meleisea 1994; Small 1995), with actual engagement with these Pasifika concepts in research practice more broadly happening across Australia and NZ since the 2000s (Afeaki 2004; Airini, Anae, Mila- Schaaf 2010; ‘Ilaiū 2009; Latu 2009; Manu‘atu & Kepa 2006; Mara 2006; Penn 2010; Teaiwa & Mallon 2005). Katavake-McGrath (2015:18-19) suggests that improvements can be made to government policies that influence the well-being of Pasifika in NZ through Pacific values-based research. For instance, policy-making systems that are economically driven may overlook the value systems that Pasifika people survive and thrive by, which Lilomaiva-Doktor (2009:15-19) refers to as the ‘Pasifika moral economy.’ These discussions highlight the importance of understanding Pasifika ideas and beliefs which shape their collective existence across their homelands and diasporic communities. I would suggest that there is a need for further research which will capture a more in- depth understanding of Pasifika well-being and its salient links to their worldviews, values systems and beliefs. This thesis will make a modest contribution in this regard. When internalised Pasifika knowledge presents itself as dialogue and behaviours within social and cultural spaces it is important for researchers to hear and see with the Pasifika worldview in mind. For instance, Pasifika well-being can be better understood when seen from a point of solidarity; the collective aspect of a Pasifika worldview anchors Pasifika well-being behaviours. There are several examples of research that embraces a Pasifika worldview contributing to our understanding of the holistic perceptions held by Samoan and Tongan migrants (Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009; Penn 2010; Seiuli 2013; Va‘a 2001; Yancey et al. 2014). Taumoefolau (2013) captures valuable insights into social behaviours of Samoan and Tongan communities in NZ using Pasifika values. Taumoefolau (2013:135) lists respect, solidarity and resilience as examples of cultural concepts that ‘stand out in the worldviews of Pacific peoples like Samoans and Tongans…and their salience is reflected in their prominent use and representation in Samoan and Tongan social intercourse.’ As previously noted, Pasifika frameworks provide researchers with contexts to better understand Pasifika well-being values such as respect and resilience. Both fa‘a-Sāmoa and anga faka-Tonga are frameworks that are 50 based on a shared understanding that relationships are at the core of their way of life (Faleolo 2012:8; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009:7-8; Taumoefolau 2013:140-14). As mentioned, relationships with God (spirituality) and with others (communality) are considered important aspects of life for Samoan and Tongan in diaspora contexts (Makasiale 2013), where their culture and spirituality are interconnected to their well-being (Ihara & Vakalahi 2011; Yancey et al. 2014). Therefore, Pasifika frameworks are influential not only when dealing with qualitative methods but contribute to more culturally responsive applications of quantitative methods. Walter and Andersen (2013:10) advocate that ‘it is the methodologies within which data are collected, analysed, and interpreted that shape the picture that the statistics produce.’ What is significant about Walter and Andersen’s stance on the use of statistics to study indigenous contexts is their critique of the current mainstream statistical methodologies that have failed to accurately capture the thoughts and understandings of indigenous peoples. They challenge researchers to positively engage in indigenous statistical spaces and to understand the power of quantitative research defined by indigenous methodologies. The paradigms of indigenous research that both Walter and Andersen (2013) and Smith (1999) promote are noteworthy and relevant to this current study of Pasifika since it too, employs quantitative methods, as well as qualitative. The research work which I shall carry out will be reframed according to the relationality32 in the Pasifika worlds that I am studying. This approach will be discussed further in the following sections.

3.3.3 Talanoa and vā

Pasifika frameworks are largely focused on relationship-building and maintaining good social relationships. Therefore, researching within Pasifika contexts requires the full engagement of the researcher during interviews and observations; seeking to understand both verbal and non-verbal language used within Pasifika contexts. Anae (2016:117) explains the significance of undertaking research within Pasifika contexts that is guided by ‘reciprocal’ respect. Talanoa is a preferred methodology within Pasifika research contexts because it nurtures social spaces by embracing cultural protocol. Although talanoa is simply defined as a free-flowing conversation that involves the sharing of stories, thoughts and feelings (Ioane 2017; Fa‘avae 2016; Vaioleti 2006), this way of collecting Pasifika knowledge should be undertaken with a deeper understanding of the social spaces in which talanoa occurs and of how it is best done. For instance, when speaking with a family leader, a church leader or community leader, there are expected and respectful ways that a Pasifika researcher should be dressed to address this person, provide information and conduct the interview in a culturally appropriate way. Ka‘ili (2008:18-24) maintains

32 Embracing ‘relationality’ in research means to apply sociospatial and other behavioural rules of relating to people, spaces and their knowledge in a culturally responsive and appropriate way. 51 that Pasifika peoples view reciprocal relationships as social spaces needing to be nurtured. He explains that ‘vā signifies a relationship. Samoans, as well as all Moana cultures [including Tongans], think about social relations in a spatial fashion’ (2008:20) and suggests that the significance of vā is in the act of maintaining these spaces. The concepts of tauhi vā (Tongan) or teu le vā (Samoan) in Pasifika research means to nurture social relations (Anae 2016:120-121; Ka‘ili 2017:30-33). Therefore, on entering talanoa with Pasifika, the object should be to maintain social spaces and relationships. Halapua (2003) makes an important link between vā and talanoa by explaining that talanoa allows for meaningful communication built on shared obligations. In other words, participation in talanoa obligates researchers to not only gather information but also to provide information. The process of talanoa is two-way; giving and receiving knowledge. Therefore, information reciprocity in talanoa is essential to maintaining Pasifika social spaces. Tauhi vā or teu le vā is also an important facet of participant observation. Researchers working and living within Pasifika contexts must bear in mind that there are codes of speaking, dressing and behaving that build into the maintenance of relational spaces. According to Ponton (2018:3), ‘this Pacific methodology takes into consideration the values and beliefs required by all stakeholders.’ Consequently, for the purpose of capturing Pasifika voices on their own experiences and perceptions of well-being, it is important to conduct the research in a culturally responsive way (Brown 2012; Denzin, Lincoln & Smith 2008; Walter & Andersen 2013). Amongst other highly accredited Pasifika academics, Ka‘ili (2017) advocates a continued cultural approach in research, using talanoa, that spans the social spaces in both Pacific homelands and Pasifika diaspora contexts. Vaioleti (2003:16) promotes this ‘two-way’ interviewing process of talanoa as a culturally responsive way of interviewing in Pasifika contexts, and further defines talanoa as a ‘conversation, a talk, an exchange of ideas or thinking, whether formal or informal…and interacting without a rigid framework.’ According to Havea (2010:14), talanoa ‘opens sacred texts and traditional values…is inviting and permissive, not just to the learned readers but also to all participants who engage one another.’ Latu (2009:3-4) suggests that the only way we can ‘dig deep’ into the ‘warehouses’ and ‘libraries’ of understanding that is within the hearts and minds of Pasifika people is through talanoa. Thus talanoa is an approach that creates a vā or relationship between the informant and researcher whereby free-flowing dialogue occurs; this approach is well-suited to the focus of my research work with Pasifika diaspora. Talanoa has been widely accepted as an approach of gathering in-depth qualitative data across a range of disciplines within several Melanesian and Polynesian academic circles (Fa‘avae, Jones & Manu‘atu 2016; Halapua 2007; Ioane 2017; Latu 2009; Otsuka 2006; Prescott 2008; Vaioleti 2003; Vaioleti 2006; Vaka‘uta, 2009). Similar to a western-derived semi- structured interview, the downside of using the traditional method of face-to-face talanoa is the actual

52 hours required to have an ongoing and free-flowing dialogue with each informant and the need to schedule meeting times that suit the informant and researcher availability. Tunufa‘i (2016:228,233-234) outlines a growing concern amongst Pasifika academics, that relates to the misapplication of the talanoa research method. Furthermore, Tunufa‘i (2016:229-232) calls for more thorough academic thought and discussion given to the etymology and meanings of indigenous methodologies utilised in Pasifika research. I agree with this stance as it will only strengthen the validity and reliability of Pasifika research processes and outputs. However, when dismantling complex research constructs and concepts one needs to remember that these have developed layers of both strengths and weakness over their years of conception, development, application and re-defining. I would recommend that any method or methodological approach be used in the research field with intermittent moments of pause and reflection. The reflective practice of Pasifika and non-Pasifika researchers alike, will ensure that the true essence of talanoa, as was originally intended by Halapua (2003; 2007) and Vaioleti (2003; 2006), will continue. The realignment of researcher agendas in their use of talanoa will ensure that safe relational spaces for knowledge sharing are nurtured by respectful relationships and meaningful dialogue. When the talanoa approach is used purely as a method of gaining access to knowledge-rich spaces, the narrow motives of the researcher will be all too evident to most Pasifika informants (although they may be too polite to let the researcher know this directly) and the information-gathering exercise will not be as effective in nurturing a two-way free-flow dialogue. In some cases, informants may choose not to give their honest opinions, as a result of this built-in mistrust and disrespect shown by researchers who do not comply with the ‘unwritten rules’ of Pasifika sociocultural protocols, based on reciprocity. Thus, Tunufa‘i (2016), makes a valid comment about the misconstrued uses of talanoa and the misconceptions of talanoa as a methodology. This latter point will be addressed in my research. However, the significance of the talanoa approach is that it can help to create spaces of empowerment for both the researcher and the informants if done well (Farrelly & Nabobo-Baba 2014:327-328). Tunufa‘i (2016:227,238) claims that although talanoa remains a useful approach in Pasifika research, it is lacking in philosophical rationale; ‘Talanoa is best regarded and used within research as a research tool or method rather than as a research methodology.’ I suggest that any research tool is effective and powerful in the right hands, with the right motives at heart. Farrelly and Nabobo- Baba (2014:320-321,323) promote ‘emotions and empathy’ as the essential elements in talanoa and as ‘a way forward.’ Is this a possible solution to the milieu described by Tunufa‘i (2016)? I would argue that if a researcher has a deep understanding of the core Pasifika cultural values of reciprocal

53 respect -- faka‘apa’apa33 or fa‘aaloalo34 -- and the skills to implement these values in ways that are both appropriate to the given cultural contexts and meaningful to the people involved, then talanoa can be useful as a method of building ‘beautiful social spaces’ (Ka‘ili 2008; 2017:26-29,33) as well as expanding the researcher’s and informants’ philosophical knowledge spaces through ongoing dialogue. Again, my research seeks to clarify and develop talanoa as a research tool and as an overarching approach based on sociocultural beliefs and principles. Both Mafi (2018) and Pope (2017) utilised Pasifika methods and methodologies, including talanoa, that were culturally responsive and effective in capturing the essence of what well-being meant to their Tongan informants. Like Mafi (2018) and Pope (2017), Enari (2019) has used the talanoa approach in a qualitative study of Samoans living in Brisbane. Enari’s study has used talanoa to capture the perceptions of fa‘a-Sāmoa held by NZ-born Samoans living in Brisbane. This final part of the chapter has presented an overview of relevant methods and approaches that can be used within Pasifika research contexts. An important note for researchers (including myself) to take away from this literature review is that the use of Pasifika methods and approaches does not automatically endorse a study as culturally responsive. Researchers must ensure their modus operandi is culturally and socially respectful; driven by a reciprocity that nurtures sociocultural spaces between researchers and informants. Our methodology frames the way in which we collect, analyse and interpret data. Therefore, my reflective research practice as a Pasifika participant-observer will help to cultivate both qualitative and quantitative methods underpinned by methodologies that tauhi vā and teu le vā.

3.4 Conclusion

This chapter has laid out an overview of research fields and the available literature in these areas that is relevant to the study undertaken here. Two areas were discussed at length: (1) Pasifika well-being and (2) Pasifika research and methodological approaches. These focal points of the chapter build into the inquiry that has been guided by the following primary questions: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’

33 Faka‘apa‘apa is a Tongan value of respect that takes on its meaning within the given social space or context that the attitude, language and behaviour of faka‘apa‘apa is shown. 34 Fa‘aaloalo is a Samoan word for respect. The meaning of this word is embodied in the display of a respectful attitude towards people’s roles within social spaces, in the language of respect used with people of differing ranks in social spaces, and the act of culturally appropriate behaviour within a given social space or context. 54

3.4.1 Pasifika well-being: Literature summary

With regards to Pasifika well-being, the available literature suggests well-being dialogue in Australia, specific to Pasifika, is largely descriptive of Pasifika socioeconomic characteristics; and is often drawn from NZ-based and US-based research. Whilst the available literature considering NZ-specific Pasifika well-being is more empirical and in-depth, the same cannot be said of the Australian-specific literature. Hence, this discussion highlights the need for more Australian-based research focused on Pasifika well-being. The well-being literature dealing with NZ Pasifika, although minimal, is on the cutting-edge of its holistic considerations. A consideration of publications focused on Pasifika perspectives and experiences of well-being, from a range of social disciplines, provides a fresh look at well-being from a Pasifika diasporic perspective; acknowledging the heterogenous aspects of specific Pasifika groups as well as their shared cultural perspectives (Hau‘ofa 2019). On the other hand, the available literature considering Australian-specific Pasifika well-being is lacking; what is available are government summaries and reports that provide broad-stroke statements drawn from census data. In relation to the research focus of this study, this review of well-being literature highlights notable works. Firstly, Manuela and Sibley’s Pacific Island ‘Well-Being Scale’ has been developed and revised, specifically for Pasifika in NZ. Secondly, a very rare collection of cross-cultural perspectives edited by Agee et al. offers an entry point for researchers into the scholarly writings most relevant to Pasifika well-being studies. Thirdly, another unique contribution is the sole report published by Queensland Health in response to the Pasifika and Māori health needs assessment in 2011. Therefore, this chapter not only highlights the ‘silent voids’ in well-being literature but draws focus to the most useful current dialogue on Pasifika well-being perspectives and experiences in Australia and NZ.

3.4.2 Pasifika methodology and methods: Literature summary

The existing literature that considers Pasifika methods and methodology is extensive, providing approaches that are relevant to the Pasifika diaspora communities based in Australia and NZ. However, as highlighted by this review, there is often a misconstrued use of Pasifika methods and misconception of Pasifika methodology when applied without the cultural and social reasonings that go together with these research approaches. This final part of the literature review contributes to a much-needed dialogue about the correct application of indigenous methodology, often overlooked by those researching indigenous peoples. This chapter highlights important considerations specific to the Samoan and Tongan diaspora groups in Australia and NZ. It introduces researchers to Pasifika

55 methods and methodology and suggests guidelines for the use of these research approaches, in a culturally and socially responsive way.

The following chapters of the thesis will draw on these discussions opened by the literature review. The concluding chapter will reflexively evaluate the contribution that this thesis and research makes towards extending and amplifying these Pasifika frameworks and methods. As mentioned, I intend to use both qualitative (including participant observation, photographic analysis of material culture, talanoa interviews) and quantitative (including the collection of surveys and statistical analysis) methods in this study. Chapter 4 will expand on the Pasifika frameworks and methods used within the study.

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4 Research Methodology

I envision in my mind a process of weaving literature reviewed and data collected in the analysis of both these materials to create a mat that will tell a story, as beautiful as those mats made by my mum... my feeling about weaving and being surrounded with pandanus leaves begging to be sorted, selected and then woven.... an important aspect of my weave design and will help me to choose from the 'pile of pandanus' the relevant pieces of literature and data to tell the story that needs to be told in this work. Faleolo (brain dump 2016)

4.1 Introduction

The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of the frameworks that have helped to shape this research, as well as to outline aspects of the research design, and to explain the processes taken to collect and analyse the data that is presented in the study. Therefore, this chapter provides relevant information that relates to the methodology and methods undertaken in the study in order to address the primary research questions:

How do Pasifika define their well-being?

What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?

This chapter has been divided into eight parts: (i) methodological underpinnings; (ii) the design; (iii) context and participants; (iv) materials and instruments; (v) procedures and processes; (vi) data processing and analysis; (vii) ethical considerations; and, (viii) reliability and validity. It is important to note that this chapter will not cover the numerous but important notions that pertain to the anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a-Sāmoa outlooks. These are discussed in Chapter 3 (section 3.3). However, my research has purposefully considered the research aims (outlined in Chapter 1), design, methods and outcomes (discussed in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3) that are relevant to this study and these aspects will be expanded upon in this chapter.

4.2 Methodological underpinnings 4.2.1 Pasifika frameworks

The primary research questions assume an underlying connection between Pasifika perceived well- being aims and their reasons for migrating between Auckland and Brisbane. Furthermore, my research approach acknowledges that the realities of Pasifika are important constructs of their perspectives and lived experiences. These realities and related notions can be better understood within Pasifika frameworks that have been developed in the social and cultural contexts of Samoan and Tongan peoples being studied. More specifically, the well-being of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants relates to their perspectives that have been developed and experienced in their Pacific Island homelands, New Zealand (NZ) or Australia. Therefore, this research has incorporated a mixed

57 approach of both qualitative and quantitative research methods that are underpinned by indigenous methodologies drawing upon anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a Sāmoa (Chapter 3, section 3.3.1). These indigenous understandings provide culturally responsive frameworks for research within Pasifika contexts. I have maintained the tauhi vā and teu le vā concepts as an underlying Pasifika framework for the collection and analysis of both qualitative and quantitative data.35 As discussed in the previous chapter (section 3.3.3), tauhi vā and teu le vā promotes the use of culturally responsive research practices within Pasifika contexts. Ponton (2018:3) explains this type of research as the ‘alignment’ of the practice of values and beliefs belonging to a group of people within any given context, whereby ‘respectful and polite communication is adhered to by all.’ This will require me as the researcher to have a good grasp of the social behaviours appropriate to a social context within the Samoan and Tongan diaspora contexts. On the basis that the perspectives of Pasifika are constructions of their experiences, it was important that I recorded the narratives and survey responses accurately. Therefore, the processes of data collection and recruitment were important considerations of the research design. The reciprocity of information in this study has meant: (i) informants have had the opportunity to provide feedback on their scripts, and (ii) all informants/participants have ongoing access to any published work related to the study. This access has been provided via the Facebook Community Page ‘Pasifika Trans- Tasman Migration’ where I have kept informants and participants updated on any publications (this page will be explained in the next section). The informants and participants are able to provide feedback via posting on the page, or by messaging me via the Facebook Private Messenger link or in a private email.

4.2.2 Positioning self in research

Amongst others, Ka‘ili (2017), McGavin (2014), Mila-Schaaf (2010) and Smith (2012) advocate for the importance of being visible in our positioning relative to our research, as this positioning inevitably influences the way in which research is carried out. Within Pasifika research contexts it is important to make connections between your position as the researcher relative to the people, location and cultural context of research (Ka‘ili 2017:48-52; McGavin 2014:128; Mila-Schaaf 2010:14-16; Smith 2012:12-16). For instance, Ka‘ili (2017:49) outlines his genealogical connections to the Tongan social ‘seascape’ of his research. Mila-Schaaf (2010:16) describes her ‘precarious and

35 The concepts of tauhi vā (in Tongan) and teu le vā (in Samoan) both mean ‘to maintain relational spaces or relationships’ and are concepts adopted by Pasifika academics in their research. There are many other relevant Pasifika frameworks, such as Kakala, Vaka, Tivaevae (Thomsen et al. 2018:6). 58 unsettling positioning’ as a NZ-born Pasifika. McGavin (2014:128) also advocates the relevance of her ancestry and the importance of genealogy to her work as a researcher within Pasifika diaspora. In the introduction of this thesis (Chapter 1, section 1.5), I explain my cultural background as a Tongan, born in New-Zealand, raised in Auckland largely identifying as Pasifika, now married to a Samoan and recently moved to Brisbane. These aspects of my journey as a Pasifika migrant influence both my positionality within this study of trans-Tasman migration and my own experiences of well- being. Both my Auckland-based lens and my Brisbane-based lens of experiences, as a Pasifika trans- Tasman migrant, provides me with insights that have assisted my role as a participant observer.

4.2.3 Appropriateness of research design

The research has incorporated a ‘mixed methods’ approach (Creswell 2010; Creswell & Clark 2011; Morse & Niehaus 2009). The use of both qualitative and quantitative research methods includes the use of Pasifika frameworks that make sense of the perspectives and experiences of Pasifika trans- Tasman migrants. These Pasifika frameworks support a research design that keeps relational and communal practice at heart.

4.3 The design 4.3.1 Mixed methods research

At the very start of the research, it was important that I kept an open mind about the approach that the study would need to take. My understanding of qualitative research has always aligned with the notions advocated by Savin-Baden and Major (2013:6-7) where qualitative researchers:

do not test for cause and effect but rather seek to learn because they believe that…when studying individuals, the best that researchers can do is learn about, describe and explain from the perceptions of those involved. Qualitative researchers seek the perspective provided by the whole picture and assert that values, passion and politics are important in this research. Such research requires patience, honesty, courage, persistence, imagination, sympathy and self-discipline, as well as a view of researchers as people who conduct research amongst other people and learn with them, rather than conduct research on them.

Although I had entered this research with a strength in qualitative research, it became clear in the early review of literature that there was very little quantitative data available on Pasifika living in Australia, let alone Queensland or Brisbane. The research questions that developed in the study were not readily answered by either qualitative or quantitative approaches alone. For these reasons, a mixed methods approach was adopted in this study. This change from a pure qualitative study to the inclusion of quantitative methods was not an easy transition as I later explain in my reflections captured in Chapter 9.

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Tashakkori and Teddlie (2010:274-275) promote the use of ‘the most diverse array of methodological tools available to answer…questions.’ They recommend doing away with the traditional dichotomous either-or options of carrying out research using either quantitative approaches or qualitative approaches. Instead, Tashakkori and Teddlie (2003; 2010:274) suggest the continuum of options that ‘stretch across both methodological and philosophical dimensions.’ Mixed methods involves the collection of both qualitative and quantitative data in response to research questions (Creswell 2014; Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007; Pole 2007). This current study has used the mixed methods approach to address the research questions with both depth of understanding (that comes from qualitative methods of inquiry) and breadth of evidence (that comes from quantitative data collection methods). According to Gunasekare (2015) and Small (2011), researchers employ more than one kind of data in a single study in order to complement data sets and to confirm findings. Thus, I have used a convergent mixed methods design because it allows for the confirmation and verification of findings using different sets of data. Figure 4.1 below shows this convergence, also known as a process of ‘triangulation’ and I discuss this further in section 4.9.3 below. Furthermore, Figure 4.2 shows how the mixed methods research approach developed over the four years of data collection and analysis (2015-2018).

Figure 4.1: Convergent mixed methods design: Triangulation of data.

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Figure 4.2: Mixed methods research: Qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis, 2015-2018.

4.3.2 Talanoa interviews

For the purpose of capturing Pasifika voices on their own experiences and perceptions, it was important to collect the dialogue in a culturally responsive way (Brown 2012; Denzin et al. 2008). As discussed in Chapter 3, talanoa is a culturally responsive way of exchanging ideas within both formal and informal social spaces. Talanoa has been widely accepted as an approach of gathering in- depth qualitative data across a range of disciplines within several Melanesian and Polynesian academic circles (Fa‘avae et al. 2016; Halapua 2007; Latu 2009; Otsuka 2006; Prescott 2008; Vaioleti 2003; Vaka‘uta 2009). Importantly, talanoa ‘opens sacred texts’ (Havea 2010:14) and is the only way we can dig deep into ‘storehouses and libraries of understanding’ that is within the ‘hearts and minds’ of Pasifika (Latu 2009:3-4). Thus, talanoa is an approach that creates a vā or relationship between the informant and researcher and further creates a free-flowing dialogue, one that is well-suited to the focus of this study with Pasifika migrants. Similar to a western-derived open-ended interview, the downside of using the traditional method of face-to-face talanoa is the actual hours required to have an ongoing and free-flowing dialogue. There is also the need to schedule meeting times that suit the informant and researcher availability. However, the significance of the talanoa approach is that it is built upon an understanding

61 of the core Pasifika cultural values of respect faka‘apa’apa36 or fa‘aaloalo.37 Most importantly, this level of respect should be displayed during data collection within Pasifika contexts. For instance, when speaking with a family leader, a church leader or community leader, there are expected and respectful ways that a Pasifika researcher should be dressed to address this person, provide information and conduct the interview in a culturally appropriate way. Refer to Chapter 3 for more information relating to culturally responsive research practice (section 3.3).

4.3.3 Online e-talanoa

A total of 40 initial interviews were carried out with Pasifika informants in Auckland and Brisbane. These informants were identified via snowball recruitment both offline and online. Evans and Mathur (2005), Fricker and Schonlau (2002) as well as Shannon and Bradshaw (2002) discuss the advantages of online surveys. Field (2015:72-73) explains how virtual social networking spaces creates engaging communication and ‘affinity spaces…locations where groups of people are drawn together because of a shared interest or engagement…social networking sites are cited as facilitating…peer-to-peer learning, diversification of cultural expression, skill development…’ With regards to studying groups of people and families, Sinanan (2019) has found social media38 plays a significant role in maintaining transnational family relationships in the absence of family members due to work in the mining industry. Amongst other researchers of Pasifika peoples, Morton (2001) and Lee (2003) have utilised online forums like the Bowl (KB)39 to understand the mindsets of online Pasifika community members. Both Morton (2001) and Lee (2003:1-2) have used this forum to glean intergenerational and transnational40 interpretations about anga faka-Tonga. Morton (1999; 2001:68) suggests that ‘the KB should be seen as an extension of the global Tongan community, and that there are many connections between the “real” and “virtual” Tongan communities.’ My current study has also utilised online forums to both gather and share information with Samoan and Tongan communities online and across the two locations of Australia and NZ. The interviews were carried out using two modes of inquiry: face to face talanoa with informants who preferred this mode of communication, and a unique and novel form of talanoa using online forums that removed the inconvenience of time and location. What I term e-talanoa was in direct response to the request of the Pasifika informants in both Auckland and Brisbane; e-talanoa is

36 Faka‘apa‘apa (Tongan value of respect) takes on its meaning within the given social space or context that faka‘apa‘apa is shown. 37 Fa‘aaloalo (Samoan value of respect) is embodied in the display of a respectful attitude towards people’s roles within social spaces, in the language used with people of differing ranks in social spaces, and the act of culturally appropriate behaviour within a given social space or context. 38 See also Sinanan (2017) ‘Social Media in Trinidad’ and Miller and Sinanan (2014) ‘Webcam’. 39 The KB is an internet discussion forum with predominantly Tongan participants. 40 Tongan communities online were belonging to the island homelands of Tonga as well as diaspora in Australia, NZ and the US. 62 more suitable to their normal way of communicating across diaspora and Pacific homelands, online with their family and friends. This understanding is supported by the research conducted by Müller (2018) who recorded important architectural and design contributions of Samoan women from their sociocultural discourse online. In my research, the amendments of the way talanoa was carried out is part of a culturally responsive approach within the diaspora contexts of Auckland and Brisbane. According to Latu (2009), it is important to base talanoa in an environment which is conducive to good discussions, as talanoa is aided by an environment where the participants feel comfortable. This methodological development provided the flexibility and ease for informants to participate; the benefit of e-talanoa is that the research took place in and around the realities and daily lives of the informants. Several of the e-talanoa took place with informants while they tended to their chores or while waiting for a train. In essence the informants were in control of their time to respond to prompts throughout the interviews. Although face-to-face meetings were carried out with informants who preferred this mode of communication, some later opted for the e-talanoa modes of interview. Several of the e-talanoa interviews occurred over dispersed hours, or a number of days, online via Facebook private messenger conversation or by ‘email volley’41 conversation. Both modes of talanoa and e-talanoa interviewing provided valuable insight into the views held by Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants about their well-being and experiences of well-being in Auckland and/or Brisbane. However, e-talanoa gave informants more time to contemplate their response before having to write and send it (in messenger or email).

4.3.4 Participant-observation

Participant-observation is a method of data collection that allowed me as the researcher to actively observe and to participate in the daily activities of those under study (Singleton & Straits 2010:365). Participant-observations in Auckland and Brisbane during 2015-2018 entailed my attendance at family (baby shower, funeral, graduation, birthdays, family barbeques, family meetings, etc.), church (Sunday services, Saturday services, bible study groups, cell group or connect group meetings) and community events (cultural festivals, sporting events, community councils or forums, school cultural events, academic cultural celebrations, etc.) that had been organised by Pasifika or involved Pasifika informants. Virtual participant-observation in family and community discussion forums on Facebook and Private Messenger also took place during 2015-2018.

41 This concept of email ‘volley’ conversation is a reference to the use of emails between informants and researcher during ongoing conversations or interviews. 63

4.3.5 Online image sharing

Another important aspect of the study that is a methodological spin-off from the e-talanoa is the use of images (photo posts, Instagram, posted live videos, shared posts, banner statements, and liked/shared videos) to convey ideas and thoughts relating to well-being and trans-Tasman migration.

4.3.6 Field notes and ‘brain dumps’

Field notes were often listed as event details and items of observed behaviours as well as dated photo images. These notes and images later acted as memory triggers that provided an impetus for brain dumping42 notes that further expanded and analysed what was seen and heard at events. ‘Brain dumps’ also allowed the unique aspects of first impressions (often culturally distinctive ones) to be recorded whilst still vivid in my conscience.

4.3.7 Photographs and videos

Photographs and video footage were captured during most participant observation events. It was not always appropriate to take a photograph or video during an event so the practice of listing memory triggers (as mentioned already) would provide reason for collecting images at a later stage either from another similar event or from shared online forums (Facebook pages or Private Messenger). Note: photographs and videos have been used with permission.

4.3.8 Online surveys

It was decided before the Brisbane-based survey collection to trial an online Google forms survey. It was thought that an online collection would help to speed the process of survey distribution and collection. However, after a few glitches in the first month of collection (August-September 2016) it was decided that I would have more opportunities to collect survey responses face-to-face at key Pasifika events.

4.3.9 Face to face surveys

Based on qualitative findings and analysis in 2015, it was decided in February 2016 that I needed to conduct a wide-scale survey that captured general Pasifika perspectives of well-being, experiences of well-being, and the fulfilment of well-being aims in Auckland or Brisbane. The reason for introducing this type of data collection was to be able to correlate particular well-being experiences with particular

42 The term ‘brain dump’ and process of ‘brain dumping’ was borrowed from a South Auckland-based mentoring and academic support programme for secondary students where Nadeen Papali‘i uses the term ‘brain dump’ to encourage students’ initial writing stages. 64 types of Pasifika people in Auckland and Brisbane. The survey would also be able to provide more scope for analysing the similarities and differences of Pasifika well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

4.4 Context and participants 4.4.1 Samoans and Tongans

During a scoping visit to Brisbane in April 2015, while considering the availability and accessibility of particular informants belonging to certain Pasifika groups in both Auckland and Brisbane, the decision was made to initially work with my existing networks within the Samoan and Tongan communities, in both Auckland and Brisbane. This was also supported by statistics available at the time suggesting that there were significant trans-Tasman movements within these particular Pasifika groups originating from NZ and now residing in Australia (see Chapter 2, section 2.2.7). Hamer (2014:113) reported on the Australian Census figures available for 2011, that NZ-born Samoans outnumbered those born in Samoa for each year of arrival since 1995. Similarly, NZ-born Tongans outnumbered those born in Tonga. Therefore, the study was to concentrate on the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika with Samoan and Tongan descent. This decision was made to achieve an in- depth level of inquiry that would have not been possible as an outsider of other Pasifika communities.43 As a Tongan, married to a Samoan and carrying a Samoan surname, I have been accepted more readily by Samoan informants and their networks in the study, and also because of the relationships that exist and are strengthened through regular contact (teu le vā).

4.4.2 Samoans and Tongans in Brisbane

Available statistics (ABS 2018) provides evidence of a steady increase in Pasifika migrants living in Brisbane. Queensland government reports (2013) list the areas of highest Pasifika concentrations, by ethnicity, within Brisbane. The local government area of Logan City has the highest concentrations of Pasifika, particularly those with Samoan ethnicity. Figure 4.344 shows the growth of both Samoan and Tongan Pasifika residing in the Greater Brisbane area. Both the growth rates of Samoan and Tongan Pasifika exceed the growth rate of total Pasifika45 in Brisbane (Chapter 2, Table 2.2).

43 Initial intentions of studying a selection of Pasifika peoples from , and Polynesia were revised due to time constraints. 44 Source: ABS. Retrieved 28/1/2019. 45 Pasifika figures include all Melanesian, Micronesian and Polynesian ethnic/ancestry groups excluding tangata whenua/indigenous of Australia and NZ. Both Australian and NZ census data consider Māori and Aboriginal peoples separately to migrant Pasifika groups living in Australia and NZ. 65

Figure 4.3: Samoan, Tongan & Pasifika populations in Brisbane, Queensland, 2006-2016.

4.4.3 Interview informants and survey participants in Auckland and Brisbane The criteria for the selection of Pasifika trans-Tasman participants in the initial and in-depth interviews were:

1. Must be of Samoan or Tongan descent residing in Auckland, and have considered or is planning to migrate to Brisbane, or 2. Must be of Samoan or Tongan descent residing in Brisbane, or 3. Must be of Samoan or Tongan descent and in transit from Auckland (within NZ or within Australia), and have considered or is planning to migrate to Brisbane, or 4. Must be of Samoan or Tongan descent and has returned to reside in Auckland after previously migrating to Brisbane.

With an understanding of how Samoan and Tongan Pasifika groups function socially within the diaspora contexts of Auckland and Brisbane, I identified key informants46 for Tongan groups mainly within their fāmili (both nuclear and extended family groups), and the key informants for Samoan people from their community leadership. These key informants became the starting point of a snowball effect of recruitment. Figure 4.4 shows examples of how this type of recruitment was

46 Key informants are important in that they help to initiate the snowball recruitment of other informants, as well as provide vital background information on the communities studied and the social relational spaces and contexts that the researcher will enter into during field observations and data collection. 66 structured. Although the structures for both Samoan and Tongan informants look similar, the difference between the two ways of recruiting the participants is in the type of informant networks. Samoan informants were largely recruited within community group connections. Whereas Tongan informants were largely recruited through family group connections.

Figure 4.4: Examples of initial recruitment within Samoan and Tongan groups based in Brisbane.

This recruitment method is similar to the method used by Ahlburg and Brown (1998:130) in their study of Tongans and Samoans living in New South Wales, Australia. However, I have only employed this approach in the initial recruitment of Pasifika in Australia where I had minimal contacts at first. After the initial recruitment phase in Brisbane, further recruitment of both Samoan and Tongan Brisbane-based informants developed quickly along both family and community lines simultaneously. On the other hand, the recruitment of Auckland-based Samoan and Tongan informants happened with ease along both professional and personal connection points that already existed in my community networks in Auckland. Key informants identified during the scoping study

67 helped to initiate the snowball recruitment of informants for the Auckland-based and Brisbane-based interviews in 2015-2017. These informants were selected based on their ethnicity (either Samoan or Tongan) and their knowledge of, and leadership within, the Samoan or Tongan communities in Auckland and Brisbane. I had selected key informants from a variety of sectors including education, religion, commerce, sociocultural, etc. From these different sectors, key informants provided a range of networks and a vast understanding of different Pasifika experiences of well-being in Auckland and Brisbane. For instance, some of these informants were teachers, politicians, social workers, community/cultural leaders, pastors, actors, artists, sports coaches, activists and entrepreneurs. Some of these key informants remained in contact after the final narratives were collected. I continue to receive invitations to attend special events as a guest of honour and accept these invitations as a way of reciprocal research practice, better known as tauhi vā or teu le vā. As previously mentioned, it was decided in February 2016 that I needed to conduct a wide- scale survey in Auckland and Brisbane. The reason for ‘throwing the net wide’ in this instance of the data collection was to obtain a better understanding of what Pasifika thought about well-being and whether the experiences of well-being in Auckland or Brisbane had any links to the transit of Pasifika across the Tasman Sea or not. The measurement of ‘subjective well-being’ should take account of the well-being concepts that belong to those being studied (Conceição & Bandura 2008; Dolan, Laynard & Metcalfe 2011). So, it was decided that in order to stay true to the Pasifika voices captured in the interviews, the phrase ‘a good and happy life’ would be used alongside the term ‘well-being’ in the surveys. The statements used in the three main sections of the survey, like: ‘a spiritual connection with God’, ‘spending quality time with the family’, ‘a good job with a good pay’ and ‘having enough money to pay the bills,’ were used in the surveys to gauge whether the well-being perspectives of Pasifika populations of Auckland and Brisbane were aligned with the responses of the 40 informants, or not.

4.4.4 Generations of migrants

In the study a first-generation Pasifika migrant is defined as someone of Pasifika descent born in either Samoa or Tonga before migrating abroad. A second-generation Pasifika migrant has been defined as someone born in either NZ, Australia or abroad to a first-generation Pasifika migrant parent/s. A third generation Pasifika migrant has been defined as someone born in either NZ, Australia or abroad to a second-generation Pasifika migrant parent/s. The informants referred to as Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants are either first, second or third-generation Pasifika migrants that have migrated between NZ and Australia.

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4.5 Materials and instruments 4.5.1 Interviews

Focusing questions (Appendix 1a) were used as prompts or discussion focus points during the initial talanoa and e-talanoa sessions with 40 informants (2015). Follow-up talanoa with 20 informants, who offered to be interviewed again, took place over the course of 2016-2017. These follow-up talanoa were more free flowing as the topics of discussion were often raised by the informants themselves when I met with them again. In some cases, the follow-up was face-to-face talanoa and in other instances these were e-talanoa (online via email or Facebook Private Messenger).

4.5.2 Pasifika trans-Tasman migration page

The key informants identified during the scoping stage of the study helped to initiate the snowball recruitment of informants (Figure 4.4). This was the case for the Auckland-based and Brisbane-based interviews in 2015. From the initial interviews conducted in Auckland and Brisbane, I was introduced to further key informants who helped with the virtual snowball recruitment, with shared Facebook posts calling for participants in the surveys that were collected in 2016. After receiving ethics approval for the research project, an online community page: ‘Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration’47 was set up on the Facebook forum in May 2015 and was later given approval by the Facebook administration team after the initial set-up. Initially, this Facebook community page (Figure 4.548) was created to gauge the level of interest in the topic with five posts that shared two photographs (Pasifika artwork created by my ex-student49 in Auckland and a photograph of my youngest son50 at the Pasifika festival that was held in Manukau, Auckland in 2015), and three separate video links of interest (‘Children of the Migration’51 and the first two parts of a three-part series ‘Second Migration of Pacific People’).52 These posts generated good discussion and interest around the research, both offline with Pasifika in the researcher’s community and family networks, and online with existing networks as well as newly forming connection points, as a result of the online prompts. By mid-June 2015, a post on the Facebook community page called for any interested Pasifika participants for the study. Likely participants were advised of the criteria that needed to be met in order to participate in the study. Several interested participants that did not meet the criteria shared the post on their own

47 https://www.facebook.com/PASIFIKAtransTASMANmigration/ 48 Retrieved 2/7/2015.https://www.facebook.com/PASIFIKAtransTASMANmigration

49Artist Loseli Manu, an ex-student of Sir Edmund Hillary Collegiate, Otara has authorised the use of his artwork. 50My son Nehemiah Faleolo is photographed at the Pasifika 2015, held at Hayman Park, Manukau, Auckland City. This photo is symbolic of the Pasifika cultures shared by Nehemiah and his four siblings as they are both Samoan and Tongan in heritage (third-generation Pasifika). The intention of this photograph is to showcase the Pasifika cultures that I will focus on in my study. 51NZONSCREEN three-part documentary. Retrieved 13/5/2015. https://www.nzonscreen.com/title/children-of-the- migration-2004 52Tagata Pasifika three-part documentary. Retrieved 13/5/2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tGwbRuZpErU&feature=share 69

Facebook page with other members of their family and communities. The benefit of this online snowballing technique is the time that was saved by the functionality of the already established Facebook community page. Participants were invited to private message me with details of their preferred mode of interview (face-to-face, email or Facebook private inbox/ messenger).

Figure 4.5: Screenshot of Facebook community page ‘Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration.’

During the two months of June and July 2015, the site was used to post open-ended questions relating to experiences of trans-Tasman migration, living in Auckland and/or Brisbane, and well- being. It became evident at this stage that there was a lot of interest in the research with some posts reaching hundreds of people and with the help of the Facebook ‘boosted results’ application,53 thousands were reached globally. It was also apparent after receiving private messages of interest from individuals that the preferred mode of communication for the Pasifika online community was usually on their Private Messenger or personal email accounts. Thus, further considerations were made to ensure the research methods used would ensure safety for informants and security of information when using these preferred online modes of research and knowledge sharing.

4.5.3 Private messenger and email

One-on-one online contact made with potential informants who ‘liked’ posts or made comments on the community page happened on an individual basis via the Private Messenger function, to ensure their confidentiality was kept. A personalised invitation was sent to these potential informants and

53A Facebook post boost is a paid advertisement. I had used a post boost with a targeted audience of Pasifika, Tongan and Samoan based in NZ or Australia. Three boosts were made, each costing an average of $20 NZD. 70 this method of contact proved successful on the most part. Unfortunately, in some cases, people who ‘liked’ the posts were not able to participate because they did not meet the criteria but offered to send the invitation onto their friends and family (this was done by using the ‘share’ function on their personal Facebook accounts). At this point, several individuals who did meet the criteria and had accepted the invitation requested that all communication be online via Private Messenger or via email. This online mode of receiving consent as well as collecting responses from informants, particularly on Private Messenger, was considered in the amendment to the ethics and approved (Appendix 8). Once contact was made with the participant, the information sheet and consent form were shared with them online or face-to-face, and a talanoa meeting time and place was arranged or e-talanoa commenced.

4.5.4 Surveys

The Auckland and Brisbane surveys have been included for perusal in the appendices section of this thesis (Appendix 2 and 3). Both surveys were of parallel design. The only difference between the two surveys was in the wording of questions based on the cities of Auckland and Brisbane (for example, refer to Question 3), and similarly in the wording of questions based on the countries of NZ and Australia (for example, refer to questions 2i.20, 3i.20 and 4i.20). Both the Auckland and Brisbane surveys were divided into four main questions. These survey questions had been developed from the findings and analysis of talanoa and e-talanoa collected in Auckland and Brisbane during 2015, as shown on Figure 4.2. Prior to the actual survey collection, the face-to-face and online surveys were tested on members of my family (both Samoan and Tongan) to ensure that the survey questions were understandable and easily answered within a ten to 15-minute timeframe. Question 1 asked general information about the participant and was broken down into 16 open-ended and close-ended questions. Question 2 was focused on the perceptions of Pasifika well- being. The first part of this question listed 42 well-being statements (drawn from the interviews) on a Likert scale (see Chapter 5 methods section). The last part of this question was open-ended and asked the participant for other ways that they defined a ‘good’ and ‘happy’ life. Question 3 was focused on well-being experiences (see Chapter 6 methods section). The first part of this question again listed the 42 outcomes of a ‘good’ and ‘happy’ life on a Likert scale; the second part of this question was open-ended and asked for other well-being experiences not listed on the Likert scale. Similarly, Question 4 uses the 42 statements on a Likert scale to gauge expectations of the fulfilment of a ‘good’ and ‘happy’ life in Auckland (or Brisbane) in the near future (Chapter 8 methods section). The last part of the question asks participants to add any further comments about their well-being expectations.

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4.5.5 Mobile devices

As a Pasifika migrant, undertaking inside participant-observer field work, it was important for me to employ a technique of capturing observations quickly and effectively. A mini-iPad that served both as a camera and note-taking device, as well as a Samsung phone with camera and Memo apps allowed me to make journal entries on-the-go, better known as ‘brain dumps’ to my advisors. I found that informants were more comfortable with these devices compared to a video camera or tape recorder. These devices were familiar objects to them and less intrusive if used during events that I attended and observed; at celebrations many others were using these devices too so I ‘blended’ into the social scene easily as a participant-observer.

4.5.6 Brain dumps

Often, the daily commute on the Beenleigh line (Gold Coast and Brisbane express trains) to and from events and meetings, served as brain dump sessions. Other regular brain dump times happened in the early hours of the morning – ‘power hours’ for writing (Gardiner & Kearns 2010). The term ‘brain dump’ generally means to transfer knowledge from one’s brain to another form of storage: paper or computer in the form of a journal or blog. The purpose of the brain dump is to both capture data as well as my reflections on the research findings, research process and contexts of both. I often shared the brain dumps with advisors in order to get further insights and feedback on the procedures and concepts that were developing at the time.

4.6 Procedures and processes 4.6.1 Literature review

The study has considered theories of migration and the impacts of migration further away from homelands and primary diaspora settlements on Pasifika and their wellness (Chapter 2).There is also a thorough consideration of the existing literature on the Pasifika diaspora in Australia and NZ. In particular, the existing mainstream well-being theories have been considered in light of an emerging Pasifika well-being concept discussed in this study (Chapter 3).

4.6.2 Initial scoping

In April 2015, a scoping study was undertaken to meet with potential key Pasifika informants, and to gain initial outlooks of Pasifika well-being and trans-Tasman migration happening. I spoke with key informants in the Pasifika communities of South Auckland. These early discussions with local people who were aware of the trans-Tasman migration occurring helped to identify that Queensland was one of the destinations for Pasifika families moving across the Tasman from Auckland. Talks with my

72 extended family members residing in Brisbane helped to further inform the study of areas in Brisbane where many of the recent Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants were settling.

4.6.3 Interviews 2015-2017

In 2015, a total of 40 initial interviews were carried out with Pasifika informants in Auckland and Brisbane. These informants were identified via snowball recruitment both offline and online. The interviews were carried out using two modes of inquiry: face to face talanoa with informants who preferred this mode of communication, and a unique mode of e-talanoa using online forums that removed the inconvenience of time and location. Out of the 40 interviews, 25 of these were conducted either on Private Messenger or on email. Table 5.1 (Chapter 5) presents further details of talanoa and e-talanoa informant characteristics (based on initial interviews conducted in 2015), including the types of interviews conducted with each informant. Note that of the 40 initial interviews, five of the informants switched from one mode to another. As Table 5.1 shows, three informants started their interviews with a face to face talanoa and then completed the rest of the interview with Facebook Private Messenger. Similarly, two informants began their interviews on Facebook Private Messenger and then completed their responses via email. Table 4.1 below provides a summary of the modes of interviews; the number of face-to-face meetings or online messages and emails that had occurred during 2015 with the initial 40 interviews. Table 4.1 also shows the summary of modes and number of sessions in the follow up interviews that took place during 2016 to 2017.

Table 4.1: Summary of talanoa and e-talanoa sessions, 2015-2017.

Interview 2015 2016 2017 Mode Sessions n Sessions n Sessions n Face to Face 23 30 12 Email 9 13 4 Facebook PM 13 51 41 Total sessions n 45 94 57

In 2016, 20 of the informants who had participated in the initial interviews consented to a follow-up interview. Several of these interviews were again drawn out over a number of weeks via e- talanoa, over a shared meal, or during field research participant observation at a family, church or community event. In 2017, these informants continued to stay in touch with me via e-talanoa and a handful of these informants met with me for face-to-face talanoa over a shared meal or during a family, church or community event. These sessions remained flexible around the lives and availability of the informants.

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4.6.4 Participant observations 2015-2018

Researchers have shown they can shift from insider to outsider depending on the context that they find themselves in during the research project (N. Brown 2012; Crean 2018; Dwyer & Buckle 2009; Milligan 2016; Williams 2015). In the contexts of Samoan and Tongan diaspora, Ka‘ili (2017:48-49) and Va‘a (2001:44-45) successfully carried out participant observations that allowed them to work and live amongst the communities and families that they studied. Likewise, in this study I was able to maintain my status as a participant observer researcher in two places, regularly migrating between Auckland and Brisbane as a trans-Tasman migrant. Both Auckland-based and Brisbane-based participant observations have occurred throughout 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018 during my attendance and participation at actual events and online via my participation in online forums of e-talanoa (using shared live videos, regular Facebook posts and comments, Instagram and emoticons or shared facetime sessions). As Table 4.2 shows, observations in Auckland during 2015-2018, entailed: attendance and participation at Pasifika community events; attendance at a family wedding, family funerals and several extended family birthdays; participation in several school-based Pasifika celebrations and class activities, including observations at a Pasifika- run day care; attendance and participation in a selection of Pasifika church services and church-related fundraising activities; home visits; mall visits to local shopping centres in Auckland; drop-ins and business transactions with Pasifika-owned and Pasifika-run businesses based in Auckland; and participation in Pasifika community discussion forums run by local councils. Similarly, observations in Brisbane, during 2015-2018, entailed: my attendance and participation at Pasifika community events; family baby showers; extended family birthdays; a family graduation event; several school-based Pasifika cultural events, including cultural performances and prize-giving celebrations; my attendance at a range of Pasifika church services and fund-raising events; home visits; visits to local malls in the Brisbane City suburbs (including my participation in a public library-based community activity during a visit to the Logan Central shopping centre); attendance at community meetings, religious meetings, academic meetings; participating in extended family reunions and Christmas gatherings; visiting sick family members at hospitals; as well as drop- ins and transactions with local Pasifika businesses based in Brisbane. Table 4.2 outlines these field observations.

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Table 4.2: Participant observations in Auckland and Brisbane, 2015-2018.

2015 2016 2017 2018 Auckland Sapate āko54 Pasifika festival House purchasing Home visits Family Birthdays ASB Poly fest Car purchasing Mall visits Family Wedding Church events Job interviews Family prayer sessions Church events/fundraisers Mall visits Family prayer sessions Family Funeral School/cultural activities Family Funeral Baptism session House moving55 Otara community events Home visits Church events Local council forum Pasifika Day care visit End of year Prize giving School activities Business drop-ins Brisbane Family Day care visits Baby shower Cultural activities Family Birthdays My Story production56 Ruthless production57 Family Birthdays Home visits Church events/fundraisers Church Housewarming Community events events/Misinale58 Holiday reunions Business drop-ins University cultural University cultural Hospital visits events events Community events Business drop-ins Baby shower End of year Prize giving Mall visits My Story production59 Business drop-ins Christmas reunions Family Birthday House purchasing MMT community events60 Christmas gathering End of year Prize IReprezent61 giving Family Graduation School Prize giving 4.6.5 Surveys 2016

Dolan et al. (2011:1-3) promote the use of surveys to measure well-being. In particular, they acknowledge the growing interest that researchers and governments have had in the measurement of subjective well-being. As discussed in the previous chapter, subjective well-being has been at the heart of well-being debates (Kahneman et al. 1999; Oishi 2010; Rojas 2017). According to Dolan et al. (2011) subjective well-being is a relative newcomer in terms of its relevance and robustness in

54 Sapate āko is the first Sabbath of the academic year and is set apart to dedicate all students returning to school after the long holiday break (Christmas/Summer in NZ). This particular event celebrated the opportunity to gain an education in NZ and marks the beginning of the school calendar year. The event is usually held during a church service where teachers, students and graduates lead the service with bible readings, hymns and prayers. 55 Family members were leaving Auckland for Brisbane. 56 ‘My Story’ production is a series of personal and shared stories brought to the stage by a cast of Pasifika and Indigenous performing arts students and directors. The 2015 ‘My Story’ was presented in Logan City. 57 The ‘Ruthless’ production was a modern take of the Bible story from the book of Ruth. The play was directed by Pasifika and performed by a NZ-born Maori and Pasifika cast from Auckland touring Brisbane. The event noted was held in Logan, Brisbane. 58 Misinale is an annual Tongan celebration held in many of the traditional churches promoting generosity of wealth and finances to the church. It is a system of collective giving that sustains the church financially and communally, and its members culturally and spiritually. 59 The 2016 ‘My Story’ was presented in Brisbane City by a cast of Pasifika and Indigenous performing arts students and directors. 60 Mate Ma‘a Tonga (MMT; transliteration is ‘to die for Tonga’ meaning to do your very best for Tonga) community events were organised in Brisbane (paralleling similar community events in Auckland) in support of the Tongan Rugby League team against the Australian Kangaroos. 61 IReprezent is a secondary schools cultural event held in Brisbane; celebration of indigenous and migrant cultures together. Two of our children were part of the Beenleigh State High School Culture Group performance at this particular event (2017). 75 well-being studies. Generally, subjective well-being can be measured by simply asking people about their ‘happiness...how good their life is going for them, without someone else deciding…’ (Dolan et al. 2011:4). It was with the purpose of further examining the preliminary findings of subjective well- being, gleamed from the initial 40 interviews, that a well-being survey was collected in 2016 from a larger sample of Samoan and Tongan Pasifika based in Auckland and Brisbane. The collection of the 409 Auckland-based surveys62 took place in two waves. In March 2016, I attended the ‘Auckland Annual Pasifika’ and ‘ASB Secondary Schools Polyfest’ events in Auckland as a way of ensuring that the collection was taking in opinions from Pasifika (Samoan and Tongan) groups from a variety of backgrounds. I also made 20 home visits to collect surveys in several Auckland suburbs. A total of 285 completed surveys were collected within the time that I was in Auckland (11-20th March 2016). Family members and community members within my Auckland- based networks further assisted with the data collection after this time. A total of 124 surveys were distributed and collected (face to face) by key informants within the Samoan and Tongan communities of Auckland;63 these completed surveys (124 in total) were delivered on the 15th of April 2016 by my mother during a short visit to Brisbane. The 285 Brisbane-based surveys64 were either collected online or face-to-face with assistance from individuals in my nuclear and extended family networks, as well as within my newly-formed Brisbane-based networks and Pasifika community.65 It was decided before the survey collection in Brisbane commenced that an online collection would help to speed the process. However, after the first month of collection (August-September 2016) there were technical glitches so it was decided that I would have more opportunities to collect at key Pasifika events within the three-month timeframe. Fortunately, I was invited to attend two university-hosted events celebrating Pasifika

62 This total became 392, as explained in section 4.7.5 (survey analysis). 63 Lose ‘Ilaiū (my mother and Tongan Community leader in Auckland), Hangale Tuifua (Tongan Community leader), Mafi Bloomfield (Tongan Minister’s wife), Agnes Saumani (Samoan educator and Community leader), Kirsten Taranaki (Tongan educator and Community leader), Maata Fusitu‘a (Tongan educator and Community leader), the late Rev. Seleni and family (Samoan Community leaders), Ruth Wilson (South Auckland schools administrator), Christopher Seiuli (Samoan university student) and family, Seleisa Fuaivaa (South Auckland teaching assistant and administrator) and family, and Livingstone Samuelu (Samoan educator and Community leader). 64 This total became 278, as explained in section 4.7.5 (survey analysis). 65 James Petaia (Samoan educator and community leader) was the initial Brisbane/Logan community key informant that helped to trigger the snowball effect of word getting out about the survey. A second key informant in Brisbane was Israel Faleolo (my eldest son) distributed surveys online via the QUTPA and UQSPIA Pasifika student forums and was also a research assistant during the face to face collection at the Pasifika events run by the University of Queensland Students Pacific Island Association (UQSPIA) and Griffith Pasifika Association (GPA). A third key informant in Brisbane that assisted with the distribution of the survey online was Lesley Afu (my cousin) and her extended family through her husband Joshua Afu (Brisbane-born Tongan) introduced me to further key contacts in their family networks and in the Uniting Church based in Logan. The Samoan and Tongan church communities in Kingston and their leaders, including Rev. Iuma Apelu and his Samoan congregation, Rev. Sione Afu and ‘Onaita Afu (parents of Joshua Afu), Rev. Atunaisa Fe‘ao, Rev. Sione and Vienna Finau (also my Uncle and Aunt on my Mother’s side) and their Tongan congregation as well as key informants Amelia Tuita and Senikau Lolohea (also my Aunt on my Mother’s side) have all played an integral part of connecting me to other Brisbane-based Samoan and Tongan informants for the purpose of the data collection. 76 culture in Brisbane and the collection of surveys at these events were successful in gaining responses as well as spreading the word about the survey collection. I was able to make further networks by attending these events; an ongoing snowballing effect in Brisbane has helped with the collection of the surveys. The online surveys were distributed via a Google form as a personal Facebook status post and Community page post, as an email attachment and as an attachment via the Private Messenger function on Facebook. The Facebook posts were shared more than twenty times by key informants and their networks across Queensland as part of the snow-ball effect discussed previously (Figure 4.4).

4.7 Data processing and analysis 4.7.1 Participation observation analysis

It has been useful to refer to the brain dumps (developed from participant observation field notes) written over the duration of 2015-2018 to track how the study has been shaped by the emerging themes and patterns in the interviews and surveys, as well as to track how the ongoing participant- observations and literature review have fed into the study. The brain dumps have been filed as soft- copy documents in chronological order of each entry (date written) and given a topic title. Using keywords from the emerging themes and patterns, the search and find functions in Microsoft word has allowed me to pull up relevant documents from the filed brain dumps. These brain dumps provide a record of events or meetings attended, non-verbal narratives and not so obvious occurrences that I have seen, read or heard about from another source. Often the photographs and records, in the brain dumps, together provided the contexts needed for the analysis of interview scripts, as I could recall whether talanoa had occurred in an informant’s home, during a random conversation that occurred at a public café or online during a catch-up chat. These brain dump notes have been particularly useful in further analysis of the photographs collected during observations (see Figure 4.7 example).

4.7.2 Photo analysis

According to Becker (1974;1995) and Harper (2002;2003), photographs taken in the research field are an integral part of ethnographic visual anthropology and visual sociology research. Harper (2003:244-245) advocates that multiple meanings and interpretations can be made from an image. He has used photographs in his book ‘Changing Works’ to document history, elicit interviews, and make arguments about social change. Others like him have done likewise (Bourdieu 1984; Halle 1993; Steiger 2000). Mallon et al. (2012) have successfully used photographs to capture the stories, journeys and material culture of Pasifika groups living in NZ in their edited collection of essays ‘Tangata o le Moana: New Zealand and the People of the Pacific.’ This current study has captured and recorded 77 photographs of informants, their private living and public meeting spaces, material culture and events all with the intent of providing further triangulation (as explained above) of confirming narratives and surveys with a visual data set. The photographs I collected as a participant-observer were downloaded (from the iPad/mobile phone camera) and stored as soft-copy files (on secured computer hard-drives) in chronological order of collection and under topic titles, alongside other filed photographs that were provided by informants and participants for my use in the study. Examples of these photographs are Figure 4.6 and Figure 4.7. Figure 4.6 is a photograph that was provided by the informant via email (retrieved 29/6/2015 and used with permission) after participating in an ongoing e-talanoa that spanned over a number of weeks (the interview sessions were flexible around his family and work commitments at the time). Figure 4.7 is a photograph that was taken (Thursday 16 July 2015) while I was attending a money collection meeting in Brisbane. This informant agreed to have her photo taken while she displayed her traditional Tongan costume to the other women attending. The collection of photographs during 2015-2018 fieldwork has been analysed, on an ongoing basis, for evidence of Pasifika well-being in Auckland and Brisbane. The photographs have been organised in folders, under categorical headings that align with well-being spheres emerging in the interviews and surveys. For instance, Chapter 5 presents photographs that are evidence of the well- being spheres and Chapter 6 presents photographs of the different well-being experiences of Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Figure 4.6: Informant ‘in-transit’ between Auckland and Brisbane, 2015.

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Figure 4.7: Brisbane-based informant photographed during observation in Logan, 2015.

4.7.3 Online print screen analysis

Online images and posts saved as print screens from informants’ private and community Facebook pages have provided a rich source of information about aspects of individual Pasifika well-being as well as shared communal aspects of Pasifika well-being. Figure 4.8 and Figure 4.9 are examples of images that have been shared online with me and are used in this study with permission. The analysis of online print screens has been thematic under the holistic spheres of well-being defined in the interviews and surveys. These images have been organised in folders under categorical headings that align with well-being spheres emerging in the study.

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Figure 4.8: Facebook post showing trans-Tasman Pasifika connections between Brisbane artist and Pasifika clients in Auckland, 2018.

Figure 4.9: Facebook post showing evidence of shared cultural and communal connections across Australia and New Zealand Pasifika diaspora, 2018.

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4.7.4 Talanoa and e-talanoa analysis

Initial analysis of interviews entailed typing up each set of interview notes that were either: notes transferred from the iPad mini Notepad application that I was using to take interview notes during face-to-face talanoa (emailed to myself and then cut and pasted onto a word document); notes transferred from the Facebook Private Messenger dialogue screen (cut and pasted onto a word document); or notes transferred from the volley emails received (cut and pasted onto a word document). The initial analysis of interviews entailed typing up each set of interview notes and noting the recurring statements of well-being definitions and aims of informants. Once the notes were typed, translated into English (if required) and edited (for misspelling and errors in recording), each script was sent back to the informants (online) or presented (face to face) at a follow up meeting with informants who requested a printout. At this stage the informants were encouraged to amend the scripts to ensure that their voices and thoughts were accurately recorded. Of the 40 informants initially interviewed, 23 informants responded with feedback on their scripts. The changes requested by informants were mainly to correct grammatical errors or to add further explanations to comments they had made in the original scripts. When the informants were satisfied with their scripts, I was either notified of any corrections made or they accepted the scripts without any further amendments. A cross-examination of the interviews using a simple color-coding scheme based on the categorising of themes that emerged in the dialogue provided a framework for thematic analysis of the interviews (refer to Appendix 4 for samples of scripts showing color-coded themes emerging). This thematic analysis considers the emerging patterns of subjects across the multiple interviews. The further use of data displays such as mind-maps, genealogical and familial trees, tables and other diagrams helped to make meaning of the important narratives recorded. After considering the responses to the well-being questions, it was clear that several aspects of the concept were significant. At this point I was keen to understand whether these aspects of well-being were meaningful to, or representative of, the wider Pasifika communities of Auckland and Brisbane. It was apparent that a survey would serve this purpose and the decision was made to use the themes emerging in the interviews as a basis for the survey design.

4.7.5 Survey analysis

On initial analysis of the total surveys collected three surveys were deemed invalid due to the participants being under the age required and set in the criteria for recruitment and participation (18 years or older). Further analysis of the surveys revealed another four surveys in the Brisbane-based collection were invalid; two were incomplete and another two were double-up entries made by

81 participants online. Therefore, a remaining total of 278 Brisbane-based surveys have been analysed in-depth for the purposes of the study. After thorough analysis of the Auckland surveys, it was noted that 17 of these surveys were invalid. Of these 17 surveys, 14 surveys were deemed invalid because they were incomplete and the remaining three were invalid because they had been completed by 17-year-old Auckland-based participants. As the cut-off age for participation (no less than 18 years of age) was clearly stated on the consent form that was signed, the survey was removed from further analysis. Therefore, a remaining total of 392 Auckland-based surveys have been analysed in-depth for the purposes of the study. The steps taken to transform the collected surveys into a useable database are as follows. The Auckland-based surveys were collected during March-April 2016. The Brisbane-based surveys were collected later in August-October 2016. After each collection, these surveys were read and sorted by a simple numbering system to identify each completed survey collected. The surveys from Auckland were numbered and categorised separately from the Brisbane surveys in order to easily identify the two separate collections by location (Auckland and Brisbane). The main difference between the Auckland and Brisbane collection is the use of Google Forms for the Brisbane-based online surveys. The raw data from hardcopy surveys (collected in both Auckland and Brisbane) were transferred from the papers onto an excel spreadsheet that listed data accordingly; per informant, per question, per response. Raw data from online surveys collected in Brisbane were also entered and collated onto an excel spreadsheet summary of responses. During this transfer process, each response per variable was changed into a numerical format. Open-ended questions were assigned categories and numbers. The numerical coding and entry of Auckland-based surveys onto an excel spreadsheet was conducted during January-February 2017. The numerical coding and entry of Brisbane-based surveys onto separate excel spreadsheets was completed during February-March 2017.

4.7.6 Survey data management and analysis

Stata (version 14 during 2017; version 15 used in 2018 and 2019) was the software used for the management and statistical analysis of the survey datasets. In April 2017, the two survey datasets (stored as excel spreadsheets) were combined and imported into the Stata data management software. Further cleaning of the combined survey data was required before statistical analysis using Stata could proceed. To ensure proper analysis, this cleaning process entailed re-coding and re-labelling of the variables and responses per survey section (Questions 1, 2, 3 and 4) to enable analysis using Stata. The miscoded and out-of-range values were assessed and dealt with at this stage. The cleaning of the data set on Stata was carried out during June-July 2017.

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Preliminary examination of the data showed emerging patterns and themes across the Auckland and Brisbane surveys. It was during this stage I was able to note correlations between the well-being responses provided by the participants of the surveys and the well-being definitions provided by the interview informants. At the same time, I was able to identify differences between the Auckland-based and Brisbane-based survey responses. These findings will be discussed in the next chapter. The Stata software has assisted further statistical analysis of the Auckland-based and Brisbane-based surveys with the creation of table and graph outputs. The cross-tabulation of variables have provided valuable insight into the significance of factors such as location (Auckland or Brisbane), demographics (such as the age cohort of the sample population surveyed in each location, the generation of migration per individual surveyed, their place of birth, descent, place of residence in Auckland or Brisbane, marital status and participation in the labour force) as well as the most substantial spheres of well-being for particular groups of the sample population (Auckland-based vs Brisbane-based, Samoan descent vs Tongan descent and generation of migration). These Stata outputs will be presented and discussed in the following three chapters.

4.7.7 Literature analysis

The ongoing analysis of literature, throughout the study, has provided updated information on the three focus areas of the study: Pasifika diaspora and migration, Pasifika well-being and Pasifika research and methodologies. The review of new literature and ongoing analysis provides a broader scope for discussion of processes and concepts that relate to this study. The consideration of wide- ranging contexts of diaspora theories and well-being discourse within mainstream Australia and NZ allows me to pin-point existing gaps in the knowledge and new research that provides further answers to the questions raised in this study. The process of ongoing literature analysis has also informed whether the research design and methods used at each stage of the study is appropriate or not. Throughout the study, current knowledge and research (both qualitative and quantitative studies) considering Pasifika well-being and migration have been used to improve the research methods used in the study.

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4.8 Ethical considerations 4.8.1 Research ethics

The low-risk approval of this study (Project number 20150801) was provided by the School of Architecture Research and Ethics Committee on the 29th of May 2015.66 A second amendment to the study (Project number 20150801) regarding the collection of data using online forums was approved by the School of Architecture Research and Ethics Committee on the 26th of August 2015. A third addition to the project (Project number 20160308) regarding the collection of a survey in Auckland and Brisbane was approved by the School of Architecture Research and Ethics Committee on the 3rd of March 2016.

4.8.2 Access and authorisation

There are several research spaces that the study required access to; both physical and online spaces have required me as a researcher to seek consent or authorisation prior to the collection of information or data within these given spaces. With regards to participant observation spaces, I had collected fieldnotes, photos and videos from family events, community and church events, and at public schools and other public spaces like shopping malls and recreation spaces like parks and beaches. In each of these spaces, if required, I sought permission to conduct my field work and collection of notes, photos and videos. Online informants of the research have also been informed prior to the collection of online shared images and individual consent for access to private Facebook images or authorisation from community page administrators have always been sought and provided prior to the collection of shared online images.

4.8.3 Informed consent

Interview and survey participants were provided with information about the study prior to giving their consent to participate in the study (Appendix 5).

4.8.4 Confidentiality and anonymity

Each participant was provided with the option of being named and acknowledged for their contribution to the study or remaining anonymous. Those who chose to be acknowledged understood that their names would not be used alongside their statements within the study to ensure confidentiality. The use of pseudonyms in the reporting of findings ensures this.

66 The enrolling school for this study is the School of Architecture; the Primary Advisor for this study is Prof. Paul Memmott, who is based at the School of Architecture, Aboriginal Environments Research Centre (AERC) St. Lucia Campus, at the University of Queensland. 84

4.8.5 Tauhi vā and reciprocity

The ethical concerns arising from the study were identified prior to the study and I addressed these accordingly during the collection of interviews and surveys (face-to-face meetings) and when attending events as a participant-observer. As I am a Pasifika woman, when appropriate and particularly when dealing with a male informant on his own, I ensured that I was accompanied by another person -- usually a male relative like my father, husband, son or an older female companion, like my mother -- as this is a sign of respect. In some cases, during the interview, it was accepted practice for me to interview a male informant through his wife or daughter. My distancing from the male informants during the face-to-face interviews also showed respect for the Pasifika gender roles that exist within families and homes; again, an important part of maintaining good social relations. This aspect of Pasifika culture is understood and embraced within the study and is also discussed in the literature review (Chapter 3, section 3.3). The importance of reciprocity is also acknowledged in this research. It is common practice in Pasifika protocol to not only receive a gift (e.g. information or time received from informants) but to return it with a gift in exchange (e.g. I provided meals during talanoa with informants who took time out of their day to meet me, and I shared research updates and outputs with informants via e-talanoa).

4.9 Reliability and validity of findings 4.9.1 Capturing Pasifika voices

Once the notes were typed and edited (for misspelling and errors), each script was sent back to the informants (online) or presented (face to face) at a follow up meeting with informants who requested a printout. At this stage the informants were encouraged to amend the scripts to ensure that their voices and thoughts were accurately recorded. As previously mentioned, when the informants were satisfied with their scripts, I was either notified of any corrections made or they accepted the scripts without any further amendments.

4.9.2 Representing Pasifika accurately

I believe that it is important to remain transparent as the researcher, in order to ensure that the voices and stories I have captured and recorded are accurately represented, while highlighting the possible influence of my positionality within the study. One method I have employed, throughout the study and in the publication of findings from the study, is to involve informants in the reading of draft research papers and reports and to get their feedback and thoughts on whether these documents have accurately captured their thoughts and words. Another method that provides a broader spectrum of feedback is the public updates and posts on the Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration community page. I have also used Facebook posts to let informants know that I will be presenting findings at events or

85 conferences. This allows them to either attend, tune into online videos or read article links that provide ongoing dialogue about the findings and allows them to provide feedback on whether the findings are representative of them as Pasifika, or not. Importantly, my reflective practice as a researcher, such as brain-dumping, and the reciprocal knowledge-sharing through ongoing talanoa/e-talanoa with key informants ensures that the data recorded is not lost in the transfer and translation of their knowledge from narratives and numbers to documentation and presentations.

4.9.3 Triangulation of research methods

Triangulation is a useful way of using a data set to verify findings derived from another data set (Engel 2007; Miller & Gatta 2006; Pager & Quillian 2005). I believe that the real value behind the mixed methods approach used in this study is that it provides both depth and breadth in understanding. The research objectives in this study seek to define a concept as well as to identify related events in two separate locations. In order to achieve such multi-faceted research objectives, a researcher must gather evidence of both individual knowledge and experiences as well as collective socio-cultural knowledge and experiences. Hence the need for qualitative and quantitative data that will allow us to view well-being and trans-Tasman experiences from both an in-depth subjective view and broad objective scope.

4.10 Conclusion

This chapter has given an overview of the frameworks that have helped to shape this research, as well as outlined aspects of the research design, and the processes taken to collect and analyse the data that is presented in the study. These aspects of the inquiry have been guided by the primary research questions: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’

This chapter has discussed the methodological underpinnings that have helped to frame the research design within the two Pasifika diaspora contexts of Auckland, NZ and Brisbane, Australia. The selection of informants for the interviews and survey participants from these two contexts was explained, outlining the materials and instruments used during data collection. Further to this the procedures and processes of data processing and analysis were described. The reflexive nature of my research practice within this study was illuminated, highlighting my positionality in the study as a participant-observer. The ethical considerations of the study, including my thoughts around data reliability and validity have been outlined. The Pasifika methodologies used in this research draw upon tauhi vā and teu le vā practices like talanoa. These research approaches are governed by Pasifika

86 worldviews and frameworks of anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a-Sāmoa that are culturally responsive to the Tongan and Samoan peoples that are the focus of this study. These Pasifika methodologies have influenced both the qualitative and quantitative aspects of the research, ensuring that information recorded (observation notes, interview scripts, photographs/images and statistics) and analysed still maintain the essence of the life journeys and stories that have been shared with me by the informants. Their reciprocal knowledge and voices captured both in the qualitative and quantitative sets of data will be presented in the ensuing chapters. Each of the following four chapters discuss the specific methods used, relating to the findings presented, per chapter. The following analysis in Chapter 5 presents the Pasifika sample studied and considers their perceptions of well-being captured in the narratives and surveys.

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5 Pasifika Well-Being

…to have mo‘ui ‘oku lelei67, spiritually, materially… holistically, it is to be happy…to be at peace with whatever you are doing in life…it includes the material things and the spiritual things in your life, where God will be the first priority in life…and from there good things… you will see good things in other areas of your life. Kalauni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

5.1 Introduction

The definition of ‘well-being’ in academic literature often reflects what society and intellectuals deem most important when evaluating life and wellness. As discussed in Chapter 3, the defining process of the concept of well-being has been prolific within academic debates. The use of a more subjective well-being concept within scientific studies has been contested (Oishi 2010; Rojas 2017). On the other hand, there has been a movement away from the strong economic focus of measurable well- being in social sciences (Clark, Frijters & Shields 2008; Easterlin 2006). An important outcome of these debates is the refining of the definition of ‘well-being’ and an application of this new understanding in the studies of people and their ways of life. For instance, Oishi (2010:55) claims there are existing links between cultural constructs and well-being satisfaction. Furthermore, Inglehart (2010:361) found evidence from his consideration of global well-being datasets that suggests links between higher levels of religious beliefs and increased levels of subjective well-being. Similarly, Ferriss (2002) discovered in an international well-being study, that religion or faith had positive impacts on the levels of ‘happiness’ or ‘satisfaction’ experienced by groups of peoples and countries. As mentioned previously, the significance of this insight to the Pasifika context is that both Samoan and Tongan communities are religious, with the majority claiming that a relationship with God or their Christian faith is important to their way of life (McRobie & Makasiale 2013: 148-149; 277-278; Va‘a 2001:29). The significance of spirituality will be discussed further in this chapter. Also of interest to my thesis objectives is the increasing number of studies focused on measuring and understanding the subjective well-being of the collective (community) as well as the individual. Brulʹe and Maggino (2017:1) suggest that in order to understand the subjective part of an individual’s well-being, there are benefits of evaluating the subjective part of individuals’ well-being as a collective, societal and community phenomenon. Ka‘ili (2017) and Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009) further suggest that in order to understand Pasifika (Samoan or Tongan) individual’s perspectives and behaviours, we must understand that they function as collectives. Pasifika notions of well-being can be better understood when seen from a point of solidarity. Several examples of research have embraced this Pasifika worldview further contributing to our understanding of the holistic perceptions

67 A Tongan term that means well-being or wellness of life. 88 that are held by Samoan and Tongan migrants (Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009; McGarvey & Seiden 2010; Penn 2010; Seiuli 2013; Va‘a 2001). It is obviously important to understand Pasifika well-being from the perspective of those being studied. The recurring theme in the literature reviewed (Chapter 3) is that Pasifika well-being needs to be recorded from a Pasifika perspective (Agee et al. 2013; Mafi 2018; Pope 2017). Fa‘a-Sāmoa or anga faka-Tonga is based on the understanding that relationships are at the core of the way of life of Samoans or Tongans living in diaspora contexts. Relationships with God (spirituality) and with others (communality) are considered important aspects of this way of life (Ihara & Vakalahi 2011; Makasiale 2013). Agee et al. (2013) present a valuable collection of Pasifika cross-cultural perspectives that support this spiritual and communal way of living. What is evident from these studies is that anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a Samoa continue to influence the way of life of Pasifika (Tongan and Samoan peoples) living in diaspora. This is further supported by Gershon (2007; 2012), Manuela and Sibley (2018) who claim that core Pasifika values and beliefs are shared across island homelands and diaspora contexts in which they reside. At the start of my study, I wanted to capture the voices of Pasifika migrants and represent them accurately. This required me to investigate their definitions of well-being. It is their notions of well-being that this thesis explores. Thus, the primary questions guiding this inquiry are ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well- being aims?’ These primary research questions relate to the two secondary research questions that will be addressed in this chapter: Is there a distinct Pasifika concept of well-being and what are its salient components? Are there demographic differences in how well-being is defined by Pasifika migrants?

This chapter has been divided into five parts. The first part outlines the methods used to collect the data presented here. The second part provides summaries of the demographic characteristics of the interview informants and survey participants. The third part presents a holistic concept of Pasifika well-being drawn from the findings of this study, alongside a discussion of each of the spheres within the developed model of Pasifika well-being. The fourth section of this chapter presents a comparison of the well-being spheres across different demographic groups. Lastly, further discussion of the findings with concluding thoughts in relation to the literature and remaining chapters of the thesis.

5.2 Methods

In order to address the research questions, I will consider both qualitative (interviews, participant observations and collected photographs) and quantitative (surveys) data to consider Pasifika understandings of well-being. The way I combine and interweave the qualitative and quantitative data

89 in the thesis embeds the convergent use of mixed methods to triangulate the findings. The information presented in this chapter have been drawn from the talanoa and e-talanoa narratives of 40 informants based in Auckland and Brisbane (Chapter 4, section 4.6.3), 670 surveys collected in Auckland and Brisbane (Chapter 4, section 4.6.5) and participant observations (Chapter 4, section 4.6.4). This chapter presents rich visual evidence (Chapter 4, section 4.7.2) captured during these participant observations.

5.2.1 Qualitative data considered

The initial 40 interviews, in 2015, introduced a series of focus questions related to Pasifika trans- Tasman migrant notions of well-being (Appendix 1a). The focusing questions are variations of the prompts used within talanoa and e-talanoa with informants about their well-being (Chapter 4, sections 4.3.2 and 4.3.3). Their responses were collated into a list of 42 statements (Appendix 1b), later used in the surveys. A cross-examination of the 40 interview responses used a color-coding scheme, to categorise the themes that emerged in the dialogue (Chapter 4 section 4.7.4). The thematic analysis highlighted the emerging themes within the narratives (Appendix 4). Alongside the interviews, participant-observations during 2015-2018 have provided a rich collection of photographs and field notes. My attendance at an array of events (Chapter 4, section 4.6.4; Table 4.2) allowed me to capture images of family, church and wider community events, in both religious and non-religious contexts, in private and public domains of Pasifika, in Auckland and Brisbane. The photographs are presented in this chapter alongside comments drawn from participant- observations.

5.2.2 Quantitative data considered

As explained in Chapter 4 (sections 4.3.9 & 4.4.3), I decided in February 2016 to conduct a survey that would capture a wider sample of Pasifika perspectives on their well-being in Auckland and Brisbane. The reason for ‘throwing the net wide’ with this type of data collection was to enable me to correlate different well-being perspectives and experiences with particular types of Pasifika groups; providing more scope for analysing the similarities and differences of well-being experiences, in Auckland compared to Brisbane. The surveys asked, ‘How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statements about a ‘good’ and ‘happy’ life? (Appendix 2 and 3, Q2). Q2 listed 42 well- being statements (elements) that each participant responded to using a 5-point Likert scale: strongly disagree=1, disagree=2, neither=3, agree=4, strongly agree=5. A factor analysis of all survey responses was carried out in order to triangulate the survey data with the well-being statements and spheres identified from the interviews carried out in 2015. The factor analysis entailed a thorough assessment of the elements loading onto the same well-being sphere and scores were created as the 90 mean score of elements. T-tests were used to compare the mean (average) responses per well-being sphere to provide the ranking of spheres presented in the findings below. The following survey sample characteristics provide further points of discussion in this chapter.

5.3 Findings 5.3.1 Sample characteristics of interview informants

Table 5.1 presents a demographic summary of the characteristics of the 40 informants who have provided their well-being and trans-Tasman migration narratives, as Pasifika living in either Auckland, Brisbane or in transit between Auckland and Brisbane, in 2015. Of the two interview types: 51% were carried out face-to-face and 49% were online; with 75% of the informants based in Brisbane (and 25% in either Auckland or in-transit to Brisbane). Of the 40 informants: 62.5 % are female (and 37.5% are male); 70% are Tongan (and 30% are Samoan); 57.5% of the informants were born in their island homelands (Samoa/Tonga) while the remaining 42.5% were born in New Zealand (NZ); 57.5% are first-generation migrants,68 37.5% are second-generation migrants (and 5% are third- generation or later). At the time of initial interviews (2015): 62.5% were aged 18-39 years (and 37.5% aged 40 years or older); 80% were employed (and the remaining were students, home carers or retired). The main family structure of informants was a couple with children; 72.5% were in a married/de-facto relationship (27.5% were single, divorced or widowed); 77.5% had children (22.5% had no children).

5.3.2 Sample characteristics of survey participants

Table 5.2 describes the characteristics of the survey sample gathered from the surveys collected in 2016 (670 in total; 392 Auckland-based; 278 Brisbane-based). The table presents both the Auckland- based and Brisbane-based Pasifika as a total sample for the purposes of this chapter. Of the total survey sample: • most were collected face-to-face (89.9%) and the remainder was collected online (10.1%) • 57.5% are female (and 42.5% are male) • 52% are Tongan and 44.2% are Samoan (while 3.7% are mixed Samoan or Tongan with other descent) • 53.8% of the informants were born in their island homelands (Samoa/Tonga), 35.7% were born in NZ (while the remaining 9.1% were born in Australia and 1.3% born elsewhere)

68 Someone of Pasifika descent born in either Samoa or Tonga before migrating abroad are first-generation migrants. See Chapter, section 4.4.4 for further definitions of ‘generations’ of Pasifika migrants used in this study. 91

• 53.8% are first-generation migrants, 41.6% are second-generation migrants (and 4.6% are third-generation or later) • In 2016, 62.9% were aged 18-39 years (and 37.1% aged 40 years or older) • 67.6% were employed, 13.7% were students and 10.5% were home carers (while the remaining 8.2% were unemployed or retired) • the main family structure was a couple with children; 58.7% were in a couple relationship and 41.3% were solo (single, divorced or widowed) • 56.1% had children (43.9% had no children)

Comparing the Auckland and Brisbane groups, there are differences in most of the demographic characteristics indicated by the significant Chi-squared findings in this table. Of the survey types used in the two locations, the majority of Auckland-based surveys were conducted face-to-face (99.7%) compared to the Brisbane-based collection including both face-to-face (75.9%) and online (24.1%) surveys. Both locations had similar ratios of male and female informants (Auckland 42.7% male: 57.3% female; Brisbane 42.1% male: 57.9% female). Of these, 59.6% Tongans (and 38.4% Samoans, with 2% mixed descent) participated in the Auckland-based survey. In comparison, 52.5% Samoans (and 41.4% Tongans, with 6.1% mixed descent) participated in the Brisbane-based survey; 66.2% of the Auckland-based informants were first-generation migrants; compared to 36.3% first-generation migrants participating in the Brisbane-based surveys. Of the Auckland-based surveys, 32.2% had been born in NZ compared to 40.6% NZ-born participants in the Brisbane-based surveys. Both locations had a majority of younger participants; Auckland had 60.5% informants aged 18-39 years; Brisbane had 66.4% in this age group. At the time of the surveys (2016) more of the Brisbane-based participants (77.2%) were employed compared to Auckland-based participants (60.8%). Both locations had similar ratios of couple: solo family structures (Auckland 58.1% couples: 41.9% solo; Brisbane 59.7% couples: 40.3% solo); of these 40.3% Auckland participants had no children (and 59.7% with children), compared to 49.1% Brisbane participants who had no children (and 50.9% with children).

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Table 5.1: Demographic summary of talanoa and e-talanoa informant characteristics, 2015.

Interview Interview Interview Gender Place of Birth Descent Migrant Age Occupation Labour force Marital No. Age of Informant Location Type Generation status status Children Children ‘Ahu Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 30-39 Labourer Employed Married 3+ 0-12 ‘Aisea Auckland FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 60+ CPSW Employed Married 3+ 18+ ‘Akamu Online Email Male NZ Samoan Second 30-39 Manager Employed Married 1-2 0-12 ‘Aleki Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 60+ - Retired Married 3+ 18+ ‘Alisi Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 40-49 Manager Employed Married 3+ 13-18 ‘Amanaki Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 40-49 MOD Employed Married 3+ 13-18 ‘Amelika Brisbane, Online FtoF, FB Female Tonga Tongan First 40-49 CPSW Employed Married 3+ 0-12 ‘Aputi Online FB Male NZ Samoan Second 30-39 Sales Employed Single 0 - ‘Asoese Brisbane, Online FtoF, FB Female NZ Samoan Later 30-39 Sales Employed Single 0 - ‘Elenoa Online Email Female NZ Tongan Second 40-49 TTW Employed Married 1-2 13-18 ‘Emere Online FB, Email Female Samoa Samoan First 30-39 MOD Employed Married 1-2 0-12 Fetuao Online Email Female NZ Samoan Second 30-39 - Student Married 1-2 0-12 Hiva Brisbane FtoF Male NZ Tongan Second 18-29 TTW Employed Single 0 - ‘Ina Online FB Female NZ Samoan Second 30-39 CPSW Employed Single 0 - Kaiti Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 60+ CPSW Employed Married 3+ 18+ Kalauni Auckland FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 60+ CPSW Employed Married 3+ 18+ La‘ei Online FB Female Samoa Samoan First 18-29 CAW Employed Single 0 - Lelei Online Email Female NZ Tongan Second 18-29 CAW Employed Married 0 - Lopeti Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 40-49 CPSW Employed Married 3+ 13-18 Loto Online FB, Email Female NZ Samoan Second 40-49 CPSW Employed De-facto 3+ 13-18 Lulu Online FB Female NZ Samoan Second 18-29 - Student Single 0 - Lupe Brisbane, Online FtoF, FB Female NZ Tongan Later 30-39 CPSW Employed Married 3+ 13-18 Luva Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 50-59 Professional Employed Married 3+ 13-18 Makelesi Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 30-39 CPSW Employed Married 3+ 0-12 Ma’ulea Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 40-49 Labourer Employed Married 3+ 13-18 Moana Online FB Female Tonga Tongan First 18-29 - Student Single 0 - ‘Oliana Online FB Female NZ Samoan Second 30-39 CPSW Employed Married 1-2 0-12 ‘Onika Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 30-39 Manager Employed De-facto 1-2 13-18 Pita Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 30-39 MOD Employed Married 3+ 0-12 Safaia Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 40-49 - Home Carer Married 3+ 0-12 Sala Online Email Female NZ Samoa Second 30-39 CAW Employed Single 3+ 0-12 Sefina Online Email Female Tonga Tongan First 30-39 CPSW Employed Married 1-2 0-12 Seini Brisbane FtoF Female Tonga Tongan First 60+ CPSW Employed Widowed 3+ 18+ Siale Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 40-49 TTW Employed Married 3+ 13-18 Siautu Online Email Female NZ Samoan Second 30-39 - Home Carer De-facto 3+ 13-18 Sinamoni Brisbane FtoF Female NZ Tongan Second 30-39 Professional Employed Married 1-2 0-12 Sione Online FB Male NZ Tongan Second 30-39 MOD Employed Married 3+ 13-18 Tavake Brisbane FtoF Male Tonga Tongan First 30-39 TTW Employed Married 3+ 0-12 Toloa Auckland FtoF Male NZ Tongan Second 18-29 - Student Single 0 - Vaea Online FB Male Tonga Tongan First 40-49 - Home Carer Divorced 3+ 13-18

Note: Occupation acronyms used are CAW: Clerical and Administrative Worker; CPSW: Community and Personal Service Worker; MOD: Machinery Operator and Driver; TTW: Technician and Trade Worker. FB: Private Messenger forum on Facebook/e-talanoa; FtoF: Face to face interview/talanoa

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Table 5.2: Demographic characteristics of the survey samples, 2016 (Column%)

Survey Location Characteristic Auckland Brisbane % Survey Total % % (n) Survey Type*** Face to face –Researcher 71.9 75.9 73.6 (493) Online Google Form 0.0 23.7 9.9 (66) Face Book - Messenger 0.0 0.0 0.0 (0) Email 0.3 0.4 0.3 (2) Face to face – Res. Assistant 27.8 0.0 16.3 (109) (Total n) (392) (278) (670) Gender Male 42.7 42.1 42.5 (284) Female 57.3 57.9 57.5 (385) (Total n) (391) (278) (669) Place of Birth*** Australia 0.8 20.9 9.1 (61) New Zealand 32.2 40.6 35.7 (239) Samoa 18.9 18.3 18.7 (125) Tonga 47.3 18.0 35.1 (235) Other 0.8 2.2 1.3 (9) (Total n) (391) (278) (669) Descent*** Samoan 38.4 52.5 44.2 (296) Tongan 59.6 41.4 52.0 (348) Other - Mixed 2.0 6.1 3.7 (25) Total n (391) (278) (669) Generation*** First 66.2 36.3 53.8 (360) Second 31.5 55.8 41.6 (278) Third and Later 2.3 7.9 4.6 (31) Total n (391) (278) (669) Age** 18-29 years 43.1 48.6 45.4 (300) 30-39 years 17.4 17.8 17.5 (116) 40-49 years 18.7 13.8 16.6 (110) 50-59 years 8.1 14.1 10.6 (70) 60+ years 12.7 5.8 9.8 (65) Total n (385) (276) (661) Occupation*** Manager 2.6 0.5 1.6 (7) Professional 14.6 8.6 11.7 (52) Technician and Trade Worker 8.2 1.4 5.0 (22) Community and Personal 7.7 2.9 5.4 (24) Service Worker Clerical and Administrative 6.9 5.2 6.1 (27) Worker Sales Worker 6.9 8.1 7.4 (33) Machinery Operator and Driver 10.7 9.5 10.2 (45) Labourer 3.9 2.4 3.2 (14) Occupation unstated 38.6 61.4 49.4 (219) Total n (233) (210) (443) Labour force status*** Employed 60.8 77.2 67.6 (443) Unemployed 3.9 3.3 3.7 (24) Retired 5.0 3.7 4.4 (29) Home Carer 14.9 4.4 10.5 (69) Student 15.4 11.4 13.7 (90) Total n (383) (272) (655)

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(Table 5.2 continued)

Survey Location Characteristic Auckland Brisbane % Survey Total % % (n) Marital Status** Single 38.3 39.3 38.7 (253) Married 53.8 53.5 53.7 (351) De-facto 1.1 4.0 2.3 (15) Engaged 0.3 1.5 0.8 (5) Divorced 0.8 0.7 0.8 (5)

Widowed 2.9 0.4 1.8 (12) Other 2.9 0.7 2.0 (13) Total n (379) (275) (654) Number of Children No Children 39.7 47.8 43.1 (283) 1-2 Children 20.3 17.3 19.0 (125) 3+ Children 40.0 34.9 37.9 (249)

Total n (385) (272) (657)

Age of Children No Children 40.3 49.1 43.9 (283) 0-12 years 36.8 32.8 35.2 (227) 13-18 years 6.6 3.4 5.3 (34) 18+ years 16.3 14.7 15.7 (101) Total n (380) (265) (645)

5.3.3 Holistic well-being

Talanoa and e-talanoa informants shared their holistic notions of well-being; the Tongan concept of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei69 and the Samoan concept of ola manuia70 are direct translations of the phrase ‘a good and happy life.’ Thompson and Thompson (2000:22,31,64,133) in the Tongan-English Dictionary,71 state that the term mo‘ui is a non-finite term that means ‘life’ or ‘living,’ while the term lelei, when used as an adverb means ‘well’ and refers to an entity or process being ‘good.’ The term lelei also relates to something being mālie, when one has feelings of happiness, or when something is pleasingly good, enjoyable, fortunate, advantageous or satisfactory (Thompson & Thompson 2000:124). Therefore, the contraction of these terms and understandings, as used by Tongan informants when using the concept of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei, means a life/living that is well, good and happy. According to Ma‘ia‘i (2013:304), in the ‘Tusi ‘upu Sāmoa’72 ola is a Samoan noun meaning ‘life’ and can be used as an adverb to mean ‘live out.’ Pratt (1862; 2018) also notes the historical use of olaga or ola in everyday Samoan living, to denote ‘life’ in general (Pratt 1862; 2018:45). The meaning of ola can also be expanded upon to refer to different ‘parts’ of life (Ma‘ia‘i 2013:304). For

69 Mo‘ui lelei is a variation of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei; both terms refer to the many aspects of well-being. Personal communication with Faifekau ‘Ahoia and Faifekau Lose ‘Ilaiu (7-8/7/2015). 70 Ola manuia is a variation of ola magaia. Personal communication with Thom Faleolo (3-4/5/2019); Arieta Fuaivaa and Seleisa Fuaivaa (3/5/2019). Note: initial publications of preliminary findings have used the phrase ola magaia. Ola magaia was a preferred variation of ola manuia used by some informants during the initial 2015 interviews. Personal communication with Aufa‘i Saolotoga Faleolo and Alosia Faleolo (16/5/2016). 71 Full title: ‘Tongan-English and Tongan-English Dictionary: American Edition.’ 72 Full title: ‘Tusi ‘upu Sāmoa: the Samoan Dictionary of Papaāli‘i Dr Semisi Ma‘ia‘i.’ 95

instance, Seiuli (2013:44) combines the term ola with other terms to categorise important aspects of Samoan psychological health; including ola fa‘alemafaufau meaning ‘psychological well-being’ and ola fa‘alelagona meaning ‘emotional well-being.’ It is important to note that soifua is also a commonly used synonym in reference to well-being and is often used to refer to wellness or health. Variations of the use of soifua in wellness, health and well-being conversations are soifua maloloina73and soifua manuia74 (Ma‘ia‘i 2013:304). In the Samoan Dictionary,75 Pratt (1862; 2018:40) records the long-time use of manuia as an adjective meaning ‘happy’ and Ma’ia’i (2013:265) records it as a noun that means ‘success.’ According to contemporary Samoans, the everyday use of this term can also denote a quality of one being ‘blessed’ as a person, or used to describe something that is ‘blessed.’76 It is the addition of manuia to the term ola and the combined understanding of ola manuia that is referred to by Samoan informants in this study, when using the concept to refer to their life/way of living as being blessed, good or happy. In the interviews, the term ‘well-being’ was used alongside the phrases ‘a good life’ or ‘a happy life,’ which proved beneficial. This allowed informants to expand on the meaning of well- being. In 2015, the 40 interviews highlighted five well-being spheres: familial/social/cultural, spiritual/God/church, economic, physical/environmental and mental/emotional. The use of mental well-being in this study not only considers the psychological well-being, but also includes cognitive development which involves educational progress for Pasifika.77 Figure 5.1 shows five well-being spheres, that define mo‘ui ‘oku lelei; ola manuia, as supported by the following excerpts:

Well-being is one’s own personal state of wholeness, an individual’s mental, physical, emotional, spiritual and social state. How we feel about oneself and how we view our lives. It is a state of happiness and contentment, feeling healthy and happy. Siautu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

What makes life a good and happy life is having a life that is balanced, a balanced life covers everything like our spiritual life and family life. Siale, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

In 2016, the surveys helped to refine this model of Mo‘ui ‘oku lelei; Ola manuia, with a factor analysis (explained previously) of the original five spheres that further developed into an eight-sphere well-being model. There are three main differences between the five-dimension concept shown in

73 Soifua maloloina is a variation of soifua manuia or ola manuia by some Samoans. Personal communication with Paipai Holani (3/5/2019), Lagi Ruth Wilson (3/5/2019) and Aiono Manu Faaea-Semeatu (3-4/5/2019). 74 Soifua manuia is a variation of ola manuia by some Samoans. Personal communication with Namulauulu Patolo Maselino and Rebecca Pafuti Namulauulu (3-4/5/2019). 75 The full title of this dictionary is ‘A Samoan Dictionary: English & Samoan, Samoan & English; with a Short Grammar of the Samoan dialect.’ 76 ‘Ola manuia is saying I have a “blessed life” because of my relationship with my family and…God…being healthy,’ Personal communication with Arieta Fuaivaa and Seleisa Fuaivaa (3/5/2019). 77 Pasifika informants refer to the ‘mind’ or ‘mental’ spheres of well-being synonymously and these notions include the intellectual mind as well as the emotional mind. These notions are also based on biblical notions of the mind/soul realms. 96

Figure 5.1 and that of the eight-dimension concept shown in Figure 5.2. Firstly, the familial/social/cultural sphere (drawn from the 2015 interviews) combines aspects of well-being that is further developed (using the 2016 surveys) into two separate spheres familial/social and cultural (although still closely related, as shown in the following discussion). Secondly, the physical/environmental sphere (derived from the 2015 interviews) combines aspects of well-being that is later divided (using factor analysis of survey responses) into the physical and environmental spheres. Thirdly, the economic sphere was originally understood (based on the 2015 interviews) as a general factor that was later assessed (using factor analysis of 2016 surveys) as two types of economic spheres that clarified how Pasifika perceive the purpose of economical ‘provision’ and economic ‘sustainability.’ Thus, in addition to the two original spheres (Figure 5.1) that remained unchanged by the factor analysis (spiritual/God/church and mental/emotional) the six newly formed spheres created an eight-dimension concept (Figure 5.2). These eight spheres are: (i) spiritual/God (includes connection to God, having a spiritual belief system that is relied upon for stability and personal growth, church attendance and engagement in church activities); (ii) familial/social (includes immediate family, extended family, and includes close members of community, including church network); (iii) economic provision (includes helping others, providing for family); (iv) cultural (includes cultural identity and cultural association); (v) mental/emotional (includes emotional balance and intellectual development through education); (vi) economic sustainability (includes financial stability, good income, and permanent employment); (vii) physical (includes medical health and fitness); and (viii) environmental (includes climatic zones and local temperatures affecting lifestyle, including outdoor living and homegrown island foods) spheres of well-being. The following narratives and statistical tables will illustrate the salient components that are significant in the well- being of Pasifika. A comparison of the spheres will reveal the most significant areas of well-being for Pasifika in this study.

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Figure 5.1: Five dimensions of holistic Pasifika well-being developed from interviews, 2015.

Figure 5.2: Eight spheres of holistic Pasifika well-being developed from surveys, 2016.

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The following excerpts of talanoa reveal holistic perceptions of well-being:

Well-being is being physically, emotionally and spiritually well…I want a better relationship with the Lord and have spiritual strength. Less stress will make my life a good and happy life, putting my mind at ease…I have to constantly remind myself of the things I cannot control and put this into perspective. Sala, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

A good and happy life is made up of the following…Being in a happy relationship where you can raise a family…A fun and secure job where you can develop additional skill sets to further your career in higher roles…The opportunity to be able to live comfortably and still be able to travel the world and help family members financially…Being surrounded by close family and friends and also meet new people...Living in a community that is multicultural. Lelei, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Being physically and mentally healthy…being able to have quality time and being content with [a] lifestyle that is healthy…happy with family life. Spending time with my family. Staying true to God and my family. Being able to spend my time doing what really matters to me. To be around to meet my grandchildren and to be able to retire from working full-time before I turn 50. Sione, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

…having the simple necessities in life to at least be comfortable. Healthy family relationships, being… connected to family. Being physically healthy, able to still do physical activity to feel good and eating well. Being spiritually healthy too, having that intimate relationship with God. Mentally stable too…If one area is lacking, it can affect the others. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

5.4 Eight spheres of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei -- ola manuia

The following sections list the eight well-being spheres of Pasifika well-being, in order of significance to the informants in the study. These sections will group the survey questions by their factor analysis domain. The elements, within each well-being sphere, are listed in tables showing the rank order of each element, from the highest to lowest percentage of strongly agreed responses per element. This ranking was explained earlier (section 5.2.2). Therefore, I will interpret the domains that are most important to Pasifika in terms of the percentage of strongly agree responses received. The triangulation process of analysis will be interwoven into the following findings sections and will entail a consideration of the surveys, interviews and participant observations including photographs. The photographs are an important, rich source of data that can illustrate the content of well-being spheres (e.g. what a spiritual dimension of well-being looks like in terms of behaviours, culture and so on).

5.4.1 Significance of Spiritual and God sphere

The significance of a spiritual life or a connection to God and the church are elements in the Spiritual/God well-being sphere that are repeated throughout the narratives and is highlighted in the analysis of the surveys as being the most significant sphere of well-being for Pasifika. During talanoa and e-talanoa carried out in 2015-2017, many of the informants interviewed spoke openly about their belief and values that were drawn from a ‘faith in God’, ‘knowing God’, and ‘trusting God’ with their

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lives. For those who were not regularly attending a church or ‘unchurched,’ an acknowledgement of God and a sense of spirituality was still a factor in their well-being as Pasifika. ...a good and happy life -- mo‘ui ‘oku lelei...this involves both physical and spiritual spheres; when God is first in a person’s life, they will experience growth in their life, peace in their family life, and the fulfilment of the material and physical needs that are important... Kalauni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015) I am a Christian and so I hope for God to be the centre of my being. It follows on that the main factor for well- being for me is being in a relationship with God. And then to be doing His will. ‘Akamu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015) Being in God’s will and knowing that I’m doing exactly what I’ve been called to do. Fulfilling God’s purpose for my life. Not limiting myself…fulfilling God’s purpose for my life above all else. As long as I’m doing what God asked me to do that would be the ultimate. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

My well-being aims include…making sure the family is happy, making sure to keep active in church and participate in the activities going on…it comes back to the kids, the family…it comes down to them. What will be fulfilling for me is to see them grow up, have good lives…and have the gospel in their lives and to never forget that. Siale, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

For both Auckland and Brisbane survey responses considered, the Spiritual/God sphere of well-being is significant. Table 5.3 shows that more than 80% of the participants surveyed strongly agree on their faith in God and a spiritual connection with God being a significant part of their well-being as Pasifika. Attendance at either a spiritually supportive church or a good family church further supports this well-being sphere in both Auckland and Brisbane. The ranking of the elements in this sphere, as shown in Table 5.3, reveal an obvious break within the items ranked by percentages. The first two elements ranked differ in percentages compared to the last two elements.

Table 5.3: Distribution of elements included in the Spiritual/God well-being sphere (SGW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Faith in God 668 0.30 0.0 1.65 16.32 81.74 A spiritual 666 0.30 0.15 2.85 16.37 80.33 connection with God Attend 666 0.45 2.55 3.00 23.87 70.12 spiritually supportive church Attend good 661 0.15 2.12 6.35 27.08 64.30 family church

Figure 5.3 (photograph retrieved 22/11/2018 and used with permission) and Figure 5.4 (photograph taken Sunday 5 July 2015) shows Samoan and Tongan church services in Brisbane. The use of traditional mats of high quality within the church (Figure 5.4) demonstrates the reverence that members of this congregation have towards God. It is a cultural way of ‘giving the best to God’ as a form of material sacrifice.

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Figure 5.3: An Ekalesia Fa‘apotopotoga Kerisiano Sāmoa (EFKS) church in Brisbane, 2017.

Figure 5.4: A Tongan Assembly of God (AoG) church in Brisbane, 2015.

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Figure 5.5 (photograph retrieved 19/11/2018 and used with permission) and Figure 5.6 (photograph taken Sunday 6 December 2015) shows multicultural church services in Auckland. The cultural and spiritual well-being spheres are interconnected for Pasifika, as evident in these images.

Figure 5.5: A baby dedication in a Catholic church in Auckland, 2018.

Figure 5.6: An evangelistic evening service in an AoG church in Auckland, 2015.

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5.4.2 Significance of Family and Social sphere

Across the interviews, informants placed a profound significance on their familial -- fāmili (Tongan) or ‘āiga (Samoan) -- and social connections as key to their well-being in both Auckland and Brisbane. For most Pasifika, family includes both nuclear and extended families. The majority of informants interviewed voiced their desire to have positive relationships and spend more quality time with their family. Familial and community interactions are important factors in the decision-making when Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants plan a move from Auckland to Brisbane. The ability to stay connected to both nuclear and extended family, as well as attend a place of worship are as important if not more so, than the proximity to employment opportunities. Familial/social connection points are significant in providing sustenance for Pasifika individuals.

Another aspect of well-being is freedom and having an intimate relationship with my children and wife. In Tonga, I stayed in the bush all day and all night to make something to provide for my family, so less fellowship with the family; the family has got to be number one. In New Zealand, I have this as part of my well-being. In Auckland, I have the time and money to be with the family. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

For both the Auckland and Brisbane survey responses considered, the familial and social sphere of well-being is significant. As shown in Table 5.4, having positive family relationships and having more quality family time are ranked highly by more than 80% of the participants surveyed in both Auckland and Brisbane as aspects that are highly significant to their well-being as Pasifika. The ranking of the elements in this sphere, as shown in Table 5.4, reveal an obvious break within the items ranked by percentages. The first three elements ranked differ in percentages compared to the last three elements. Spending time with the extended family and living nearby the extended family, although significant elements of the familial and social sphere, are not ranked as highly as other elements in this sphere. This relates to comments and views shared by a couple of the informants who had decided to leave Auckland or Brisbane as a result of their extended family. Informants explained that although the benefit of living in Auckland was that you were surrounded by more of your extended family, it was also a factor related to their inability to save enough funds for their own family needs, such as owning a home in Auckland. However, once away from their families, there was a desire to remain in contact. Most of the Brisbane-based trans-Tasman migrants interviewed mentioned the negative aspect of being distant from their relatives living ‘back home’ (Auckland and Samoa/Tonga) and had made an effort to keep connected through phone, internet and regular trips between Auckland, Brisbane and the island homelands. Luckily for us these days, social networking has played a big part, not only can we keep in contact through things like Facebook and Instagram, but there are also things like Skype, on mobiles we have Viber and face time, so that we are able to see each other and keep up to date with what the family is doing, by seeing their Facebook posts or their pictures and videos. I have made my parents agree to visit me once a year, I know because of their church commitments and work that they are busy too but once a year would be fine with me. Sefina, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

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Table 5.4: Distribution of elements included in the Familial/Social well-being sphere (FSW-B). Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Positive 668 0.0 0.30 0.45 13.92 85.33 relationships with my family More quality 670 0.0 0.15 1.34 16.12 82.39 time with my family More time with 670 0.0 0.30 0.90 20.30 78.51 my family Positive 667 0.0 0.75 1.95 28.19 69.12 relationships with selected others Spending time 665 0.15 1.20 6.92 41.05 50.68 with extended family Living nearby 662 0.15 1.51 10.73 40.48 47.13 extended family

For some Brisbane-based informants who were able to pay for family members to visit them, the invitation to visit was often in the hopes that family members would eventually stay. Figure 5.7 (photograph taken Sunday 4 December 2016) shows the arrival of several extended family members who had travelled from Auckland to Brisbane. Therefore, the significance of staying connected to family and extended family is evident both in the interviews and in the surveys.

Figure 5.7: Family members from Auckland arriving at Brisbane International Airport, 2016.

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5.4.3 Significance of Economic Provision sphere

When making decisions to live and work in either Auckland or Brisbane, Pasifika prioritise their familial sphere of well-being. The progress of fāmili or ‘āiga are important considerations that sit at the core of Pasifika decisions to transfer between employment opportunities. What is highlighted in the research is that well-being aims such as ‘getting a better pay’ or ‘better job opportunities’, although seemingly individualistic well-being aims for migration, are means to providing for and maintaining ‘familial’ connections or vā (good, positive and strong relationships). The following excerpts show a shared desire amongst informants for an improved collective well-being through their economic provision.

…the higher I go, the better it will be for my family and a happy life for us, mo‘ui ‘oku lelei...yeah, I’ve been working in the factory all my life, but when I get to a level 3 certificate in my business studies, I can get a better job, so I know that if I keep on studying I will get a better job... ‘Alisi, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

It is my desire that I do my very best for my children, so that they can have a better education, because I didn’t achieve this for myself in Tonga. ‘Amanaki, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

…what makes my life complete is, I think, if you’re happy with your family, if you’re together with your family…it’s not always about money. I think money can really change you, it does change people. For me, if I have got enough to put food on the table and pay for my house, I’m happy. I don’t live to be better than the next person. Your family’s happiness should be the most important thing. ‘Onika, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Table 5.5 highlights the significance of economic provision. The ranking of the elements in this sphere reveal an obvious break within the items ranked by percentages. The first two elements ranked differ in percentages compared to the last element. The need to provide a better future for their children and the daily needs of the family are drivers in the labour mobility of Pasifika. This was the case with many informants that had left their Pacific homelands to settle in NZ.

I can have a level of my well-being in New Zealand, and a level in Brisbane. There is a choice to make about moving to Brisbane from New Zealand. That’s why I came from Tonga to New Zealand, I can tell you that my well-being for the last 40 years in New Zealand…compared to Tonga is much better, the longer I live in New Zealand, the more I remember Tonga for these reasons…in Tonga it was very hard for me to provide financially for my family. But, in New Zealand, in regard to my well-being, I could easily have a house and enough money to educate my children. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

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Table 5.5: Distribution of elements included in the Economic Provision well-being sphere (EPW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Provide a 659 0.15 0.15 2.12 24.13 73.44 better future for children Provide for 667 0.0 0.60 1.80 28.34 69.27 daily needs of family Ability to help 664 0.45 1.51 9.19 37.80 51.05 the extended family

It is not always possible for Pasifika family members to stay together during their working life. In order to provide economically, some family members need to take up job opportunities that require their absence from home. Figure 5.8 (photograph taken Sunday 4 February 2018) shows Samoan and Tongan family members departing Brisbane to work temporary contracts in Auckland. This spatial and temporal sacrifice benefits the collective by bringing a shared economic stability.

Figure 5.8: Family members commuting for work at Brisbane International Airport, 2018.

Tavake’s story illustrates this spatio-temporal sacrifice for the long-term gain of his whole family’s well-being. In 2003, Tavake was forced to work extra days and for longer hours in his work as a labourer in Auckland. This began to take a toll on his health, and it was not long before his relatives

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in Brisbane had heard about his situation. In 2004, Tavake’s cousin in Brisbane helped him to find a job in his workplace and Tavake left his family in Auckland to work as a labourer in Brisbane. A year later, he had saved enough funds to bring his wife and children from Auckland to Brisbane. The following year, Tavake saved enough money from his job to make a deposit on his first family home in Brisbane. During the talanoa with Tavake’s family, they explained how grateful they were for the opportunities they had received through their cousin in 2004. In exchange for his kindness, they were helping another family who had just migrated to Brisbane with provision of a job at Tavake’s workplace as well as shared accommodation in their family home. Pasifika well-being extends the progress of an individual to the collective where relatives outside of the nuclear family unit also gain the benefits of economic success.

5.4.4 Significance of Cultural sphere

Cultural values and cultural identity are important threads that appear in the narratives of some informants in both Auckland and Brisbane. For several of the families in the study, the ability to maintain and nurture cultural values, and a Pasifika way of living in Auckland or Brisbane, was very important to their well-being as Pasifika.

…growing up in South Auckland, I love Auckland especially South Auckland, over there we are communal and if the neighbours are doing a barbeque you just go over, we are cultural there, we value our culture there… ‘Asoese, Samoan Informant (talanoa 2015)

I miss my family all the time, we have lost a bit of our culture because it is not as strong here [in Brisbane]. Sala, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

In terms of having culture, I think Auckland is the closest place in the world you could get to being ‘home’ a.k.a. Pacific islands. The culture, language and lifestyle of Pacific Islanders in Auckland is strong and taught in everyday life. ‘Emere, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

During participant observations in 2015-2018, I had attended several events and participated in many activities that revealed the significance of Pasifika, Samoan and Tongan cultural influences on the well-being of informants in this study, both in Auckland and Brisbane. Figure 5.9 (photograph taken Saturday 29 October 2016) shows members of a church community celebrating with a traditional dance and song at an annual misinale.78 The purpose of this particular misinale event was to collectively give funds as a church community to the refurbishment of the church building. Having a cultural identity and being able to define one’s own identity as a person, as a Pasifika, Samoan or Tongan within the diaspora contexts of Auckland or Brisbane was particularly important for the second and later generation migrants interviewed. Figure 5.10 (photograph retrieved

78 Misinale is an annual Tongan celebration in many of the traditional churches (observed in Australia, NZ and Tonga) promoting generosity of wealth and finances to the church. It is a system of collective giving that sustains the church financially and communally, and its members both culturally and spiritually. 107

22/11/2018 and used with permission) shows Samoan youth listening to the instruction of their church elder during one of their practice sessions for an annual cultural performance. This is evidence of how cultural and communal well-being in Brisbane are interconnected.

Figure 5.9: Tongan Uniting church misinale celebrations in Brisbane, 2016.

Figure 5.10: EFKS youth listen to Samoan elder during cultural practice in Brisbane, 2017.

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Figure 5.11 (photograph taken 12 March 2016) shows Tongan youth participating in the Pasifika event in Auckland. This is an annual event that is hosted by the Auckland City Council in Auckland, celebrating the unique way of life brought to Aotearoa (NZ) by the surrounding Pacific nations (Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Niue, Tokelau, Fiji, Tuvalu, Kiribati, including ). As a Pasifika myself, I promote both my Tongan culture and my husband’s Samoan culture within our family by attending family and community events with our children. Figure 5.12 (photograph taken 14 March 2015) shows my children at the Pasifika festival held in Manukau,79Auckland. Material culture is used by both Auckland and Brisbane diaspora communities to promote traditions and customs that carry important cultural values and ways of being. Samoan and Tongan migrants continue to use traditional materials, templates and meanings from Samoa and Tonga as a form of cultural resilience and continuity within Auckland and Brisbane. Figure 5.13 (photograph taken 14 March 2015) is a photo of my daughters in front of one of the many crafts stalls set up at the event. This particular stall was operated by an Auckland-based Tongan family that created their crafts using both Tongan-imported materials and locally sourced materials.

Figure 5.11: Tongan youth performing at the annual Pasifika event in Auckland, 2016.

79 Manukau is a city in the South Auckland region, NZ. 109

Figure 5.12: My children attending the annual Pasifika event in Auckland, 2015.

Figure 5.13: My daughters visit a Tongan crafts stall at the Pasifika event in Auckland, 2015.

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Similarly, Pasifika family and community events in Brisbane promote the use of culture from the Pacific homelands. In some instances, material culture travels with families across the Tasman between Auckland and Brisbane. Figure 5.14 (photograph taken Sunday 11 December 2016) shows the gifting of fine mats at a special graduation event in Brisbane using materials that were imported from Tonga to Auckland and then transferred from Auckland to Brisbane, especially prepared as a gift of honour and appreciation in this occasion. Figure 5.15 (photograph retrieved 22/11/2018 and used with permission) shows Samoan youth dressed in their traditional pule tasi80 and lava-lava81 preparing for a cultural performance in Brisbane. Table 5.6 highlights the significance of cultural well-being for Pasifika. The ability to retain cultural values and maintain a pride in their identity are important to their well-being within diaspora contexts. The ability to define one’s identity was equally as important. For some informants, continual involvement in community events supported their cultural identity and well-being.

Figure 5.14: A Tongan graduation celebration in Brisbane, 2016.

80 Pule tasi is a matching two-piece attire worn by Samoan women to perform traditional dances and is a culturally appropriate attire for church and other important social spatial contexts for Samoan people. 81 Lava-lava is a traditional wrap-around worn by both men and women. In this context, the short length lava-lava is worn by the men and the long length lava-lava is generally worn by the women. 111

Figure 5.15: Samoan youth prepare to perform a cultural dance in Brisbane, 2017.

Table 5.6 reveals that the ability to retain cultural values is important to more than 69% of Pasifika surveyed. The ranking of the elements in this sphere, as shown in Table 5.6, reveal an obvious break within the items ranked by percentages. The first three elements ranked differ in percentages compared to the last element. Having pride in one’s culture and identity is vital to their cultural well- being sphere. The ability to retain their cultural values and being able to define themselves as Pasifika are significant to their well-being. According to informants, the importance of being involved in community activities is to be able to maintain their sociocultural values of reciprocity; contributing or sharing cultural resources, skills and knowledge, participating in the celebration and maintenance of their cultures.

Table 5.6: Distribution of elements included in the Cultural well-being sphere (CW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Ability to retain 666 0.30 0.15 3.45 27.03 69.07 cultural values Pride in culture 661 0.15 0.45 3.93 26.93 68.53 & identity Ability to 665 0.0 0.90 4.51 32.63 61.95 define own identity Involved in 662 0.15 1.81 8.46 41.24 48.34 community

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5.4.5 Significance of Mental and Emotional sphere

The importance of having a ‘peace’ of mind as well as feeling ‘secure’, ‘content’ or at ‘ease’ were emphasised by narratives as significant to their well-being. It is interesting to note that some informants explain their mental and emotional sphere of well-being in relation to either their spirituality or materiality, and in some cases both. How do I define well-being? It’s me being content with myself mentally, socially, physically, emotionally and spiritually. ‘Aputi, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015) Mo‘ui lelei includes being…mentally healthy…being able to have quality time and being content with [a] lifestyle that is healthy… Sione, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

My understanding of ola manuia means…healthy family relationships…physically healthy…spiritually healthy…mentally stable…which I guess ties in with the other three. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

With regards to our Christian faith…it’s having that inner peace. It’s a peace that covers our spiritual and material realms, it covers both of these…Having opportunities shouldn’t mean losing our ‘balance’ in life. In life, we have available to us…knowledge that is required in life…wisdom to use the resources available to us in Australia without being affected by it. Lopeti, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

The narratives highlight elements of emotional well-being considered significant in the lives of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants: having a positive outlook (having hope for tomorrow, having a peace and assurance about the future of your family and yourself); having a balanced life (having a good balance between home life and other spheres like work life that can take up much of ones focus each day; for some informants this work life meant study life or other areas requiring a public role in their life, e.g. church life); enjoying life (enjoying the daily work life). Table 5.7 shows that having a hope and peace about the future is an element of emotional well-being that is ranked highly by Pasifika survey participants. Another important aspect of the mental and emotional sphere is having a good education. Both the narratives and surveys provide evidence that education is important to Pasifika. My goal is to carry on with my education here in Brisbane. I believe that a better education will help me to reach my goals for a good life here with my family...I’ve been in the factory all my life and I have to struggle with it...when I reach a higher education, I will achieve higher goals… ‘Alisi, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

These plans that I have for making my family’s life a good and fulfilling one here in New Zealand, and later when we move to Brisbane, is promoting education in my family, with my children. I will never stop promoting the importance of education. To be honest, this is my top priority with my children, to enable and support them to do well at school. Vaea, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

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Table 5.7: Distribution of elements included in the Mental/Emotional well-being sphere (MEW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Hope & peace 663 0.0 0.30 2.71 29.56 67.42 about the future A good 659 0.30 1.21 5.31 29.59 63.58 education A good balance 657 0.30 0.91 4.72 33.03 61.04 between work/home Ability to do 651 0.61 2.30 7.83 34.72 54.53 further study Enjoy daily 662 0.30 0.60 6.50 39.73 52.87 work life

Table 5.7 shows that 60% of Pasifika surveyed strongly agree that having a good formal education is important to their mental/emotional well-being. The ranking of the elements in this sphere reveal an obvious break within the items ranked by percentages. The first three elements ranked differ in percentages compared to the last two elements. According to some informants, the additional attainment of higher education or qualifications for trades also provides a better outlook for themselves and their families. Figure 5.16 (photograph retrieved 24/11/2018 and used with permission) shows a Tongan academic celebrating her graduation with a tertiary qualification in Auckland. Figure 5.17 (photograph retrieved 6/11/2018 and used with permission) shows a Samoan academic celebrating the end of his formal education at an Auckland high school. Both images are evidence of the importance of completing both a formal and higher education in Auckland. Although access to a tertiary qualification is not as straightforward for Pasifika in Brisbane compared to that in Auckland (as discussed in Chapter 2) the completion of a formal education and the attainment of tertiary qualifications are promoted in Brisbane. Figure 5.18 (photograph retrieved 27/11/2018, used with permission) and Figure 5.19 (photograph taken Sunday 11 December 2016) are evidence of the significance of education to Pasifika families in Brisbane.

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Figure 5.16: A Tongan academic celebrates her tertiary graduation in Auckland, 2016.

Figure 5.17: A Samoan academic celebrates his high school graduation in Auckland, 2018.

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Figure 5.18: A Tongan academic celebrates his high school graduation in Brisbane, 2018.

Figure 5.19: Fijian, Samoan and Tongan family members gather in Brisbane for a family member’s tertiary graduation, 2016.

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5.4.6 Significance of Economic Sustainability sphere

Having the means to provide economically for the family rests on the ability to get a job or business and to maintain this economic activity for as long as possible, or to be able to improve one’s employment status. Most informants interviewed were either looking for a better employment or business opportunity. The significance of having a job and being able to pay for a good life either in Auckland or Brisbane was evident across the narratives. Table 5.8 shows more than 60% of the Pasifika participants ranked the need to have enough money to pay the bills and to live well as a priority in the economic sustainability well-being sphere. This element is followed by the importance of having a secure, permanent job and options for improved work and financial opportunities. The narratives make clear links between this need for sufficient and stable income and a family’s well- being.

Table 5.8: Distribution of elements included in the Economic Sustainability well-being sphere (ESW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Enough money 660 0.91 3.79 5.15 29.09 61.06 to pay bills and live well A secure 645 0.0 1.86 7.60 29.92 60.62 permanent job Options for 653 0.0 0.77 4.75 35.38 59.11 future jobs & career A job with 647 0.15 3.09 7.26 31.68 57.81 good pay Financial 663 0.0 1.06 6.49 35.90 56.56 security Own a home 655 0.76 3.36 11.30 28.24 56.34 Control of 663 0.15 3.47 6.18 35.75 54.45 finances Good career 649 0.46 2.00 7.55 38.37 51.62 prospects Money saved 655 0.15 2.14 8.70 37.40 51.60 for retirement or old age Ability to 661 0.30 1.66 9.23 37.82 50.98 travel Own other 661 0.91 2.12 11.20 39.03 46.75 assets

I struggled to provide a decent home. I struggled to pay bills with the low pay rate so there was nothing left to take the kids out in the weekends. I worked long hours and that's all I could afford. I relied on my parents to take care of my kids after school so I could work longer hours to pay bills… Sala, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

What will make my life a good and happy life is to succeed…with a great career, own assets and raise a family in a safe community that is affordable…Being able to share it with my husband and knowing that we’re both building a future and legacy for our children and great grandchildren… Lelei, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

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When happiness overcomes everything…then my life will be complete. When I spend time with my family, especially my kids. Having enough money to pay bills…then I can supply the basic necessities for my family. ‘Emere, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

The Pasifika concept of work relates to improved familial well-being. Amongst the Pasifika informants of this study, there is a general consensus that work and participation in the labour-force is first and foremost about helping their family to progress. According to all 40 narratives, going to work and having a job is something that Pasifika take great pride in because they are able to contribute to the well-being of their family, which in turn nurtures their individual well-being. A second- generation Tongan woman had migrated from NZ in 2011 to develop her career and to pursue higher education in Australia. She described her and her husband’s experiences of mo‘ui ‘oku lelei in Brisbane:

I like my life here in Brisbane, I wanted to be in Brisbane for education and work experience because it is a great stepping stone to the global places like America...I like that you can make out of life what you want here in Brisbane, it’s like a blank piece of paper, it’s a freedom that I get being in a place of opportunities, just make what you want of it. Money is good here, better than in Auckland...and there is a greater margin of savings here... I think that people are more fulfilled here because…they are being creative. It makes me and my husband feel alive to set financial goals, achieve them and then plan the next goal, it builds our self-esteem as a family. There is a faith we have here in this country that “you can do it.” We have a greater chance of achieving our goals here as a family. Sinamoni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Table 5.8 shows that over 50% of the Pasifika participants strongly agree on home ownership being an element that affects their well-being as Pasifika. Several people described the increasing house prices, their inability to purchase a home and their family’s lack of well-being. Similarly, informants who owned a family home linked their family’s improved well-being to the purchase of their first home.

We wanted to buy a home because we had been sharing a house with my cousins…we knew that we could afford a better lifestyle in Brisbane. Not long after we arrived, we were able to get work and save enough for this house. We’re so happy here, as a family. ‘Ahu, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Figure 5.20 (photograph taken Saturday 11 July 2015) and Figure 5.21 (photograph taken Saturday 25 March 2017) show homes that were purchased by Samoan and Tongan families within their first two years of arriving in Brisbane. Informants explained that their ability to purchase a home has given their families a good foundation for improving their lifestyle and collective well-being.

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Figure 5.20: A Tongan family home purchased in Brisbane, 2014.

Figure 5.21: A Samoan family home purchased in Brisbane, 2016.

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5.4.7 Significance of Physical sphere

The physical well-being sphere was highlighted by several of the informants in their interviews as important. There was a desire to ‘get healthy’ and ‘stay healthy’. Getting healthy, active involvement in a community group that requires leaving the house, getting better access to medical services, getting outdoors more and getting time for sports or recreation. Staying healthy meant living a healthy lifestyle, eating right and exercising more. Although my children don’t always like the Tongan foods, I prepare for them, I don’t like to feed them unhealthy foods like lollies and chips because this will cause illness. That is why they have been healthy since birth. Their health is a priority. Vaea, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

One of my aims is to maintain healthy eating…to build my knowledge base of foods and ingredients that are healthier…I’m aiming towards living a healthier lifestyle. Siautu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Well-being involves good health, being happy…Taking control of your health leads to a happy long life…changing my health lifestyle, with more walks and exercise…more outdoor activities with family and friends…a lifestyle of being relaxed and stress-free…these things will make my life a good, fulfilling and happy one. Sefina, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

For both Auckland and Brisbane Pasifika surveyed, the physical sphere of well-being is significant to their well-being. The ranking of the elements in this sphere, as shown in Table 5.9, reveal an obvious break within the items ranked by percentages. The first two elements ranked differ in percentages compared to the third element and the last two elements. As shown in Table 5.9, the survey participants strongly agree that having access to good medical services and living a healthy lifestyle are highly significant to their well-being as Pasifika. Similarly, being able to eat right is an important physical well-being consideration. In my own family’s recent experiences (2018-2019) with a very sick child, access to good medical services in Brisbane is a daily reality that we are grateful for. This positive experience has further confirmed our decision to live in Brisbane. Some of the informants explained that their choice of residential location was influenced by a desire for physical well-being, for themselves or a family member.

I have a sister who made the big move to Brisbane to start a new life with her family but had to return home because her son was diagnosed with autism, if he was an Australian citizen he would be entitled to government funding but…my sister and her husband were looking at having to fork out $1000 plus a week for education and…specialists, but in Auckland he gets all that for free. This put some stress on us as a family and they had to move back… Sefina, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

I didn’t want to come here; it was my husband that came here first…The climate helped with his arthritis pain, that’s why he stayed…so that was 1994 when he came. The important thing was that I lived together with my husband here in Brisbane and we received help from the Doctor here…my husband was a citizen after two years of being here, my husband got a lot of care…I even received good care. Seini, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

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Table 5.9: Distribution of elements included in the Physical well-being sphere (PW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Access to good 667 0.0 0.15 1.65 33.28 64.92 medical services Living a 669 0.0 0.45 2.24 34.53 62.78 healthy lifestyle Ability to eat 667 0.15 1.05 5.40 39.88 53.52 right Ability to 664 0.45 0.75 7.98 43.98 46.84 exercise more, to keep fit Time for sports 664 0.30 3.01 13.55 41.42 41.72 or recreation

Table 5.9 shows that having access to good medical services and living a healthy lifestyle are two important elements of the Pasifika physical well-being sphere. More than 60% of the participants strongly agreed on the significance of these two aspects. These elements were also common aspects raised in the interviews by both old and young informants alike.

I want to be physically healthy and especially for my kids to be healthy…ola manuia happens when there is more physical bonding with my family…like being outside playing with my kids…I want to be the best mother, wife, sister, daughter and friend that I can be. ‘Emere, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

[A] priority right now is my health. It is one area I have neglected for some time and being in Australia away from family has made me realise I need to start taking care of myself. I’ve started to change the way I eat and have slowly started to implement some physical activity. I realise now how important it is to take care of myself. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

The ability to eat right was seen as more important than exercise and having time to enjoy a sport or physical activity. This ability to eat right was raised by informants during their interviews. Often this ability to eat right was related to their lifestyle which was further determined by their level of income and access to healthier food options.

…the cost of living is too expensive, the pay rate is too low to live comfortably…cheap takeaways…Healthy living is hard, veges and fruit are very expensive there [in Auckland]. Sala, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

5.4.8 Significance of Environmental sphere

Comments and views shared by informants during talanoa and e-talanoa interviews highlight an aspect of well-being that related to the environmental factors of living in either Auckland or Brisbane that can be further understood as the enjoyment of weather and climate; a cooler or a warmer climate.

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I was starting to think about where I would like to live and work, I thought Brisbane because it was tropical, I later found out it was sub-tropical…I liked the climate…more like in Tonga, I loved the sun, eating tropical fruits, getting a tan, so this was one of the reasons why I left Auckland and came here. Sinamoni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

It took me five years to make it my home because the biggest problem for me was the weather, when it’s hot here, during summer, I hate it. I’m still finding that even now I hate it after all these years. Because I come from ‘Eua in Tonga, it’s much cooler there, but coming here…Oh! The weather! Seini, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

The warmer climate brought better options for traditional Pasifika foods easily grown in parts of Brisbane, yet the cooler climate was ideal for those who felt the air was ‘crisper’ in Auckland. Some informants found the warmer air was beneficial for their health and well-being because it alleviated their ailments (as was the case with Seini’s husband). A warmer climate also allowed informants to get out of the house more often.

As a young child life was a struggle…[the] cold weather and depressing rain didn’t help…my parents moved all of us here in 1990…they were looking for a change. Brisbane is home now…better living for both my parents and my other family members who have also made Brisbane their permanent home. ‘Aputi, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

A few years ago, I went to Sydney and it was good. Now, I have come to Brisbane and it is better. The weather, the gardens, they are all good here…[like] living in Tonga…it is good to see the types of foods like those in Tonga that are growing over here, foods like bananas and pawpaw…my well-being is better here, it makes me healthier and happier here…working in the gardens is one of my favourite activities. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Figure 5.22 (photograph taken Saturday 10 November 2018) is an example of the Pasifika homes that grow traditional foodstuffs from their island homelands. Some plants can only grow well in certain climate zones. This particular garden shown is in a northern suburb of Brisbane where both the soil and climate are prime for growing hopa (plantain bananas), ‘ufi (yams), manioke (cassava) and other foods important to a healthy Pasifika diet.

Figure 5.23 (photograph taken Saturday 11 July 2015) shows a Tongan woman preparing a popular traditional dish, eaten by Pasifika living in Brisbane, that uses talo (taro); Tongan call the dish lū, while Samoan refer to the dish as lūau. She is using talo leaves that were grown in her family garden. Figure 5.24 (photograph taken Friday 11 March 2016) shows a cooked meal of lū and manioke that was prepared for me during my visit to a Tongan home in Auckland. As in Brisbane, lūau or lū is popular amongst Samoan and Tongan families alike in Auckland. The meal of lū in Figure 5.24 uses talo leaves that were grown in the family garden. Talo is easily grown in most regions including the cooler climate zones of Auckland. However, in NZ although the leaves flourish due to plentiful rain and moderate sunshine, the climate is too cold for the actual tuber root to grow substantially. For this reason Aucklanders rely on the marketplace for their root crops (talo, ‘ufi and manioke) usually imported from Fiji, Samoa or Tonga.

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Figure 5.22: A Tongan family’s garden and home in Brisbane, 2018.

Figure 5.23: Preparing a traditional dish using talo leaves grown in South Brisbane, 2015.

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Figure 5.24: A traditional meal of lū and manioke served in South Auckland, 2016.

Also related to the climate of an area is the opportunity to be outdoors more often because of the temperature and weather conditions. Paired with generally good weather, Brisbane has a lot of parks and reserves. Brisbane-based informants stated that their families spent more time with their families outdoors because of the warmer temperature and longer sunshine hours. The local parks and reserves provide plenty of options for this healthier lifestyle. Figure 5.25 (photograph taken Friday 28 September 2018) shows a popular Brisbane destination in the heart of the city. A man-made beach operated by the City Council and open to the public from morning till late. Figure 5.26 (photograph taken Tuesday 20 February 2018) and Figure 5.27 (photograph taken Wednesday 7 December 2016) show Pasifika families enjoying outdoor activities after work; a regular part of their lifestyle in Brisbane. It is important to note that physical well-being for a Pasifika is not often defined as well- being for an individual. Informants have stated that they want to live a healthier lifestyle with their families, with a focus on spending more quality time with their children. As a parent myself, the local parks are a regular spot for my children and I straight after school.

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Figure 5.25: South Bank man-made beach pool in Brisbane City, 2018.

Figure 5.26: Tygum park and lagoon, a popular local park for Pasifika in Logan, Brisbane, 2018.

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Figure 5.27: Orion lagoon, a popular swimming spot for Pasifika families in Brisbane, 2016.

Table 5.10 shows that Pasifika in both Auckland and Brisbane have ranked ‘out of the house often’ and ‘enjoying the weather and climate’ as significant to their well-being. Findings from the interviews and participant observations support this.

Table 5.10: Distribution of elements included in the Environmental well-being sphere (EW-B).

Element n % Survey Responses Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Getting out of 667 0.30 2.55 9.60 39.28 48.28 house often Enjoying the 666 0.30 2.70 14.11 36.94 45.95 weather & climate Living in 662 0.91 6.19 21.45 34.44 37.01 cooler climate Living in 663 1.21 5.88 23.68 33.33 35.90 warmer climate

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5.4.9 Comparing well-being spheres across Pasifika demographic groups

The previous sections have presented a collective Pasifika perspective on their holistic well-being spheres. It will be important now to consider the demographic groups who view the eight well-being spheres as significant; to see the correlation between how well-being is defined and who defines it that way. Table 5.11 below presents a summary of how different demographic groups surveyed view the eight well-being spheres. As shown in the distribution of survey responses strongly agreeing to the significance of each well-being sphere, there is a general consensus that all eight well-being spheres are significant to all categories of Pasifika. However, there are some interesting correlations that can be made between each sphere and a particular demographic group. For instance, the economic provision well-being sphere is especially significant for the Brisbane-based Pasifika compared to the Auckland-based Pasifika. There is also a strong correlation between a greater sense of well-being (across most spheres) and those Pasifika who are working/employed, compared to those Pasifika who are not working. Also, when considering the age cohorts across spheres there are a few interesting correlations. The familial and social sphere, although significant across all age groups, is especially important for couples with children. The mental sphere is especially significant for third generation Pasifika aged between 18-29 years. Furthermore, there is an evident age factor in relation to the cultural sphere, where cultural well-being is especially important for youth that are second-generation migrants. Also, when we consider the descent of Pasifika surveyed, the Spiritual/God and Environmental well-being spheres are more significant for Tongans.

5.5 Discussion

What emerges in this study is that Pasifika define their well-being holistically. Several other Pasifika studies support these findings (Ihara & Vakalahi 2011; Makasiale 2013; Seiuli 2013). Mafi (2018) and Pope (2017) present findings of Tongan holistic well-being based on two separate studies of Tongan people living in NZ. Both the Tongan women in Auckland of Pope’s (2017) study, and the Tongan elderly in Wellington of Mafi’s (2018) study, have highlighted similar holistic components of well-being. The ‘well-being triangle: ‘mind, body and spirituality’ (Pope 2017:154) and ‘mo‘ui lōtolu’ comprising of ‘the ‘three pillars of sino (physical), ‘atamai (mental) and laumālie (spiritual life)’ advocated by Mafi (2018:42) are Tongan concepts that reveal holistic perceptions of well-being. In this research, both qualitative and quantitative findings support these holistic notions. Furthermore, the Samoan and Tongan informants in this current study suggest that there are more than three spheres. Pasifika well-being can be better understood as a holistic model of eight spheres: ‘Mo‘ui Lelei -- Ola Manuia -- Pasifika Well-Being’ (Figure 5.2).

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Table 5.11: Summary of how different demographic groups view the significance of the eight well-being spheres. Characteristics Spiritual/God Familial/Social Economic Cultural Mental/ Economic Physical Environmental (SGW-B) (FSW-B) Provision (CW-B) Emotional Sustainability (PW-B) (EW-B) (EPW-B) (MEW-B) (ESW-B)

Location Auckland 4.65 (.48) 4.59 (.40)*** 4.48 (.55)*** 4.46 (.50)*** 4.41 (.55)*** 4.33 (.59)*** 4.39 (.51)*** 4.08 (.69)* Brisbane 4.70 (.55) 4.70 (.39)*** 4.71 (.42)*** 4.67 (.43)*** 4.65 (.43)*** 4.53 (.53)*** 4.54 (.46)*** 4.21 (.73)* Gender Male 4.66 (.51) 4.64 (.43) 4.58 (.50) 4.55 (.49) 4.49 (.54) 4.44 (.57) 4.48 (.48) 4.19 (.70) Female 4.69 (.50) 4.64 (.38) 4.57 (.52) 4.54 (.48) 4.53 (.50) 4.39 (.58) 4.43 (.51) 4.10 (.72) Age 18-29 years 4.68 (.52) 4.64 (.40) 4.65 (.47)*** 4.62 (.44) 4.60 (.45)** 4.47 (.56) 4.48 (.51) 4.12 (.76)*** 30-39 years 4.65 (.50) 4.65 (.37) 4.62 (.44)*** 4.55 (.48) 4.49 (.54)** 4.40 (.59) 4.45 (.51) 4.03 (.75) *** 40-49 years 4.69 (.51) 4.65 (.41) 4.57 (.50)*** 4.44 (.56) 4.46 (.54)** 4.42 (.56) 4.45 (.49) 4.21 (.64) *** 50-59 years 4.63 (.50) 4.63 (.41) 4.49 (.49)*** 4.51 (.45) 4.45 (.49)** 4.42 (.48) 4.45 (.44) 4.22 (.59) *** 60+ years 4.77 (.41) 4.64 (.39) 4.26 (.70)*** 4.45 (.49) 4.26 (.62)** 4.18 (.66) 4.32 (.47) 4.23 (.54) *** Descent Samoan 4.62 (.56)*** 4.62 (41) 4.62 (.51) 4.57 (.45)* 4.51 (.46)*** 4.38 (.57) 4.46 (.47) 3.98 (.75)* Tongan 4.72 (.44)*** 4.65 (.39) 4.54 (.52) 4.52 (.51)* 4.49 (.56)*** 4.43 (.58) 4.43 (.52) 4.26 (.65)* Other - Mix 4.61 (.53)*** 4.69 (.34) 4.68 (.45) 4.66 (.39)* 4.77 (.34)*** 4.50 (.54) 4.61 (.45) 4.34 (.61)* Generation (Migrant) First 4.69 (.46)*** 4.63 (.40) 4.50 (.54)* 4.48 (.50)* 4.42 (.56)*** 4.34 (.59) 4.40 (.50) 4.18 (.64)*** Second 4.68 (.56)*** 4.66 (.39) 4.68 (.46)* 4.64 (.44)* 4.61 (.45)*** 4.51 (.54) 4.52 (.49) 4.08 (.81)*** Third - Later 4.52 (.47)*** 4.49 (.43) 4.57 (.49)* 4.52 (.44)* 4.66 (.37)*** 4.36 (.49) 4.51 (.48) 4.10 (.58)*** Family Children 4.70 (.46) 4.68 (.39)** 4.54 (.52) 4.50 (.50)** 4.50 (.52) 4.40 (.57) 4.45 (.49) 4.22 (.62)*** No Children 4.64 (.56) 4.59 (.41)** 4.62 (.50) 4.61 (.45)** 4.53 (.51) 4.42 (.58) 4.45 (.51) 4.03 (.79)*** Relationship Solo 4.64 (.52) 4.60 (.41)* 4.58 (.54) 4.58 (.48) 4.51 (.51) 4.39 (.59) 4.43 (.52) 4.04 (.78)*** Couple 4.71 (.48) 4.66 (.39)* 4.57 (.50) 4.52 (.48) 4.51 (.52) 4.43 (.56) 4.47 (.48) 4.22 (.63)*** Employment Working 4.68 (.51) 4.67 (.38)** 4.64 (.45)*** 4.59 (.48)** 4.57 (.47)*** 4.52 (.51)*** 4.51 (.49)*** 4.20 (.73)** Not Working 4.66 (.52) 4.59 (.39)** 4.45 (.62)*** 4.47 (.47)** 4.37 (.57)*** 4.21 (.62)*** 4.33 (.50)*** 4.02 (.66)**

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation)

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The significance of the eight spheres presented in this model is that they are interlinked and present a complexity about the well-being of Pasifika that is often overlooked by other well-being studies mentioned (Chapter 3, section 3.2.4). Another NZ-based study, independent to this study, has also captured the holistic nature of Pasifika well-being based on a consideration of Samoan, Tongan and Cook Islands Māori in NZ. Manuela and Sibley (2013; 2015), have examined Pasifika perceptions of well-being identifying important links between ‘ethnic identity of selfhood, culture and religion’ with ‘subjective well-being of family and broader social groups’ (Manuela & Sibley 2013:87). They categorise Pasifika perceptions of well-being impacting on psychology and health of Pasifika under six factors: ‘Perceived Familial Wellbeing,’ ‘Perceived Societal Wellbeing,’ ‘Group Membership Evaluation,’ ‘Pacific Connectedness and Belonging,’ ‘Religious Centrality and Embeddedness,’ (Manuela & Sibley 2013:83) and ‘Cultural Efficacy’ (Manuela & Sibley 2015:146-147). My research contributes to this knowledge with the identification of additional factors that relate to the general well-being of Pasifika in NZ, and Australia. The four spheres of economic provision, economic sustainability, physical and environmental well-being are additional aspects of mo‘ui lelei -- ola manuia, that emerge in my findings. Similarly, Mafi (2018:41-42) provides a synopsis of Tongan well-being that includes the physical and environmental dimensions and Seiuli (2013) presents a concept of Samoan well- being that includes environmental components. However, all three studies (Mafi 2018; Manuela & Sibley 2015; Seiuli 2013) do not consider economic sustainability and economic provision. As shown in the findings I have presented in this chapter, Pasifika spirituality, familial and sociocultural intrinsic values and beliefs often influence their decisions about money matters. A common misconception in literature is that economic opportunities drive the labour mobility of Pasifika (Brown et al. 2012; Haig 2010). In this study, the findings present a more holistic consideration of the familial, sociocultural and spiritual elements that influence the movements and participation of Pasifika peoples in the labour market, both in Auckland and Brisbane (Addo 2015; 2017; Barcham et al. 2009; Faleolo 2012; Gershon 2012; . The ranking of the eight spheres identified in this research are presented in Table 5.12 below. The order of this ranking is based on the average percentage of ‘Strongly Agreed’ responses to each of the elements per sphere. It is important to note that the spirituality of Pasifika peoples is not an appendage of their way of life, rather it is central and often a focus to their public and private lives. Efi (2014:16) explains that Samoan indigenous understandings of God and spirituality underly ‘every aspect of ancient Samoan life.’ Makasiale (2013:277) advocates that ‘spirituality…is a dynamic, guiding light in all aspects of life for the Pacific person.’ Similarly, Ihara and Vakalahi (2011:411- 412) highlight spirituality as the essence of wellness among Samoan and Tongan elders in Pasifika connecting spiritually with God and with others. The findings presented in my study strongly suggest

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that spiritual connections are as important as social and cultural connections made by Pasifika in their desire to maintain mo‘ui ‘oku lelei -- ola manuia.

Table 5.12: Summary of significant well-being spheres in mo‘ui ‘oku lelei -- ola manuia.

Sphere

Spiritual/God Well-Being

Familial/Social Well-Being Economic Provision Well-Being Cultural Well-Being Mental/Emotional Well-Being Economic Sustainability Well-Being Physical Well-Being Environmental Well-Being

What makes the findings in this study about Pasifika notions of spiritual well-being distinct to other studies is the accurate consideration of spirituality as an intrinsic aspect of Pasifika well-being rather than something that is extrinsically impacting upon the well-being of Pasifika. For instance, Inglehart (2010) and Oisihi (2010) consider the links between religious beliefs and increased levels of subjective well-being, as does Manuela and Sibley (2013;2015). Pasifika spirituality is intrinsic to their well-being. Another dynamic of well-being that other well-being studies consider an external factor influencing well-being is the familial sphere. Mafi (2018:47) found in his study of Tongan elders’ that family members, including extended families, were a ‘major influence’ on his participants’ well- being. Whereas, in my study of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants’ well-being, fāmili or ‘āiga, are a core element of their well-being. What this research captures is the essence of Pasifika outlooks being a collective rather than an individualistic one. According to many accredited Pasifika scholars (Hau‘ofa 1994; Ka‘ili 2005; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009; Va‘a 2001) Pasifika well-being and reasons for labour migration can be better understood from a point of solidarity; the collective aspect of a Pasifika worldview anchors Pasifika well-being behaviours observed in both Auckland and Brisbane.

5.6 Conclusion

This chapter has introduced the informants and survey participants in this study. Their well-being understandings have been discussed alongside the well-being literature that was introduced in Chapter 3. The inquiry has been guided by the following primary research questions: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ The secondary research questions below have been drawn from these primary research questions:

Is there a distinct Pasifika concept of well-being and what are its salient components? Are there demographic differences in how well-being is defined by Pasifika migrants? 130

There is a general consensus amongst Pasifika in this study that their well-being is holistic. Pasifika perceive well-being within eight significant spheres. This chapter has presented eight spheres that are not only significant to individual Pasifika but to the collective Pasifika units (families and communities). Although there is a distinct well-being shared by Pasifika living in Australia and NZ, it is also noted that Brisbane have had higher numerical scores compared to Auckland in responding to each of the eight spheres as significant to their well-being. The next chapter will analyse the Pasifika experiences of well-being in Auckland compared to Brisbane, to determine how satisfied Pasifika are with their well-being in these locations. The intersections of Pasifika well-being perspectives and experiences will be considered in the following chapters.

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6 Pasifika Well-Being Experiences

Brisbane, it’s like a blank piece of paper, it’s a freedom that I get being in a place of opportunities, just make what you want of it. Money is good here, better than in Auckland. Sinamoni, Tongan Informant (2015)

6.1 Introduction

The analysis so far has established that Pasifika well-being is holistic; Pasifika well-being is collective, spiritual and material (including health, money, housing, education). There are eight spheres that Pasifika consider important to their well-being, with relative significances that enable a ranking (as outlined in Chapter 5). According to the surveys, the top four ranking well-being spheres are spiritual/God, familial/social, economic provision and cultural. Mafi (2018), Pope (2017) and Seiuli (2013), similarly found that the social, cultural and spiritual dimensions are central to Pasifika well-being. However, the informants in this study have also highlighted the importance of their economic sphere; a dimension that is often misunderstood in diaspora and migration literature. It is hypothesised in this chapter that Pasifika economic well-being experiences are interconnected with the other well-being spheres. This further signifies the importance of my research approach that embraces Pasifika world views and frameworks (Chapter 3, section 3.3.2) in understanding the interconnections of the eight well-being spheres; not only in how well-being is perceived but how well-being is lived out and experienced in the everyday lives of Pasifika. At the outset of this study, I had the assumption that life was ‘better’ in Brisbane compared to Auckland. Personally, although moving from Auckland to Brisbane in 2015 had both its challenges and opportunities, my family and I agree that the move to Brisbane was a ‘blessing from God.’ I would like to test if there is betterment in Brisbane for Pasifika, or not. So, the aim of this chapter is to consider Pasifika well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. The primary questions guiding this inquiry are ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well- being aims?’ The secondary research questions below have been drawn from these primary research questions. This chapter seeks to address the following two secondary research questions:

How satisfied are Pasifika with their well-being experiences?

Are there differences in how well-being is experienced in Auckland compared to Brisbane?

This chapter has been divided into four parts. The first part outlines the methods used to collect the data sets presented here. The second part presents Pasifika well-being experiences captured in the qualitative and quantitative data sets, comparing levels of satisfaction experienced in Auckland and Brisbane. The experiences per eight well-being spheres are presented in order of statistical

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significance (mean satisfaction in Auckland compared to Brisbane) from most significant to least. The third part of this chapter discusses the shared Pasifika well-being experiences and considers the differences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. The fourth section will discuss the overall findings that address the research questions and assumptions made about a ‘better life’ in Brisbane, compared to Auckland.

6.2 Methods

In order to address these research questions, both qualitative and quantitative evidence will be analysed. The mixed methods approach in this study has lent itself to an interweaving of data sets throughout the study. For instance, initial interviews carried out in 2015 were used to inform the design of surveys collected in 2016. These surveys further provided results that would triangulate with other qualitative observations (Chapter 4, section 4.3.1). The initial 40 interviews asked a series of focus questions related to Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant experiences of well-being (see Appendix 1a). It is important to note that during the initial interviews (2015), several of the informants had either already made the move from Auckland to Brisbane (n=30), were in-transit82 to Brisbane from Auckland or in Auckland preparing to leave for Brisbane (n=10; refer to Chapter 4, section 4.4.3). The questions listed are variations of similar questions used as prompts in the talanoa or e-talanoa that focussed on well-being experiences. The following prompts were used with Auckland-based informants: • How would you describe life in Auckland? • Are there any advantages or disadvantages of living in Auckland? If so, what? • Have any of these advantages or disadvantages in Auckland affected your sense of well- being? If so, what? How? Why? The following prompts were used with Brisbane-based informants: • How would you describe life in Brisbane? • Are there any advantages or disadvantages of living in Brisbane? If so, what? • Have any of these advantages or disadvantages in Brisbane affected your sense of well-being? If so, what? How? Why? Follow-up interviews carried out in 2016-2017 expanded on the focus questions listed above. A cross- examination of the 40 interview responses to these focus questions used a color-coding scheme, to categorise the themes that emerged in the dialogue (Chapter 4, section 4.7.4). These emerging themes aligned with the five well-being spheres developed from the narratives (Chapter 5, Figure 5.1) and

82 Some ‘in-transit’ to Brisbane had left Auckland and were temporarily working in Christchurch’s building industry or Perth’s mines to save funds before moving to Brisbane.

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was analysed again using the eight well-being spheres developed from the surveys (Chapter 5, Figure 5.2). In order to determine whether the well-being experiences captured in interviews (2015) were shared by other Pasifika migrants based in Auckland and Brisbane, in 2016 a survey (Appendix 2 and 3, Q3) was conducted with 670 Pasifika responding to a question about their well-being experiences in either Auckland or Brisbane (depending on where they were at the time of the survey collection in 2016). Auckland-based surveys asked, ‘How satisfied are you with the following aspects of your life in Auckland?’ Brisbane-based surveys asked, ‘How satisfied are you with the following aspects of your life in Brisbane?’ Q3 listed 42 well-being experience items (elements) and asked each informant whether they were satisfied, or not, in their current location. Note that these were the same 42 items asked in the previous Q2 of the surveys. Each participant was asked to rate their level of satisfaction in relation to the items using a 5-point Likert scale where: very dissatisfied=1, dissatisfied=2, neither=3, satisfied=4, very satisfied=5.

6.3 Findings

Using both qualitative (interviews and participant-observations) and quantitative (surveys) data I will now consider Pasifika well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. The following tables present the mean (average) responses per well-being sphere, per demographic group, in Auckland compared to Brisbane. These figures are further supported by narratives captured through talanoa and e-talanoa interviews during 2015-2017 and images collected during participant- observations in 2015-2018. Figure 6.1 below shows that as a total sample, Pasifika are generally satisfied with their well- being experiences as a whole, across most spheres and in some cases very satisfied. For example, Pasifika in both Auckland and Brisbane, as a total group, are highly satisfied with their spiritual well- being and connection to God. On the other hand, Pasifika are on average least satisfied (albeit still satisfied) with their economic sustainability, both in Auckland and Brisbane. For Brisbane-based Pasifika, the lowest score, albeit still one of satisfaction in economic sustainability; whereas for Auckland-based Pasifika this is the only score that drops below the average satisfaction score a little. A comparison of Pasifika well-being experiences in Auckland, compared to Brisbane, shows significant differences. The spheres in Figure 6.1 are shown in ranked order of statistical significance (most to least difference in experiences between locations). Figure 6.1 shows that Pasifika based in Brisbane are the most satisfied across all eight spheres. The differences between Auckland and Brisbane Pasifika well-being experiences will be presented as tables, excerpts and images below and further discussed in the following section.

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ESW-B

EPW-B

MEW-B

PW-B

CW-B

EW-B

SGW-B

FSW-B

3.6 3.8 4 4.2 4.4 4.6 4.8

Auckland Brisbane Total

Figure 6.1: Mean satisfaction of Pasifika with well-being experience, as a total, and comparing Auckland to Brisbane.

Note 1: Figures refer to the Mean Satisfaction (Scale 1-5). Note 2: ESW-B: Economic Sustainability Well-Being; EPW-B: Economic Provision Well-Being; MEW-B: Mental/Emotional Well-Being; PW-B: Physical Well-Being; CW-B: Cultural Well-Being; EW-B: Environmental Well-Being; SGW-B: Spiritual/God Well-Being; FSW-B: Familial/Social Well-Being. Note 3: The eight spheres are ranked in order of differences (highest to lowest) between Auckland and Brisbane well-being experiences.

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6.3.1 Economic Sustainability well-being experiences

Satisfaction in this sphere includes permanent employment, options for future jobs and career development, good income; enough to pay bills, live well and to save, home ownership, financial freedom and financial security (Appendix 6, Table A5.1). Table 6.1 below shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘economic sustainability well- being' (ESW-B) sphere.

Table 6.1: Satisfaction with Economic Sustainability well-being in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B) Gender Male*** 3.97 (.79) 4.39 (.67) -0.42 Female*** 3.93 (.76) 4.27 (.80) -0.34 Age 18-29 years** 3.96 (.78) 4.23 (.76) -0.27 30-39 years*** 3.78 (.79) 4.48 (.73) -0.70 40-49 years* 4.00 (.74) 4.32 (.81) -0.32 50-59 years** 4.03 (.75) 4.46 (.69) -0.43 60+ years 3.96 (.79) 4.27 (.62) -0.31 Descent Samoan 3.98 (.82) 4.11 (.80) -0.13 Tongan*** 3.93 (.76) 4.60 (.54) -0.67 Other - Mix 3.83 (.29) 4.26 (.94) -0.43 Generation (Migrant) First*** 3.98 (.78) 4.32 (.79) -0.34 Second*** 3.89 (.78) 4.37 (.72) -0.48 Third - Later 3.65 (.45) 4.01 (.77) -0.35 Family Children*** 3.97 (.77) 4.38 (.72) -0.42 No Children*** 3.89 (.78) 4.26 (.78) -0.37 Relationship Solo*** 3.86 (.77) 4.18 (.81) -0.32 Couple*** 3.99 (.77) 4.43 (.69) -0.44 Employment Working*** 4.05 (.75) 4.46 (.69) -0.40 Not Working 3.79 (.80) 3.95 (.76) -0.16 N 391 278

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of ESW-B. Table 6.1 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika aged 30-39 years (mean difference between Auckland and Brisbane is -0.70). There is little difference in experience between the locations for Pasifika of Samoan descent (-0.13). Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of ESW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland. 136

An interesting finding in the Brisbane-based interviews with informants, who had moved to Brisbane in the last five to ten years, was their ownership of a home. Figure 6.2 (photograph taken Saturday 11 July 2015) shows a Tongan mother and her children outside their home purchased in Brisbane. She is one of 21 Pasifika homeowners interviewed during 2015-2017 who had compared the ease of buying a home in Brisbane to the challenges faced in Auckland; the increased cost of housing and living costs made owning a home difficult or unattainable in Auckland.

Figure 6.2: Tongan homeowner in Brisbane, 2015.

‘Ahu is a 35-year-old man of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant), who moved with his family to Brisbane in 2014 with hopes of improving his family’s outlook. Once there, ‘Ahu secured employment as a labourer, supporting his family of five children, while his wife studied towards a teaching diploma. At the time of our initial talanoa in mid-2015, they had just purchased their first family home in Logan, Brisbane. The cost of living in Auckland had been a major setback for Pasifika families who found themselves living in sub-standard conditions. Sala is a 37-year-old woman of Samoan descent (born in NZ; third generation migrant). As a single mother of three children, she struggled to provide a decent home for her family in Auckland because of the rising living costs. At one stage the only solution was to live in another family member’s home. Her lowest point was living in a makeshift space in her father’s garage that had been turned into a two-bedroom 137

home for her and her children. However, this was unsuitable for her growing children’s needs and she decided to leave Auckland for Brisbane in 2011. Sala saw her move to Brisbane as advantageous to herself and to her children’s future. In Brisbane, she was able to afford a comfortable lifestyle for her children on her sole income.

In Auckland I struggled. This is why I left Auckland. I struggled to provide a decent home. We lived in my Dad’s garage then…we lived in a two-bedroom home as small as a matchbox…this is why we came to Brisbane. Sala, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Similarly, ‘Amelika, a 42-year-old woman of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) shared her family’s experience of economic disadvantage in Auckland compared to advantages in Brisbane. Although they had a family home in Auckland, they struggled to keep regular payments on their mortgage. In Auckland the high cost of living meant that ‘Amelika and her husband had to work two full-time jobs; in a factory during the day and at night they had a cleaning contract. After visiting relatives who had moved to Brisbane, they decided to sell their family home in Auckland and move to Brisbane too. They were able to purchase a better-quality home at a more affordable price. Her husband’s income alone covers the mortgage payments now.

My husband was only earning the minimum wage of $12 an hour in New Zealand, so when he came and had work here during his holiday for $20 an hour, he liked it here. I’m talking about 2009…in Auckland, we were both working. My husband and I worked during the day and at night…The rate of our work was only $12 and $13 an hour. We were working hard to pay our mortgage, our bills, church commitments and also family commitments. ‘Amelika, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Home ownership is an important element of the ESW-B sphere that Auckland-based and Brisbane- based Pasifika alike perceived as important to other related spheres of well-being, particularly that of their familial and economic provision well-being spheres.

6.3.2 Economic Provision well-being experiences

Table 6.2 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘economic provision well-being’ (EPW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes the ability to provide for the daily needs of the family, a better future for the children, and to help the extended family (see Appendix 6, Table A5.2). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of EPW-B. Table 6.2 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika aged 30-39 years (mean difference -0.60).

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Table 6.2: Satisfaction with Economic Provision well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B)

Gender Male*** 4.17 (.81) 4.60 (.52) -0.43 Female*** 4.21 (.72) 4.47 (.70) -0.26 Age 18-29 years** 4.17 (.80) 4.42 (.73) -0.25 30-39 years*** 4.08 (.82) 4.68 (.53) -0.60 40-49 years 4.36 (.61) 4.56 (.55) -0.20 50-59 years*** 4.09 (.80) 4.65 (.50) -0.56 60+ years 4.23 (.69) 4.52 (.49) -0.29 Descent Samoan* 4.19 (.80) 4.36 (.69) -0.18 Tongan*** 4.20 (.73) 4.74 (.44) -0.55 Other - Mix 4.29 (.72) 4.41 (.85) -0.11 Generation (Migrant) First*** 4.24 (.71) 4.56 (.60) -0.32 Second*** 4.08 (.85) 4.53 (.64) -0.45 Third - Later 4.44 (.65) 4.33 (.76) -0.12 Family Children*** 4.24 (.70) 4.60 (.53) -0.35 No Children*** 4.11 (.84) 4.45 (.73) -0.35 Relationship Solo** 4.11 (.85) 4.37 (.76) -0.26 Couple*** 4.25 (.68) 4.64 (.51) -0.39 Employment Working*** 4.31 (.69) 4.62 (.55) -0.32 Not Working* 4.03 (.84) 4.30 (.74) -0.26 n 386 276

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of EPW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland. Sione is a 38-year old male of Tongan descent (born in NZ; second generation migrant). He had moved to two other cities (Sydney and Perth) before settling with his family in Brisbane. He left Auckland because he was unable to provide the lifestyle he wanted for his family.

The disadvantage of living in Auckland is the low-income rates compared to Australia…I knew I couldn’t supply my family with the lifestyle and opportunities they needed, not in Auckland, but I could give them this lifestyle in Australia. I’m excited about the new business opportunities we have as a family here. I know that Brisbane in the next 10 years will be a booming economy… Sione, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2016)

Siale is a 40-year-old man of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) who left Tonga in 1991 to move to Auckland for employment reasons. He met and married a NZ-born Tongan woman and they were able to build a successful trades business in Auckland. However, despite their income improving, they found that their time with their children was decreasing because of the amount of time they had to give to running their business contracts. After a short holiday to visit

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their extended family living in Brisbane, in 2013, Siale and his wife realised that they could create a better lifestyle for their growing family in Brisbane. They migrated in 2014 and found that the expenses of running their business and owning a home in Australia decreased. Importantly, this meant they were able to spend more time with their children. Overall this move to Brisbane has had a positive effect on their family’s well-being. In 2017, during my follow-up interview with Siale’s family, I discovered that their eldest son was married and expecting his first child. Siale and his wife were in a financial position to help their son build his first home in 2018. Other informants described the increasing stress of living in Auckland with high living costs and very low rates of pay.

When I compare Auckland and Brisbane, there is a difference in the cost of things, products, etc. For example, if I have $100 and I use this to go shopping, that $100 of shopping in Brisbane is able to buy a lot…in Auckland, this will only allow me to buy a few things, way less items for the same amount of money. Vaea, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015) In Auckland it was work, work all the time, day and night, I never had any rest because I was always at work to be able to afford all the things…for the children, to pay the rates because we had a house there in New Zealand…and even for the kavenga83 for the church and our families. The goods over there are so expensive! My life here in Brisbane is the opposite to Auckland, I have less family living here, so none or hardly any kavenga even in the church. The petrol, the power bill and the electricity are cheaper here in Brisbane…the goods and food are cheap here. ‘Alisi, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

6.3.3 Mental/Emotional well-being experiences

Table 6.3 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘mental and emotional well-being’ (MEW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes having hope and peace about the future, having a good education and the ability to do further study, having a good balance between work-life and home-life, and the enjoyment of daily work-life (see Appendix 6, Table A5.3). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of MEW-B. Table 6.3 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika aged 30-39 years (mean difference -0.71). There is little difference in experience between the locations for Pasifika of Samoan descent (mean difference -0.06).

83 Kavenga is the Tongan term for activities (e.g. the village church fundraising or extended family wedding) that requires financial input, particularly when one has a social role that entails responsibilities to perform duties within the extended family or community. This is similar to the Samoan term fa‘alavelave. According to Lilomaiava-Doktor (2016:171) this concept of fa‘alavelave literally means a ‘disruption or interruption’ and is one of the most important ritual events among Samoans, with funerals being the most ‘elaborate’ of these. 140

Table 6.3: Satisfaction with Mental/Emotional well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B)

Gender Male*** 4.14 (.71) 4.47 (.54) -0.33 Female*** 4.09 (.71) 4.42 (.65) -0.33 Age 18-29 years** 4.18 (.68) 4.40 (.64) -0.22 30-39 years*** 3.88 (.82) 4.59 (.52) -0.71 40-49 years** 4.17 (.67) 4.50 (.57) -0.33 50-59 years 4.15 (.66) 4.44 (.63) -0.29 60+ years 4.08 (.71) 4.24 (.60) -0.17 Descent Samoan 4.20 (.68) 4.26 (.65) -0.06 Tongan*** 4.05 (.73) 4.65 (.49) -0.60 Other - Mix 4.20 (.81) 4.58 (.54) -0.38 Generation (Migrant) First*** 4.13 (.71) 4.40 (.62) -0.27 Second*** 4.06 (.71) 4.47 (.62) -0.41 Third - Later 4.22 (.75) 4.39 (.50) -0.17 Family Children*** 4.09 (.74) 4.46 (.58) -0.37 No Children*** 4.13 (.67) 4.42 (.65) -0.29 Relationship Solo*** 4.08 (.71) 4.37 (.67) -0.29 Couple*** 4.11 (.72) 4.50 (.56) -0.39 Employment Working*** 4.17 (.69) 4.52 (.57) -0.35 Not Working 4.01 (.76) 4.22 (.66) -0.21 n 390 278

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of MEW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland. ‘Ina is a 35-year-old woman of Samoan descent (born in NZ; second generation migrant) who migrated to Brisbane in 2015. ‘Ina is single with no children and finds that this has allowed her the required time to further her career and education. She also felt Brisbane was a ‘fresh start’ in life.

Yeah, in Auckland I wasn’t satisfied anymore, I had become tired all the time. Work became full on…family time was lacking; it began to make me sick because I wasn’t taking care of myself. I kept pushing myself beyond my limits and I found myself at a crossroad…the balance was out of whack…Now that I’m in Brisbane…it’s refreshing!! I’ve come here and it’s been a safe haven to recoup, rejuvenate, rest and be healed. It has felt like it’s a new beginning with so many opportunities. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

‘Ina works as a Youth Development officer within Brisbane secondary schools. In 2017, during a follow-up interview, ‘Ina mentioned that she had completed her Diploma in Social Work and was

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planning to continue her studies towards a degree. At the time of this conversation she was considering the options of returning to Auckland or remaining in Brisbane for study.

I honestly don’t want to go back to NZ to study, it can get too stressful there…I’m willing to go the extra mile to study and work in Brisbane long-term. I know it will require making sacrifices because I’m away from my family back home, but I feel that this is ‘home’ for me now, and as a single Pacific Island woman…I’m believing that God will provide. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2017)

‘Onika is a 37-year-old woman of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) who had first migrated to Auckland with her parents as a young child during the 1980s. In 2001, she migrated to Brisbane. Although this was one of the most trying times of her life, she had support from her extended family to build a good lifestyle for her children in Brisbane. Now that her daughter is attending university, as a NZ citizen she is required to pay her fees upfront at the beginning of each semester, and with the family business ‘Onika has been able to afford her daughter’s fees.

I think Brisbane is amazing because when I think of what my kids are doing now. They wouldn’t be doing these things back home [NZ], so the move here was most advantageous for the kids, their minds are active and striving for better standards. I had originally sent my daughter back home for a few years…of high school. She decided to come back and finish school here and now she’s doing better, she’s at university finishing her Business degree. ‘Onika, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

6.3.4 Physical well-being experiences

Table 6.4 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘physical well-being’ (PW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes having access to good medical services, living a healthy lifestyle, having the ability to eat right, having time for sports and recreation, and being able to exercise more in order to stay fit (see Appendix 6, Table A5.4). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of PW-B. Table 6.4 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika aged 30-39 years (mean difference -0.62). There is no difference in experience between the locations for Pasifika of Samoan descent.

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Table 6.4: Satisfaction with Physical well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B)

Gender Male*** 4.19 (.65) 4.51 (.54) -0.32 Female** 4.12 (.68) 4.34 (.74) -0.21 Age 18-29 years* 4.17 (.69) 4.34 (.69) -0.17 30-39 years*** 3.93 (.79) 4.55 (.62) -0.62 40-49 years 4.19 (.62) 4.43 (.67) -0.23 50-59 years* 4.17 (.57) 4.48 (.63) -0.31 60+ years 4.26 (.50) 4.36 (.60) -0.10 Descent Samoan 4.21 (.67) 4.21 (.71) 0.00 Tongan*** 4.11 (.67) 4.64 (.51) -0.53 Other - Mix 4.24 (.48) 4.49 (.71) -0.26 Generation (Migrant) First** 4.19 (.64) 4.40 (.69) -0.21 Second*** 4.06 (.73) 4.42 (.66) -0.36 Third - Later 4.18 (.52) 4.40 (.62) -0.22 Family Children*** 4.17 (.63) 4.47 (.61) -0.30 No Children** 4.10 (.72) 4.35 (.71) -0.25 Relationship Solo* 4.09 (.70) 4.28 (.72) -0.19 Couple*** 4.17 (.64) 4.50 (.61) -0.33 Employment Working*** 4.21 (.66) 4.51 (.62) -0.30 Not Working 4.06 (.68) 4.15 (.67) -0.08 n 391 278

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of PW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland. Seini is a 61-year-old woman of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) who left Tonga in 1972 and moved to Auckland to study towards a tertiary qualification. During this time, she met and married her Samoan husband. When their children were quite young, Seini and her husband made several trips to visit his extended Samoan family in Brisbane. In the early 1990s her husband fell ill and during their short visits to Brisbane as a family, he found that the warmer temperatures and climate helped to ease his ailment. By 1997, their family migrated to Brisbane permanently. It was fortunate for her husband, as he was properly diagnosed and treated for arthritis in 1999 which meant, he was able to live longer with less pain in Brisbane. He eventually died however in 2010.

Although I was happy to remain in Auckland because I had a job there, I decided to move to Brisbane for my husband’s health…The most important thing for me is that we have God in our lives. Even though my husband is gone, I have my grandkids and they are keeping me going and keeping me busy. It is my goal to be healthy so that I can live longer and have more time with my grandkids…the real important thing is my health and for my kids to go to God, that’s most important. Seini, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015) 143

Several other informants spoke of their decision to move to Brisbane for health reasons. Tavake’s decision to move to Brisbane was crucial for both his own health and that of his wife. Tavake is a 34- year-old man of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant). After Tavake’s wife had their fourth child, her health had deteriorated so much that she was no longer able to work to help support their family. Tavake was forced to work extra days and for longer hours in his factory job. This began to take a toll on his health, and it was not long before his relatives in Brisbane had heard about their situation. Tavake’s cousin helped him to find work in Brisbane and he saved enough funds to bring his wife and children from Auckland to Brisbane in 2005. Both Tavake and his wife’s health greatly improved in Brisbane because of the warmer climate. It is not always the case that NZ citizens can access medical support in Australia. One informant chose to return to Auckland from Brisbane for this reason. ‘Oliana is a 31-year-old woman of Samoan descent (born in NZ; third generation migrant). At the time of our initial e-talanoa in 2015, she had discovered that her son was unable to access any medical support for his learning disability in Australia. This led to her family’s decision to return to NZ permanently. On further contact with ‘Oliana’s family in 2016, it was unfortunate that they had returned to Auckland just as the housing market was rising. She and her family really felt the impacts of increased living costs in Auckland on their return. However, they were grateful for the extended family support that was available to them ‘back home’ as well as the medical and learning support that their son was able to receive in Auckland.

6.3.5 Cultural well-being experiences

Table 6.5 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘cultural well-being’ (CW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes having pride in one’s culture and identity, having the ability to retain cultural values, being able to define one’s own cultural identity and involvement in the community that one identifies with (see Appendix 6, Table A5.5). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of CW-B. Table 6.5 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika of Tongan descent (mean difference -0.44). There is little difference in experience between the locations for Pasifika of Samoan descent (mean difference -0.04).

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Table 6.5: Satisfaction with Cultural well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B)

Gender Male*** 4.31 (.60) 4.55 (.54) -0.24 Female*** 4.26 (.54) 4.49 (.59) -0.23 Age 18-29 years* 4.31 (.59) 4.45 (.63) -0.14 30-39 years*** 4.16 (.55) 4.56 (.52) -0.40 40-49 years** 4.28 (.50) 4.57 (.50) -0.28 50-59 years* 4.30 (.59) 4.59 (.51) -0.29 60+ years 4.31 (.60) 4.59 (.42) -0.29 Descent Samoan 4.33 (.57) 4.37 (.61) -0.04 Tongan*** 4.25 (.57) 4.69 (.45) -0.44 Other - Mix 4.28 (.53) 4.53 (.61) -0.25 Generation (Migrant) First*** 4.26 (.59) 4.59 (.47) -0.32 Second** 4.31 (.53) 4.51 (.60) -0.21 Third - Later 4.31 (.54) 4.20 (.65) 0.10 Family Children*** 4.27 (.54) 4.54 (.50) -0.27 No Children** 4.27 (.60) 4.48 (.63) -0.21 Relationship Solo* 4.25 (.60) 4.43 (.65) -0.18 Couple*** 4.28 (.54) 4.57 (.50) -0.29 Employment Working*** 4.31 (.60) 4.58 (.54) -0.28 Not Working 4.24 (.53) 4.35 (.53) -0.11 n 391 278

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

Drawing on the narratives, there is evidence that Pasifika in both Auckland and Brisbane remain connected to their cultural way of life, both in Auckland and Brisbane. Pasifika informants feel that a multicultural way of life is particularly favourable in Auckland more so than Brisbane.

Auckland is a multicultural city where I was able to adapt and respect other cultures that were different to mine as this was something taught in school. So, yeah…it is an advantage for people living in Auckland, it has more festivals there…providing the opportunity to learn about the different cultures. Lelei, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

In Auckland, the Samoan and Tongan cultures are deeply entrenched in the way people live, and for many of the informants who had lived in Samoa or Tonga before migrating to Auckland, their way of life in Auckland was just like ‘home’ (Samoa or Tonga). It is interesting to note that Pasifika interchangeably refer to either their Pacific homelands or their diaspora contexts as ‘home.’ Living in Auckland is advantageous for family and cultural reasons...family is great, but it can be hard to contribute to our collectivist culture and thrive as an individual or nuclear family...Brisbane provides a good lifestyle overall. ‘Akamu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

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However, for some of these informants this strong sense of culture came with the burdens of fa‘alavelave84 or kavenga85. Sefina’s story speaks about the cultural conflict she experienced in Auckland. Sefina is a 30-year-old woman of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) who left Tonga as a young girl, with her parents, to live in Auckland. In 2012, she and her husband moved to Brisbane. Sefina was, in 2015, employed as a social worker in Logan and loved working with the diverse cultures in this part of Brisbane. She found the multicultural communities of Logan to be very similar to the multicultural communities of South Auckland where she had grown up. Although she missed her family back in NZ she felt quite ‘at home in Logan’ because it was multicultural, and especially since her sisters and their families were living nearby.

We were both working, my husband and I, and we lived with my parents who owned a house in South Auckland. We were living in a building at the back of my parent’s house and we were paying my parents $200 a fortnight…But even with my parents giving us the cheapest rent ever and my husband and I were both working, it felt like every time we would try and save money, something would always come up like a funeral, church event or fundraiser…Tring to save for our own home was even tougher when you have family still living in Tonga and depending on you to support their needs from time to time…prices of food and petrol went up and pay rates were still very low. Saving up for that dream house just seemed so hard and far away… because of this we decided to leave Auckland and start afresh in Australia. Sefina, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Both in Auckland and in Brisbane, Pasifika CW-B is promoted within the family, church, school and wider community. During 2015-2018 I had the opportunity to attend and observe several events that are evidence of the cultural elements that exist within the diaspora contexts of Auckland and Brisbane. Figure 6.3 shows Samoan students performing a traditional Samoan dance for their school assembly in Auckland (photograph taken 8 June 2015, used with permission). Figure 6.4 shows Tongan performers at an Auckland-based community event celebrating village affiliation, cultural identity and lineage (photograph retrieved 21 November 2018, used with permission).

84 Fa‘alavelave is the Samoan term used by several of the Samoan informants when referring to their duties or obligations, usually financial in the context of giving to the church or extended family, or representation of family at important events. 85 Kavenga is the Tongan term for responsibilities, similar to the Samoan concept of fa‘alavelave, e.g. the responsibilities of giving financially to the church or extended family, or attendance at family events as a family representative. 146

Figure 6.3: Samoan cultural dance in Auckland, 2015.

Figure 6.4: Tongan cultural dance in Auckland, 2018.

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Figure 6.5 shows Tongan/Māori family members in mourning after the burial of the deceased during a Brisbane-based funeral (photograph retrieved 28 November 2018, used with permission); adults are wearing their traditional Tongan attire of mats as a sign of respect.

Figure 6.5: Tongan/Māori family at funeral in Brisbane, 2017.

Figure 6.6 shows Brisbane-based Pasifika supporters of the Tongan Rugby League Mate ma‘a Tonga squad in 2017 (photograph retrieved 28 November 2018, used with permission). The man on the right is a Samoan celebrity known as Tofiga Fepulea‘i, who was also promoting Toko-Uso86 the brotherhood transnational movement that unites Samoans and Tongans within the rugby league communities across Australia, NZ, Samoa and Tonga. Figure 6.7 shows the use of Tongan material culture to display cultural values of gift-giving during a young girl’s first birthday party held in Brisbane (photograph taken 13 October 2018, used with permission). The use of traditional celebratory materials like kie ha‘amoa or kie tonga (fine mats) at this birthday party helped to elevate the occasion and formalise the community space that was used for the event.

86 Toko-Uso is the combination of two colloquialised terms (toko and uso). Toko is a shortened form of the Tongan word ‘tokoua’ which means either brother/sister without regard to gender (Thompson & Thompson 2000:158). Uso is a shortened form of the Samoan words ‘usotāne’ which means a man’s brother, or ‘usofinēa’ which means a woman’s sister (Ma‘ia‘i 2013:450).

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Figure 6.6: Mate ma‘a Tonga (MMT) supporters in Figure 6.7: A Tongan first birthday celebration in Brisbane, 2017. Brisbane, 2018.

6.3.6 Environmental well-being experiences

Table 6.6 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘environmental well-being’ (EW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes enjoyment of the weather/climate, getting out of the house often, and living in either a warmer or a cooler climate, whichever is most preferable (Appendix 6, Table A5.6). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of EW-B. Table 6.6 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika of Tongan descent (mean difference -0.49). There is little difference in experience between the locations (Auckland and Brisbane) for Pasifika not working (mean difference -0.01).

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Table 6.6: Satisfaction with Environmental well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B) Gender Male** 4.12 (.67) 4.38 (.68) -0.25 Female** 4.09 (.69) 4.29 (.79) -0.20 Age 18-29 years* 4.12 (.73) 4.30 (.75) -0.18 30-39 years** 3.99 (.70) 4.38 (.79) -0.39 40-49 years 4.18 (.56) 4.40 (.64) -0.22 50-59 years* 3.98 (.67) 4.34 (.71) -0.36 60+ years 4.16 (.60) 4.44 (.55) -0.28 Descent Samoan 4.18 (.70) 4.13 (.79) 0.05 Tongan*** 4.06 (.67) 4.55 (.65) -0.49 Other - Mix 4.18 (.56) 4.54 (.46) -0.36 Generation (Migrant) First* 4.12 (.67) 4.31 (.78) -0.19 Second** 4.08 (.69) 4.34 (.76) -0.26 Third - Later 4.00 (.76) 4.29 (.49) -0.29 Family Children*** 4.12 (.64) 4.38 (.69) -0.26 No Children** 4.06 (.74) 4.30 (.77) -0.24 Relationship Solo* 4.05 (.70) 4.23 (.78) -0.18 Couple*** 4.12 (.66) 4.41 (.68) -0.29 Employment Working*** 4.13 (.71) 4.41 (.72) -0.28 Not Working 4.06 (.68) 4.06 (.81) -0.01 n 391 278

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of EW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland. As mentioned in Chapter 5 (section 5.4.8), informants highlighted an aspect of well-being that related to the environmental factors of living in either Auckland or Brisbane.

As a young child life was a struggle…[the] cold weather and depressing rain [in Auckland] didn’t help…my parents moved all of us here in 1990…they were looking for a change. Brisbane is home now…better living for both my parents and my other family members who have also made Brisbane their permanent home. ‘Aputi, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Brisbane’s warmer climate is favoured by Pasifika for health reasons, familiarity with their Pacific homelands and especially because the climate is suitable for growing their traditional foodstuffs (like yam, plantain bananas and mangoes). I was starting to think about where I would like to live and work, I thought Brisbane because it was tropical, I later found out it was sub-tropical…I liked the climate…more like in Tonga, I loved the sun, eating tropical fruits, getting a tan, so this was one of the reasons why I left Auckland and came here. Sinamoni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

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A few years ago, I went to Sydney and it was good. Now, I have come to Brisbane and it is better. The weather, the gardens, they are all good here…[like] living in Tonga…it is good to see the types of foods like those in Tonga that are growing over here, foods like bananas and pawpaw…my well-being is better here, it makes me healthier and happier here…working in the gardens is one of my favourite activities. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Figure 6.8 (photograph taken 10 November 2018) shows a Brisbane family’s garden that provides them with a traditional diet preferred by most Pasifika. Figure 6.9 (photograph taken 10 November 2018) shows a harvest of kumala (sweet potato originating from Hawaii) and ufi (yam originating from Tonga), now grown and distributed in Brisbane by Pasifika farmers.

Figure 6.8: Plants typically eaten in Pacific Figure 6.9: Harvested root crops from a North homelands are easily grown in Brisbane, 2018. Brisbane family garden, 2018.

6.3.7 Spiritual/God well-being experiences

Table 6.7 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘spiritual/God well-being’ (SGW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes having a faith in God, a spiritual connection with God, attending a spiritually supportive church and attending a good family church (Appendix 6, Table A5.7). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and

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Auckland are significantly different in their experience of SGW-B. Table 6.7 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika aged 30-39 years (mean difference -0.54). There is little difference in experience between the locations for Pasifika not working (mean difference -0.03).

Table 6.7: Satisfaction with Spiritual/God well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference (A-B)

Gender Male** 4.43 (.64) 4.64 (.50) -0.21 Female** 4.41 (.65) 4.61 (.54) -0.20 Age 18-29 years* 4.38 (.64) 4.55 (.57) -0.17 30-39 years*** 4.11 (.82) 4.66 (.47) -0.54 40-49 years 4.57 (.50) 4.72 (.43) -0.15 50-59 years 4.50 (.52) 4.65 (.52) -0.15 60+ years 4.66 (.46) 4.86 (.34) -0.20 Descent Samoan 4.38 (.60) 4.51 (.56) -0.12 Tongan*** 4.45 (.68) 4.78 (.40) -0.33 Other - Mix 4.09 (.64) 4.51 (.74) -0.42 Generation (Migrant) First* 4.48 (.62) 4.64 (.50) -0.16 Second*** 4.30 (.68) 4.66 (.51) -0.36 Third - Later 4.19 (.87) 4.28 (.65) -0.09 Family Children*** 4.47 (.59) 4.68 (.46) -0.21 No Children** 4.31 (.72) 4.57 (.58) -0.25 Relationship Solo** 4.30 (.71) 4.53 (.58) -0.22 Couple*** 4.49 (.59) 4.70 (.47) -0.20 Employment Working*** 4.38 (.69) 4.68 (.48) -0.29 Not Working 4.45 (.61) 4.48 (.60) -0.03 n 391 275

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation); Mean Difference=Auckland-Brisbane

Figure 6.10 (photograph retrieved 22 November 2018, used with permission) shows a recently built EFKS (Ekalesia Faapotopotoga Kerisiano Samoa87) church in Brisbane. Figure 6.11 (photograph retrieved 22 November 2018, used with permission) shows Samoan women visiting a fellow church member at the hospital, offering spiritual and communal support. The church is an important part of maintaining communal well-being for Pasifika based in Brisbane.

87 EFKS translated into English as Congregational Christian Church of Samoa

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Figure 6.10: A Samoan church in Willawong, South Brisbane, 2017.

Figure 6.11: Brisbane-based Samoan women visit congregation member in hospital, 2017.

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Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of SGW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland.

Living in Auckland…I felt like I never left work…I started working on Sundays and then missing church for a month. I found that I was always unhappy and stressed and it made me feel guilty…It was bad, and this needed to change…Life today in Brisbane is relaxing! Its stress free. I think moving to Brisbane has been the best decision…I don’t work as much anymore and get to spend a lot of time together with friends and family now. Sefina, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

I felt like God wanted me to be here. There are so many things I don’t like about Auckland…there is a tall poppy syndrome, a grasshopper mentality over there. In Auckland, you feel you are going to get stomped on. I’m not living there now, I am a completely different person living here, sometimes you have to get out of your comfort zone, and God reveals another dimension that you didn’t realise was there before, a greatness, a talent and gift that is there. Here in Brisbane, I am growing and stepping into new territory…I feel that God led me here to this new season and I’m finding new ways to be connected to the community…There is a girl at church who introduced me to her mum, and she is connecting me to an elderly Samoan man from her church that will teach me fa’a Sāmoa and the Samoan language. Asoese, Samoan Informant (talanoa 2016)

6.3.8 Familial/Social well-being experiences

Table 6.8 shows the mean (average) responses of satisfaction experienced by Pasifika in regard to their ‘familial/social well-being’ (FSW-B) sphere. Satisfaction in this sphere includes having positive relationships with the family, more time with the family, more quality time with the family, positive relationships with selected others, spending time with extended family, and living nearby extended family (see Appendix 6, Table A5.8). When comparing the experiences of Auckland and Brisbane across demographic characteristics, the overall finding of this sphere is that Brisbane and Auckland are significantly different in their experience of FSW-B. Table 6.8 shows that Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction. This difference in satisfaction is greatest for Pasifika of Tongan descent (mean difference -0.40). There is little difference in experience between the locations for Pasifika not working (mean difference -0.01). Drawing on the narratives, there is further evidence that Pasifika living in Brisbane are significantly more satisfied with their experiences of FSW-B compared to Pasifika living in Auckland. Although several of the Brisbane-based informants interviewed mentioned that although they ‘miss family back home in Auckland,’ they felt that they were in a better position to ‘help the extended family’ because they were living in Brisbane.

Being away from family is an advantage and a disadvantage. Living in Auckland is advantageous for family and cultural reasons…[But] Brisbane provides a good lifestyle overall. The weather is warm, the costs are reasonable, there are many friends and family members here…we have found a good church here that suits our family…I feel more relaxed here. ‘Akamu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

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I like it over here in Brisbane, its closer to my parents who live here in Inala, and the lifestyle here is good. I believe the higher you go, the better for the family and a happier life. Moui ‘oku lelei means that you can look after your family, because your family’s happiness is first…I want to be an accountant to help our courier business that I am running with my family now. ‘Alisi, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Table 6.8: Satisfaction with Familial/Social well-being sphere in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane Mean Difference

Gender Male*** 4.36 (.62) 4.59 (.51) -0.23 Female** 4.32 (.60) 4.49 (.60) -0.17 Age 18-29 years 4.33 (.61) 4.43 (.66) -0.10 30-39 years** 4.23 (.77) 4.60 (.51) -0.36 40-49 years* 4.46 (.47) 4.65 (.43) -0.19 50-59 years** 4.31 (.51) 4.65 (.40) -0.34 60+ years* 4.33 (.56) 4.68 (.36) -0.35 Descent Samoan 4.36 (.59) 4.40 (.60) -0.04 Tongan*** 4.32 (.62) 4.72 (.43) -0.40 Other - Mix 4.50 (.37) 4.38 (.75) 0.12 Generation (Migrant) First*** 4.35 (.60) 4.60 (.49) -0.25 Second*** 4.30 (.62) 4.54 (.57) -0.24 Third - Later 4.44 (.58) 4.16 (.73) 0.29 Family Children*** 4.36 (.58) 4.61 (.47) -0.25 No Children* 4.28 (.64) 4.45 (.65) -0.17 Relationship Solo 4.26 (.66) 4.40 (.65) -0.15 Couple*** 4.38 (.56) 4.64 (.45) -0.26 Employment Working*** 4.34 (.67) 4.61 (.52) -0.27 Not Working 4.34 (.51) 4.36 (.58) -0.01 n 391 278

* p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean (Standard Deviation)

Figure 6.12 is a montage of photographs (retrieved 1 November 2018, used with permission) taken at a family Christmas meal in December 2015 and shows Fijian, Samoan, Tongan and non-Pasifika extended family members. There are three extended family groups included in this photo montage, with three generations attending the event held in Logan, Brisbane. Figure 6.13 below shows the genealogical connections between these three extended family groups that traces back four generations. These members had gathered from Auckland, Brisbane, Gold Coast and Sydney to spend a Christmas meal together. Regular extended family meetings like this one helps to foster familial and social well-being for Pasifika living in Brisbane and continues to keep families supported across trans-Tasman and trans-Pacific familial networks. The first extended family group (blue outlined shapes), indicated on Figure 6.13, is my grandmother’s older brother who had passed away in Tonga. His daughter left Tonga and moved to NZ where her daughter ‘L’ (my cousin) was later born in 155

Auckland. In 2011 my cousin ‘L’ moved to Brisbane where she met her Tongan husband ‘J.’ The second extended family group (yellow outlined shapes), indicated on Figure 6.13, is my grandmother’s line. She had migrated to NZ in the 1970s and helped to raise me and my siblings while we were growing up in Auckland. She later passed away in 1988 and is buried in Auckland. My mother likes to remain in Auckland because of this, there she feels closer to her mother and this makes Auckland ‘home’ for her. However, my sister ‘C’ and I recently moved with our families to Brisbane to join our Aunty ‘A’ and cousin ‘L’ in Brisbane. The third extended family group (orange outlined shapes), indicated on Figure 6.13, is my grandmother’s younger brother who had joined our family in NZ while I was growing up in Auckland. He also helped my mother and grandmother to raise us as well as his own children. His oldest daughter ‘A’ (my Aunty) is now living with her Samoan husband ‘S’ and their children in Brisbane. I consider Aunty ‘A’ the family elder in our fāmili circle forming in Brisbane. When we get together for family events like this one, she is the one that we listen to, although she and I are the same age. Our children are also of similar ages, but her two daughters are also respected by my five children as their aunties. However, due to the fahu88 system that my Aunty ‘A’ and her father observed in NZ and Tonga with my grandmother and my mother, Aunty ‘A’ still considers me an extension of this role in Brisbane where I am a fahu in her family events. In 2018 I attended the 21st birthday party of cousin ‘T’ (eldest daughter of Aunty ‘A’) in my role as fahu. This respect for familial roles is based on Tongan cultural values of faka‘apa’apa and tauhi vā that I teach my children, as it was taught to me by mother while growing up. The importance of spending time with kāinga/‘āiga,89 for our children while living in Brisbane, was made evident at this 2015 Christmas gathering. Our extended families became our fundamental support system in a new place. It was a special occasion for our family as we had just arrived, in Brisbane from Auckland, the day before. This event marked the beginning of a new season for us living in a new country and our relatives were excited for us to join them. At this event several members shared their tips on how to manage the heat in the summer season, and I was especially grateful for the advice about purchasing solar panels for our home to cut down on electricity expenses. There was much to learn and fast, but my husband and I were comfortable in knowing that we had a good network of supportive family members nearby who were willing to help us out if required. In addition to this, our parents and other siblings are just a phone call or short flight away. In 2016, my husband and I had our parents take turns visiting us at our new Brisbane family home. The

88 Fahu is the honorary role of the eldest sister in a fāmili. The fahu attends events as a special guest and receive the best of material culture that is offered at the event, including food, money and gifts. This honorary role is still acknowledged by kāinga at diaspora events. This role is often carried by the children and grandchildren of the fahu depending on how famili define this role and their connection based on tauhi vā at each event. 89 Kāinga/‘āiga - the collective family unit that includes both nuclear and extended families. 156

following brain dump entry was written during a visit from my in-laws that reveals our progress as a family during our first year in Brisbane:

Last night, my in-laws arrived from NZ. This is their first trip to Australia. It is awesome to have them visit…our children have been excited about them coming over to stay in Brizzy. Already, our siblings back in Auckland are talking about possibly coming to visit us in Brisbane and this is so awesome for us as a family as we can provide them with a touchpoint as well as gain valuable connection time with our extended family members from NZ. My mother in-law has asked that we buy taro leaves for her to cook for our children tonight…so I am returning home a little earlier than usual to take her…to Woodridge and Slacks Creek in Logan where there is an Indian vegetable store that sells taro leaves. I understand that this is her way of sharing the Samoan cultural way of life with our children. This is precious!... Faleolo (brain dump 2016)

Figure 6.12: Extended Pasifika fāmili/‘āiga Christmas gathering in Logan, Brisbane, 2015.

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Figure 6.13: Genealogical and relational connections of three extended families at a Christmas gathering in Brisbane, 2015.

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6.4 Discussion

Overall, there are shared Pasifika well-being experiences that signify a continued collective well- being outlook across the diaspora contexts of Auckland and Brisbane. There are also significant differences in the well-being experienced by Pasifika living in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Table 6.9 lists a summary of the well-being experiences that were recorded during talanoa and e-talanoa (2015-2017).

Table 6.9: Summary of well-being experiences drawn from narratives (2015-2017).

Auckland Narratives Positive Well-Being Experiences Negative Well-Being Experiences (2015-2017) Permanent employment, career development Low income, not enough to pay bills, not enough to save for a home Helping parents and extended family Inability to provide for children, children’s future outlook is bleak Having a good education, able to do further Daily work-life overtakes family life, stressful, study no balance Some access to medical, especially with Not able to keep a healthy lifestyle, no time to social benefits exercise Multicultural city, strong cultural Labelled by others, some social/cultural connections traditions are financial burden Cooler in Summer Too wet and cold most of the year, not able to get out of house often Good community churches Too many commitments and demands Family members living nearby, family roots Extended family commitments can take toll on and connections finances and time Brisbane Narratives Positive Well-Being Experiences Negative Well-Being Experiences (2015-2017) High income, enough money to save Not easy to get permanent work in desired career Can provide more quality life for family and Savings can be used up for study fees or still have plenty to help extended family medical fees if can’t get government support like benefits or grants

Less stress because financial outlook is good Not able to get assistance for university fees if NZ citizen, have to pay full fees upfront to study in Australia Have more opportunities to get out of the Lack of access to social services can impact on house and enjoy outdoors with the family ability to keep regular medical checks and dental care

Freedom to redefine self in a new context, Less opportunities to connect culturally to other especially cultural freedom to express own Pasifika peoples, unfamiliar cultural practices identity and to learn about/appreciate new can be uncomfortable at first cultures Warmer weather most of the year, can plant Extreme heat during Summer can cost a lot if island foodstuffs using aircon or fans to keep homes cool Able to attend a non-traditional church that Loss of cultural connections when not near allows a new spiritual experience, new traditional churches or community support beginnings for the family systems Positive relationships developed because Cost of travel back and forth to maintain more quality time afforded relationships with extended family members, often living faraway

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In both Auckland and Brisbane, Pasifika are satisfied with their spiritual/God experiences. Spiritual and God experiences of Pasifika informants in this study correlate with the findings that Mafi (2018), Pope (2017) and Enari (2019) present in their studies carried out with Tongan and Samoan migrant peoples living in Auckland and Brisbane. Furthermore, both Auckland-based and Brisbane-based Pasifika are satisfied with their familial/social well-being and cultural well-being spheres. As with the findings in Mafi (2018), Pope (2017) and Manuela and Sibley (2015), the interconnections between the spheres of familial/social and cultural are strong. Pasifika informants in my study have explained the significant influence that church, family and culture have on their well-being, particularly their emotional and spiritual stability. As presented in the summary (Table 6.9) above of positive and negative experiences, a lot of these are inter-related experiences that support the holistic notions of well-being presented in Chapter 5 and further advocated by Ihara and Vakalahi (2011), Seiuli (2013) and Makasiale (2013). For Pasifika informants, the sociocultural connection is not just with people, but with ideas of culture, language, clothing and other materials that help to keep their ‘Pasifika way of life.’ Enari (2019) discusses the importance of language and cultural identity in Brisbane for Samoan parents who feel that fa‘a Samoa may be ‘lost’ if not taught to their children. In the eyes of many informants I spoke with, ‘Auckland is just like the islands’ with its ‘multicultural festivals, island food and Pacific Island people everywhere.’ For the informants in my study with this perspective, of Auckland as the cultural hub, the sociocultural value of a ‘visit home’ is substantial. The distance from this cultural hub is also countered by the regular transfer of material culture across the Tasman, usually through familial networks. For instance, I have observed on numerous occasions, the transport of materials across the Tasman from Auckland to Brisbane.90 Figure 6.14 (photograph retrieved 18/4/2016 and used with permission) shows the use of fine mats and at a Tongan informant’s baby shower event in Brisbane. Her mother had travelled from Auckland with the kie tonga91 and ngatu92 to contribute to her daughter’s celebration. At the end of the baby shower, the items were gifted on to an elderly Brisbane woman who was a guest of honour (fahu). This is evidence of the interconnections existing across both Auckland and Brisbane with regards to their cultural well-being. This easy transfer of material culture across the locations contributes to, and signifies, the stability of cultural well-being across both Auckland and Brisbane.

90 Often, Australian goods (like Coles cookies) are taken back to Auckland family members on return flights as a way of saying thank you. 91 Fine mat. 92 Bark cloth - tapa cloth, also known as ngatu (Tongan) or siapo (Samoan). 160

Figure 6.14: Brisbane baby shower using Tongan material culture from Tonga via Auckland, 2016. Overall, Pasifika are least satisfied with their economic experiences in the two spheres of economic sustainability (ESW-B) and economic provision (EPW-B) well-being. The most significant difference in Pasifika well-being experiences, across the two locations of Auckland and Brisbane, is in the economic sustainability sphere. This statistical finding is further supported by the narratives whereby several of the informants had been influenced to make a move to Brisbane because of their financial circumstances and challenges experienced in Auckland. However, I would like to caution readers not to think that this is purely economic. As pointed out in earlier discussions (Chapter 2, section 2.2.4 & Chapter 5, section 5.5) economic and social, as well as cultural spheres are closely intertwined in the Pasifika worldviews and reasonings behind labour participation and migration (Addo 2015; Barcham et al. 2009). Elsewhere I have argued (Faleolo 2019:190,195) that the ‘progress of fāmili and ‘āiga are important considerations that sit at the core of Pasifika’ and this ‘familial sphere of well-being is maintained through the act of giving and sharing their work outcomes.’ At the same time, some informants have noted that it is this having to contribute to the collective that has put undue strain on their finances in Auckland, causing emotional and social stress. Pasifika conceptualisations of work and economic opportunities are embedded in their sociocultural values of maintaining good relationships and sharing success and resources (both material and immaterial) with the collective units to which they belong (nuclear family, extended

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family, community, including church). This is a form of collective agency that I have observed Pasifika embrace in both Auckland and Brisbane. I would like to point out that with the economic strain experienced by many Pasifika in Auckland, the act of giving is often out of duty. Whereas, what I have observed in Brisbane is a more liberated type of giving. With the improved economic status that Brisbane-based Pasifika experience in Australia’s economy, they tend to give freely to their extended families and are keen to stay ‘connected’ to their families ‘back home’ in NZ and the Pacific homelands. Nishitani and Lee (2019) as well as Stead (2019) discuss similar notions of collective agency and familial-influenced labour participation in Australia. Nishitani and Lee (2019:174-175) recorded the harsh conditions that Tongan labourers (often with professional backgrounds) experienced as fruit pickers in North-West Victoria; yet, they continued at this daily labour for their families. Stead (2019:150) similarly observed Tongan and Samoan horticultural labourers in North-Central Victoria, committing ‘time and resources to facilitating and supporting the migrations, both temporary and permanent, of their kin in NZ, Samoa and Tonga, who also want to come and work…’ The significance of the economic sustainability and economic provision spheres is that individual experiences, whether negative or positive, will always filter back into the collective; individual failures and successes are felt by their families. Pasifika economic well-being is a shared experience. Interestingly, the greatest differences in well-being experience between the two locations, across most of the well-being spheres are experienced by Pasifika aged 30-39 years. Their well-being experiences are greatly improved by being in Brisbane, compared to Auckland. Another interesting difference is noted in the descent groups between locations. Pasifika with Tongan descent notably experience the most differences between Auckland and Brisbane, with an improved well-being in Brisbane. Whereas Pasifika with Samoan descent are generally stable across the two locations, with similar experiences to ‘no difference’ in their experiences across some of the well-being spheres. The differences between the descent groups relates to the different contexts of migration and access that Samoan and Tongan people have had over the years, to NZ and Australia (Chapter 2, section 2.2.8) as well as the timeline of settlement in Auckland and Brisbane. Samoan communities in Auckland have had a longer time to establish their networks, particularly religious and educational structures, that have provided stable foundations. On the other hand, Tongan communities in Brisbane have had more sustained opportunities to access business, agricultural and sporting networks that have encouraged generations of families to purchase land and buy homes in Queensland. Conversely, the differences experienced by the younger cohort of Pasifika are not easily explained at this point. Although, from the narratives, I was able to pick up on threads of disgruntled dialogue amongst second-generation and third-generation informants who had not found living in Auckland beneficial to their development. The collective cultural mentality was found by some of these informants to be

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restrictive or burdensome. These same comments were made about the Auckland-based traditional churches. Younger cohorts felt that a move away from the traditional spaces in Auckland provided them ‘new spaces to redefine’ who they were as Pasifika and to ‘reconnect’ with God on a more ‘intimate’ level. These two changes had a powerful effect on the lives of second and third-generation migrants now living in Brisbane. They often spoke of the ‘freedom’ to be, to live, to experience well- being on their terms. For these informants, church no longer meant sitting in a pew, but having ‘fellowship’ with a sister at a café or sharing a meal and prayer with family and friends outside of ‘traditional church’ spaces. With this new-found spiritual freedom, Brisbane-based Pasifika had improved mental/emotional, physical and familial/social well-being experiences. Their economic experiences were dramatically changed from Auckland’s mounting pressures to living ‘life to the full’ in Brisbane. The on-flow effect of having economic well-being in Brisbane has allowed them to pursue and re-build positive connections with family members ‘back home.’

6.5 Conclusion

The aim of this chapter was to test a hypothesis (based on intuitive perceptions) that I had at the outset of the study; that Brisbane provided a ‘better’ way of life for Pasifika and improved well-being. At the start of this chapter, it was suggested that the economic well-being experiences of Pasifika are interconnected with the other well-being spheres. The primary questions asked by this inquiry are ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ Therefore, this chapter has addressed the following secondary research questions, drawn from these primary questions noted above:

How satisfied are Pasifika with their well-being experiences?

Are there differences in how well-being is experienced in Auckland compared to Brisbane?

There is a consensus amongst Pasifika in this study that they are satisfied with their well-being experiences, across all eight spheres. However, there are some interesting differences in Pasifika well- being experiences, across the two locations of Auckland and Brisbane. A difference that is markedly clear across both the qualitative and quantitative data sets is that Brisbane-based Pasifika are more satisfied with their well-being experiences compared to Auckland-based Pasifika. The surveys have highlighted the 30-39-year old cohort as the most satisfied, of the sample, living in Brisbane. On the other hand, this same cohort are noticeably the least satisfied in Auckland across all the well-being spheres. The discussions focused on these locational differences will be continued in the following chapters.

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7 Pasifika Experiences Influencing Location Fulfilment and Well- Being Expectations

What I think about is change, fakalakalaka93…when you row in a canoe, even though there are no big waves, you still move forward, but slowly…we have to have fakalakalaka, but we don’t have to rush, not to neglect our traditions and cultures. When new things come our way with the big waves, moving fast…we need to sit and think about it. At the same time, we don’t need to stick to the old things. If you have a vision for the future, you need to do accordingly and then you will reach it. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2016)

7.1 Introduction

The aim of this chapter is to consider how the current well-being experiences of Pasifika are influencing their future well-being perceptions. I will analyse the relationship between current (2016) Pasifika well-being experiences and their expected well-being fulfilment in the next one to two years (2017-2018). The purpose for this comparison is to assess Pasifika understandings of location fulfilment in Auckland and Brisbane. In this discussion, the term ‘future well-being outlook’ is used interchangeably with ‘well-being change perception’ to refer to the perceived well-being change (or alternate perceived lack of well-being change) in the near future. The hypothesis in this chapter is that current well-being experiences affect location fulfilment and the future well-being outlook or well-being change perceptions within that location. This outlook or change perception may lead to onward migration. Therefore, the focus of this chapter is to identify the areas of Pasifika well-being that are most significant in each of the two locations considered in this study; Auckland and Brisbane.

7.1.1 Well-being experiences affect location fulfilment

When Pasifika have negative well-being experiences and come to expect that their well-being aims are not going to be fulfilled in a location, this negative well-being change perception gives impetus for trans-Tasman migration to occur. These links between well-being experiences, well-being perceptions and location fulfilment are better understood when we consider how Pasifika view migration as a progressive and holistic development that is influenced by their pursuit of well-being fulfilment. Chapter 2 outlines the ideas of holistic development/progressive change that relate to holistic notions of Pasifika well-being (further discussed in Chapter 5). Pasifika concepts of progress and development relate to the anticipated well-being aims and hopes Pasifika have for the future (Faleolo 2012; Ka‘ili 2017; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009). Progressive change and holistic development are embraced by Samoan and Tongan people, as discussed in Chapter 2 (section 2.2.4). Fakalakalaka is a Tongan term that Tongan informants used in their narratives when referring to a positive change

93 Fakalakalaka is a Tongan term that means progressive change or development (Thompson and Thompson 2000:42) Faleolo (2012) and ‘Ilaiū Talei (2014) expand on this concept. 164

or development in well-being. A similar phrase used by Samoan informants is fa‘amanuiaina94 or sometimes referred to as suīga ‘alūa ‘īa that means progressive change.95 At the time of our initial talanoa, in 2015, the informant Aisea was anticipating change as he prepared to leave Auckland for Brisbane. Fakalakalaka is used by Aisea in his quote (see excerpt above) to refer to his expected future well-being in Auckland, if he were to remain, and the possibilities of improving on this in Brisbane as he hoped for. In this quote Aisea uses seafaring metaphors (told to him by his elders while growing up). He explains that a canoe, is like life, and the waves in the ocean are like the changes that will inevitably come. Some waves are big, some small. Both allow for fakalakalaka to happen. Aisea further explains that fakalakalaka will inevitably happen as surely as there will be waves in the ocean that will come. Aisea suggests that one must be selective in crafting their future; the decisions to use traditions and cultures or not, in the acquiring of fakalakalaka, requires reflection. The use of this Tongan concept of fakalakalaka by Aisea represents a common thought amongst Pasifika that ones’ current well-being experiences can improve with the inevitable changes over time and place, and that these improvements are designed by choices one makes with these changes that will arise in life. As mentioned in Chapter 5 (section 5.4.3), the need to provide a better future for their families are drivers in the mobility of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane as it was with the migration of ‘Aisea (see quote below) and many others from their Pacific homelands to New Zealand (NZ).

‘I can have a level of my well-being in New Zealand, and a level in Brisbane. There is a choice to make about moving to Brisbane from New Zealand. That’s why I came from Tonga to New Zealand, I can tell you that my well-being for the last 40 years in New Zealand…compared to Tonga is much better, the longer I live in New Zealand, the more I remember Tonga for these reasons…in Tonga it was very hard for me to provide financially for my family. But, in New Zealand, in regard to my well-being, I could easily have a house and enough money to educate my children.’ ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

The preliminary findings from narratives (2015) provided an incentive for the design of the final question in the survey (Appendix 2 and Appendix 3) that was conducted in 2016, in the hopes of better understanding how Pasifika view their future well-being within their current location (of Auckland or Brisbane) should they remain there over the next one to two years. The findings from this question about their future anticipations (2017-2018) could then be compared to their present experiences of well-being to provide us with well-being change perceptions considered in this discussion. The primary questions asked by this inquiry are ‘How do Pasifika define their well- being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ Therefore, this chapter seeks to address the following two secondary research questions:

94 Fa‘amanuiaina is a Samoan term that informants used to refer to progressive change in life. Personal communication with Aufa‘i Saolotoga Faleolo and Malia Alosia Faleolo (16/5/2016). 95 The Samoan phrase Suīga ‘alūa ‘īa means to change progressively. Refer to the Tusi ‘Upu Sāmoa (Ma‘ia‘i 2013: 16, 353). 165

How do Pasifika view their future well-being? Are there differences in the future expectations that Pasifika have in Auckland compared to those held by Pasifika who are in Brisbane?

7.1.2 Migration theories

As previously discussed in Chapter 2 (section 2.2.4), there is no one theory that can explain all of the Pasifika trans-Tasman migration processes captured in this study. There are several theories that illuminate aspects of the Pasifika people’s movements, namely the mobility transition, modernisation and dependency theories. Unfortunately, as King (2012) points out, these concepts on their own are not always holistic in their consideration of people, places, migration and settlement. As already explained, the agency of Pasifika as migrants does not easily fit into the theories presented here. Nishitani and Lee (2019:171,180-182) provide an account of Pasifika farm workers’ agency in Australia. Although the interplay between government structures and agency are true in some instances of Pasifika Trans-Tasman migration, there are aspects of their migration experience that are outside of these government structures due to the collective nature of Pasifika agency. Hence, the circular movements of Pasifika between Auckland, Brisbane, California, Apia or Nuku’alofa are not designed by the dependency of Samoa or Tonga on Australia, NZ and US. Rather it is just an extension of sociocultural connections, as Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009: 22) advocates. Furthermore, the neoclassical push-pull model is another theory that fails to consider the holistic nature of people, place, migration and settlement. The push-pull model reflects the neoclassical ideas of economy and labour mobility that has dominated much of migration dialogue during the mid-twentieth century (King 2012:13). According to Massey et al. (1998:18-21) migration is a result of the uneven distribution of economic factors such as labour and capital. If we consider the movement of Pasifika peoples between Auckland and Brisbane within this push-pull model of economic factors, we may get a better understanding of the economic aspects of their migration. But is this model too simplistic? Yes, unfortunately this model is only able to provide some understanding for the economic aspects of Pasifika trans-Tasman migration in relation to their economic spheres of well-being and their weighing up of pros and cons of moving between places or staying. However, this model does not consider the socio-cultural reasonings behind migration movements of peoples (Arango 2004:19-20; King 2012:14). The traditional push-pull model gives a ‘snapshot’ in time but requires an extension of movements beyond that point in time, including the movements before and after this point. For instance, I can use the push-pull model to consider the move of Samoan and Tongan people to NZ from their homelands. However, the model does not provide a platform for return or repeat migration that happens in a cyclical manner. Also, the model does not allow for the continual, or what King (2012:8) calls ‘onward’ migration, from NZ to Australia. The narratives and

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surveys recorded in this study are focused on the movements between NZ and Australia, although there are circulatory movements between these countries, as well as with the United States and the island homelands (Samoa and Tonga). As King (2012) points out, international migration is diverse; like the ‘onward migration’ of Pasifika between homelands and diaspora or between diaspora and diaspora. These types of migration cannot simply fit into theoretical frameworks that do not acknowledge the cyclical and continual movement of people (Barcham et al. 2009). The systems approach allows for more contextualisation of the migration theory, particularly with the social and cultural contexts of the places sending and the places receiving (King 2012:20). As discussed in Chapter 2, Barcham et al. (2009: 329-330) also advocate for the rethinking of Polynesian migration and development in the Pacific by ‘looking beyond economics in understanding migration.’ Barcham et al. (2009:322-323) explain the migration of Pasifika peoples using ‘a new expanded Polynesian Triangle.’ They suggest that although Polynesian peoples’ movements during the late colonial period, at times was responding to political and economic happenings within certain places (like America, Australia and NZ), their movements were more consistently driven by their own desires and aims for their families. Of interest to this study, both Barcham et al. (2009:30) and Ka‘ili (2017:76-79) assert that these Pasifika families are often spread to more than one country by ‘non-economic’ reasons, including religion. As outlined in the previous two chapters (5 & 6), many migration movements have been ‘led by God.’ Hence, Pasifika trans-Tasman migration is not solely an economically driven movement as literature often suggests.

7.1.3 Pasifika experiences of well-being vary

The findings in Chapter 6 indicate that Pasifika experiences vary across well-being spheres and demographic groups. These demographic groups can be differentiated by age, gender, descent, employment status, generation of migration, marital status and whether or not they have children. As shown in the surveys, and supported by the interviews and participant observations, Pasifika living in Brisbane are more satisfied with their well-being experiences compared to Auckland-based Pasifika. As discussed above, aspects of the migration ‘push-pull’ model offer a simple way of seeing how these experiences shape perceptions and are often what drives the migration of people; whereby Pasifika are either ‘pushed’ away from a place or ‘pulled’ towards a place. The good or bad experiences are the push and pull factors (Chapter 6, Table 6.9). Two models of Pasifika migration that have amended the push-pull model and systems approach are contextualised to match the Pasifika migration behaviour and understandings captured in this study. These two models are introduced in this current chapter’s discussion and elaborated on in Chapter 8.

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7.2 Methods

In order to address the secondary research questions specified earlier (section 7.1.1), I will consider the well-being narratives collated from the initial interviews conducted in 2015, as well as later interviews conducted in 2016-2017, alongside the survey responses collected in 2016. Talanoa and e-talanoa in 2015 captured Pasifika notions of improved well-being that were connected to their location fulfilment in either Auckland or Brisbane. The 2016 surveys have sought to gauge further whether these understandings, captured in the narratives, of well-being relative to location are a common outlook of Pasifika living in Auckland and Brisbane, or not. It is important to note that during the initial interviews (2015), several of the informants had either already made the move from Auckland to Brisbane (n=30), were in-transit96 to Brisbane from Auckland or in Auckland preparing to leave for Brisbane (n=10; refer to Chapter 4, section 4.4.3). Hence, the interviews were framed by the discussion about their movements from Auckland to Brisbane that are reflected in the narratives of location fulfilment (further expanded on in Chapter 8). The initial 40 interviews asked a series of focus questions related to Pasifika well-being aims (see Appendix 1a). It is to be noted that the term ‘well-being aims’ is at times used in this analysis interchangeably with ‘well-being expectations,’ when the meanings of these two terms converge.97 The questions listed are variations of similar questions used as prompts in the talanoa or e-talanoa that focussed on well-being aims: • What are your well-being aims? • What will make your life ‘a good and happy life’? • What will make your life ‘a complete and fulfilling life’? • Are there things that you hope to achieve in life that would make your life ‘a good and happy life’? • Are there things that you hope to achieve in life that would make your life ‘a complete and fulfilling life’? • What are your reasons for leaving Auckland? • What are your reasons for moving to Brisbane?

Follow-up interviews carried out in 2016-2017 further expanded on the focus questions listed above. A cross-examination of the 40 interview responses to these focus questions used a colour-coding

96 Those ‘in-transit’ to Brisbane had left Auckland and were temporarily working in Christchurch’s building industry or Perth’s mines to save funds before settling in Brisbane. 97 It is arguable that an aim and an expectation are not precisely one and the same thing, because to hold an aim for one’s actions, may carry an element of doubt or uncertainty as to whether one is fully confident of fulfilling the aim from one’s actions. Therefore one’s expectation of fulfilling the aim may be only partial. However in the case of committing to an action of migration to another land it is assumed that the expectation of fulfilling the aim is strong and that there is a convergence of one’s aim and expectation for at least the period of the action, until the action is completed and the outcome can be evaluated. 168

scheme, to categorise the themes that emerged in the dialogue (Chapter 4, section 4.7.4). Initial analysis of the narratives relating to Pasifika well-being aims used the five well-being spheres developed from the interviews (Figure 5.1) and was analysed again using the eight well-being spheres developed from the surveys (Figure 5.2). As explained in chapter five (section 5.3.3), the well-being notions from the 40 interviews were formed into 42 well-being statements (see Appendix 1b) that were later used in the surveys (2016). In order to determine whether these well-being aims (recorded in 2015 interviews) were shared by other Pasifika migrants based in Auckland and Brisbane, the 670 surveys conducted in 2016 asked Pasifika to respond to a question about their well-being expectations in the near future (Appendix 1b; Q4 in Appendix 2; Q4 in Appendix 3). 392 Auckland-based surveys and 278 Brisbane- based surveys were conducted with Pasifika asking questions specific to their experiences within their current location (Auckland/ NZ or Brisbane/ Australia). Auckland-based surveys asked, ‘How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statements about life in Auckland in the near future?’ Brisbane-based surveys asked, ‘How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statements about life in Brisbane in the near future?’ Q4 listed 42 well-being expectation items (elements) that would or would not be fulfilled in the near future (‘within the next 1 to 2 years’) in their location at the time of the survey. Note that these were the same 42 items asked in the previous Q2 and Q3 of the surveys (see Q2 and Q3 in Appendix 2 and 3). Each participant was asked to rate their level of agreement to the items using a 5-point Likert scale where: strongly disagree=1, disagree=2, neither=3, agree=4, strongly agree=5. These Q4 responses were then considered in relation to Q3 responses, that asked Pasifika to respond to items about their current well-being experiences in 2016 also using the 1-5 Likert scale (see Q3 Appendix 2; Q3 in Appendix 3). To identify the amount of change between current well-being experiences and future well- being expectations, a change perception score (also called a difference score or change score) was computed by subtracting scores on experience from the scores on expectation. For example, let’s say a respondent’s familial well-being experience score was 4, if their familial wellbeing expectation score was 5 then their difference score will be 1. The positive value of the score indicates that the respondent expects a positive change in their future familial well-being.

Expectation (for 2017-2018) - Experience (in 2016) = Q4 score - Q3 score = change perception score

The differences between these two sets of survey responses (the expected fulfilment of well-being spheres and the experiences of well-being spheres) have been used to calculate the ‘well-being change perceptions’ used in the analysis of data discussed in this chapter. It was advantageous to use this method of comparative analysis between Q3 data (experiences) and Q4 data (expectations). These

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survey responses provided a substantial way of understanding Pasifika well-being perspectives based on both their current experiences and future outlooks. If the analysis of Q4 survey responses on expectations (see Appendix A6.1-A6.8), had not considered the Q3 survey responses on experiences (see Appendix A5.1-A5.8), the analysis would not have provided a full account of the differences in future expectations held by Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane. In this discussion, the term ‘future well-being outlook’ is used interchangeably with ‘well-being change perceptions.’ The change perception scores of all 670 survey participants were computed for each of the well-being spheres. Next, these change perception scores were classified into three categories: positive change, no change and negative change. Those with a positive change score were categorised as having a ‘positive’ outlook (i.e. their future expectations were higher than their current experiences). Those with a negative change perception score were categorised as having a ‘negative’ outlook (i.e. their future expectations were lower than their current experiences). The third group was comprised of those with a change perception score of zero as there was ‘no change’ expected between current well-being experiences and future expectations. After creating the different categories based on the change perception scores per participant, cross-tabulations were used to explore the relationships between change perception scores (collapsed into the three categories) and location (Auckland or Brisbane). When reading the data presented in this chapter, it is pertinent to remember that Brisbane respondents were already experiencing strong satisfaction across all eight spheres compared to Auckland (as discussed in Chapter 6) and were starting from a higher base of satisfaction (based on their current well-being experiences). Conversely, Auckland respondents were starting from a lower base of satisfaction (lower levels of satisfaction experienced) compared to Brisbane.

7.3 Findings 7.3.1 Well-being aims shared by talanoa and e-talanoa informants

The following Table 7.1 lists a summary of the well-being aims (and in most cases synonymous with well-being expectations) that were recorded during the initial interviews (2015). As already explained, these well-being notions were formed into 42 statements (see Appendix 1b) that were used in the surveys (2016). With the interweaving of the qualitative and quantitative data, I have used the well-being spheres that were identified through the analysis of survey responses to further categorise the well-being aims listed in Table 7.1. This table shows that the overall future well-being aims of Auckland-based Pasifika and Brisbane-based Pasifika are similar; Pasifika in both locations expect that their future well-being will improve. This is particularly evident in their economic sustainability and economic provision well-being aims. However, there are salient differences seen in the

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mental/emotional well-being aims of Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane. This difference is also highlighted in the quantitative data presented.

Table 7.1: Summary of well-being aims for interview informants, 2015.

Well-Being Auckland Brisbane Sphere Economic Own home; better income; savings; Own home; permanent work; good career Sustainability control of finances; having enough to prospects; owning other assets; savings for early live well after paying bills retirement; own business Economic Providing better future for kids; having Providing better lifestyle for family; having Provision enough to provide daily needs of family plenty to help out the extended family Cultural Have the ability to define own identity; Maintaining cultural identity; re-define own retain cultural values; minimise expenses identity; stay connected and involved in related to traditional practices community; maintain pride in cultural identity Mental/Emotional Decreasing stress levels; get a good Maintaining balance between home and work; balance between home and work life; getting a good education; having the option of have hope and peace about the future; get going to university; enjoying the daily work life; a good education, including tertiary and getting further training in desired career career pathways Environmental Living in a cooler/warmer place Growing foodstuffs from the islands Physical Eating healthier, staying active; having a Living healthier lifestyle; getting better access to better lifestyle; getting more time to play medical services; enjoying sports and outdoors sport or exercise Familial/Social Having more positive relationships with Maintaining important connections; enjoying extended family; getting more time with quality time with husband/wife and children; my children and husband/wife; having having positive relationships with selected others; positive relationships with selected staying connected with and spending time with others; Minimising familial extended family; living nearby extended family duties/expenses Spiritual/God Having more faith in God, especially Having a real connection with God; finding a doing his will; attending a church that good church for the family; spiritual growth and will help spiritual growth. increased faith in God.

What is also evident from the well-being aims listed above is that Brisbane-based Pasifika are comparatively better off in their outlook compared to Auckland-based Pasifika. Auckland-based Pasifika informants are focused on achieving a change from current negative experiences; for example: ‘decreasing stress levels,’ ‘minimising familial duties,’ and ‘getting more time.’ Whereas, Brisbane-based Pasifika informants are focused on maintaining their current positive experiences; for example: ‘maintaining balance,’ ‘staying connected,’ and ‘enjoying quality time.’ These differences in well-being aims are evident in the survey responses to Q4 shown in the distribution tables of well- being items and spheres (Appendix 7, tables A6.1-6.8). Keep in mind that when we look at the well- being change scores, Brisbane-based Pasifika have experienced more well-being satisfaction compared to Auckland-based Pasifika (Appendix 6, tables A5.1-A5.8).

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7.3.2 Significant change perceptions

The following bar graphs, Figure 7.1 and Figure 7.2 present the percentages of ‘positive change,’ ‘no change’ and ‘negative change’ perceptions for Auckland-based Pasifika, Brisbane-based Pasifika and then both combined to give a total. All well-being spheres, with the exception of economic sustainability well-being, have at least half of the total sample expecting ‘no change.’ The three spheres with least change expected are economic provision well-being (EPW-B with 61.57% no change), spiritual/God well-being (SGW-B) and cultural well-being (CW-B). Whereas the three spheres with most Pasifika expecting change are economic sustainability well-being (ESW-B), physical well-being (PW-B) and mental/emotional well-being (MEW-B). Using the chi-square statistical significance (and the p-value in particular) I have determined which of the associations between the well-being scores and locations are statistically significant. Figure 7.1 presents the four well-being spheres where the distributions of change perceptions for Brisbane are significantly different to those in Auckland. These four spheres are: economic sustainability well-being (ESW-B), physical well-being (PW-B), environmental well-being (EW-B), and mental/emotional well-being (MEW-B). Figure 7.2 presents the four well-being spheres where the distribution of change perceptions for Brisbane are not significantly different to those in Auckland. These four spheres are: cultural well-being (CW-B), economic provision well-being (EPW-B), spiritual/God well-being (SGW-B), and familial/social well-being (FSW-B). Overall, the economic sustainability well-being, physical well-being and mental/emotional well-being spheres have the greatest proportion of people saying that there will be a fulfilment of their well-being (positive change perception) in the near future in their current location. In particular, for the economic sustainability well-being sphere, 44.91% total Pasifika have a positive change outlook, with more Auckland-based Pasifika (50.26 %) compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika (37.41%).

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Economic Sustainability Well- Environmental Well-Being Being (ESW-B) (EW-B)

Total 44.91 41.77 13.32 Total 29.99 53.82 16.19

Brisbane 37.41 50.72 11.87 Brisbane 26.98 60.43 12.59

Auckland 50.26 35.38 14.36 Auckland 32.13 49.1 18.77

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change

Note: Chi-square (2) = 15.86, p<.0.001 Note: Chi-square (2) = 9.12, p<.0.01

Physical Well-Being Mental Emotional Well-Being (PW-B) (MEW-B)

Total 37.13 50.3 12.57 Total 38.38 50.07 11.54

Brisbane 33.81 56.83 9.35 Brisbane 33.09 55.76 11.15

Auckland 39.49 45.64 14.87 Auckland 42.16 46.02 11.83

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change

Note: Chi-square (2) = 9.38, p<.0.01 Note: Chi-square (2) = 6.61, p<.0.05

Figure 7.1: Well-being spheres with significant differences in change perceptions between Auckland and Brisbane.

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Cultural Well-Being Spiritual/God Well-Being (CW-B) (SGW-B)

Total 31.44 57.04 11.53 Total 27.82 60.75 11.43

Brisbane 29.86 61.51 8.63 Brisbane 23.64 65.45 10.91

Auckland 32.56 53.85 13.59 Auckland 30.77 57.44 11.79

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change

Note: Chi-square (2) = 5.51, p = 0.06 Note: Chi-square (2) = 4.77, p = 0.09

Economic Provision Well-Being Familial/Social Well-Being (EPW-B) (FSW-B)

Total 28.9 61.57 9.53 Total 33.08 51.05 15.87

Brisbane 24.64 66.3 9.06 Brisbane 32.01 52.52 15.47

Auckland 31.95 58.18 9.87 Auckland 33.85 50 16.15

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change

Note: Chi-square (2) = 4.81, p = 0.09 Note: Chi-square (2) = 0.41, p = 0.81

Figure 7.2: Well-being spheres with non-significant differences in change perceptions between Auckland and Brisbane.

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7.3.3 Positive and negative perceptions

Now that I have reported the significant cross-tabulations (listed above), I will identify where the significant differences are. It is clear that there is more positive change expected by Pasifika living in Auckland, compared to Pasifika living in Brisbane. To illustrate this, I have created two graphs, presented in Figure 7.3 and Figure 7.4, showing the percentages of positive and negative change perceptions in Auckland and Brisbane, per well-being sphere. Figure 7.3 shows the percentage of positive change perceptions held in Auckland, compared to the percentage of positive perceptions held in Brisbane, for each of the well-being spheres. These positive perceptions are the percentage totals from the differences between positive expectations (Q4) and current experiences (Q3) per location. The well-being spheres listed in the legend of the graph, are ordered from largest to smallest percentages of positive outlooks for the total sample. It is interesting that the ranking of the total is almost the same for Auckland and Brisbane in terms of spheres where most positive change is expected. The top three spheres are: economic sustainability, mental/emotional and physical well- being spheres. Figure 7.1 shows there is a significant difference between Auckland and Brisbane in the economic sustainability and mental/emotional well-being spheres. Figure 7.3 reveals that this difference is in their perception of positive change. Significant differences between Auckland and Brisbane in perceptions of positive change relate to the economic sustainability and mental/emotional well-being spheres. It is particularly noticeable that more Auckland-based Pasifika are expecting a positive change compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika. With regards to their economic sustainability well-being, more Auckland-based Pasifika (50.26%) foresee a positive change compared to Brisbane- based Pasifika (37.41%). The mental/emotional well-being sphere also has a significant difference between positive change perceptions held in Auckland (42.16%) and Brisbane (33.09 %). Figure 7.4 shows the percentage of negative change perceptions held in Auckland, compared to the percentage of negative change perceptions held in Brisbane, for each of the well-being spheres. The well-being spheres listed in the legend of the graph are ordered from largest to smallest percentages of negative outlooks for the total sample. However, this ranking is not the same for each of the locations. Although both Auckland and Brisbane Pasifika rank the environmental and familial/social well-being spheres as the top two spheres with the most expected negative change, there is a divergence between the ranking of economic sustainability, mental/emotional and physical well-being spheres by location. As noted on Figure 7.1, there is a significant difference between Auckland and Brisbane in the environmental and physical well-being spheres.

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Figure 7.3: Positive perceptions of well-being (positive expectations compared to Figure 7.4: Negative perceptions of well-being (negative expectations compared to current experiences) in Auckland vs. Brisbane. current experiences) in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

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Figure 7.4 shows that this difference is in their perception of negative change. Significant differences between Auckland and Brisbane perceptions of negative change were found for the environmental and physical well-being spheres. Within both of these spheres, it is particularly noticeable that more Auckland-based Pasifika are expecting a negative change compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika. The environmental and physical well-being spheres show the most significant differences in perceptions of negative change held in Auckland compared to Brisbane. More Auckland-based Pasifika (18.77%) are expecting a negative change in their environmental well-being compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika (12.59%). Similarly, with regards to their physical well-being, more Auckland-based Pasifika (14.87%) are expecting a negative change in their physical well-being compared to those living in Brisbane (9.35%). These significant associations between Auckland and Brisbane’s positive change and negative change outlooks and specific well-being spheres will be further discussed later in this chapter.

7.3.4 Comparison of Auckland and Brisbane demographic groups

In order to identify who in Auckland and Brisbane were presenting with significant change perceptions, I carried out cross-tabulations between the percentages of change perceptions within each demographic group for Auckland and Brisbane separately. The following four tables (7.2 to 7.5) present these cross-tabulations between the percentages of Auckland and Brisbane change perceptions (‘positive change,’ ‘no change,’ ‘negative change’) according to the following demographic categories: gender, age, Pasifika descent, migrant generation, family structure, relationship status, and employment. The four well-being spheres presented reveal the most significant differences in well-being change perceptions in Auckland compared to Brisbane. It is important to note that these expectations relate to their current economic sustainability well-being experiences (Chapter 6). As shown on the graphs in Figure 7.1, the economic sustainability well- being (ESW-B) sphere with a Chi(2)=15.86, p<0.001 significance, is the most significant of the eight spheres. The physical well-being (PW-B) sphere with a Chi(2)=9.38, p<0.01 significance, is the second most significant of the eight spheres. The environmental well-being (EW-B) sphere with Chi(2)=9.12, p<0.01 significance, is the third most significant of the eight spheres. Also, the mental/emotional well-being (MEW-B) sphere with Chi(2)=6.61, p<0.05 significance, is the fourth most significant of the eight spheres. Table 7.2 highlights the demographic categories of descent and migrant generation as significant in the analysis of Pasifika change perceptions, in relation to their economic sustainability well-being. Based on the migrant descent groupings shown in Table 7.2, Tongans living in Brisbane have the highest percentage (61.74%) expecting ‘no change’ in their economic sustainability well-

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being, compared to other descent groups in both Auckland and Brisbane. Based on the migrant generation groupings shown in Table 7.2, first-generation (56.44%) and second-generation (51.61%) Pasifika migrants living in Brisbane have the highest percentages expecting ‘no change’ in their economic sustainability well-being, compared to other migrant groups in both Auckland and Brisbane. Table 7.3 highlights the demographic categories of age, migrant generation and employment as significant in the analysis of Pasifika change perceptions, in relation to their physical well-being. Based on the age groupings shown in Table 7.3, Pasifika aged 30-39 years living in Auckland have the highest percentage (51.52%) expecting ‘positive change’ in their physical well-being. Based on the migrant generation groupings shown in Table 7.3, first-generation Pasifika living in Brisbane have the highest percentage (62.38%) expecting ‘no change’ in their physical well-being, compared to other migrant generations in both Auckland and Brisbane. Based on the employment groupings shown in Table 7.3, Pasifika who are working have the highest expectation of ‘no change’ in their physical well-being sphere, particularly Pasifika living in Brisbane (62.86%) compared to Pasifika in Auckland (49.36%). On the other hand, more Pasifika living in Auckland who are not working (47.97%) are expecting ‘positive change’ in their physical well-being. Table 7.4 highlights the demographic categories of age, Pasifika descent and employment as significant in the analysis of Pasifika change perceptions, in relation to their environmental well- being. Based on the Pasifika descent groupings shown in Table 7.4, Tongans living in Brisbane have the highest percentage (70.43%) expecting ‘no change’ in their environmental well-being, compared to other descent groups in both Auckland and Brisbane. Based on the employment groupings shown in Table 7.4, Pasifika who are working in Brisbane (65.71%) have the highest expectation of ‘no change’ in their environmental well-being sphere. Another significant statistic is that Pasifika couples in Brisbane are the relationship group with the highest percentage (66.05%) expecting ‘no change’ in this sphere. Table 7.5 highlights the demographic categories of migrant generation, Pasifika descent and family structures as significant in the analysis of Pasifika change perceptions, in relation to their mental/emotional well-being. Based on the age groupings shown Table 7.5, second-generation migrants living in Auckland have the highest percentage (53.28%) expecting ‘positive change’ in their mental/emotional well-being. Based on the Pasifika descent groupings shown in Table 7.5, Tongans living in Brisbane have the highest percentage (67.83%) expecting ‘no change’ in their mental/emotional well-being, compared to other descent groups in both Auckland and Brisbane.

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Table 7.2: Percentage of change perceptions on Economic Sustainability well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change Gender Male 47.90 (80) 35.33 (59) 16.77 (28) 33.33 (39) 53.85 (63) 12.82 (15) Female 52.25 (116) 35.14 (78) 12.61 (28) 40.37 (65) 48.45 (78) 11.18 (18) Age 18-29 years 53.01 (88) 31.33 (52) 15.66 (26) 45.52 (61) 41.79 (56) 12.69 (17) 30-39 years 59.09 (39) 27.27 (18) 13.64 (9) 28.57 (14) 63.27 (31) 8.16 (4) 40-49 years 46.48 (33) 39.44 (28) 14.08 (10) 39.47 (15) 47.37 (18) 13.16 (5) 50-59 years 48.39 (15) 32.26 (10) 19.35 (6) 25.64 (10) 61.54 (24) 12.82 (5) 60+ years 40.82 (20) 48.98 (24) 10.20 (5) 25.00 (4) 62.50 (10) 12.50 (2) Descent Samoan 51.68 (77) 32.89 (49) 15.44 (23) 43.84 (64)* 42.47 (62)* 13.70 (20)* Tongan 49.14 (114) 37.07 (86) 13.79 (32) 28.70 (33)* 61.74 (71)* 9.57 (11)* Other - Mix 62.50 (5) 25.00 (2) 12.50 (1) 41.18 (7)* 47.06 (8)* 11.76 (2)* Generation (Migrant) First 47.29 (122) 36.43 (94) 16.28 (42) 32.67 (33)* 56.44 (57)* 10.89 (11)* Second 55.74 (68) 32.79 (40) 11.48 (14) 37.42 (58)* 51.61 (80)* 10.97 (17)* Third - Later 66.67 (6) 33.33 (3) 0.00 (0) 59.09 (13)* 18.18 (4)* 22.73 (5)* Family Children 49.14 (114) 37.50 (87) 13.36 (31) 35.86 (52) 52.41 (76) 11.72 (17) No Children 53.95 (82) 29.61 (45) 16.54 (25) 40.00 (52) 48.46 (63) 11.54 (15) Relationship Solo 53.85 (91) 31.95 (54) 14.20 (24) 43.36 (49) 43.36 (49) 13.27 (15) Couple 47.60 (99) 37.50 (78) 14.90 (31) 33.33 (54) 55.56 (90) 11.11 (18) Employment Working 46.78 (109) 35.62 (83) 17.60 (41) 33.33 (70) 55.71 (117) 10.95 (23) Not Working 53.38 (79) 36.49 (54) 10.14 (15) 46.77 (29) 38.71 (24) 14.52 (9)

* p < .05 Note: Figures refer to Percentages (n)

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Table 7.3: Percentage of change perceptions on Physical well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change Gender Male 37.13 (62) 49.10 (82) 13.77 (23) 27.35 (32) 61.54 (72) 11.11 (13) Female 41.44 (92) 42.79 (95) 15.77 (35) 38.51 (62) 53.42 (86) 8.07 (13) Age 18-29 years 40.36 (67)* 42.17 (70)* 17.47 (29)* 39.55 (53) 50.75 (68) 9.70 (13) 30-39 years 51.52 (34)* 28.79 (19)* 19.70 (13)* 28.57 (14) 63.27 (31) 8.16 (4) 40-49 years 39.44 (28)* 52.11 (37)* 8.45 (6)* 31.58 (12) 63.16 (24) 5.26 (2) 50-59 years 32.26 (10)* 51.61 (16)* 16.13 (5)* 30.77 (12) 58.97 (23) 10.26 (4) 60+ years 28.57 (14)* 61.22 (30)* 10.20 (5)* 18.75 (3) 62.50 (10) 18.75 (3)

Descent Samoan 38.93 (58) 44.97 (67) 16.11 (24) 38.36 (56) 52.05 (76) 9.59 (14) Tongan 39.22 (91) 46.55 (108) 14.22 (33) 26.96 (31) 62.61 (72) 10.43 (12) Other - Mix 62.50 (5) 25.00 (2) 12.50 (1) 41.18 (7) 58.82 (10) 0.00 (0) Generation (Migrant) First 36.05 (93) 47.67 (123) 16.28 (42) 28.71 (29)* 62.38 (63)* 8.91 (9)* Second 45.08 (55) 41.80 (51) 13.11 (16) 35.48 (55)* 56.77 (88)* 7.74 (12)* Third - Later 66.67 (6) 33.33 (3) 0.00 (0) 45.45 (10)* 31.82 (7)* 22.73 (5)* Family Children 37.50 (87) 48.28 (112) 14.22 (33) 31.03 (45) 59.31 (86) 9.66 (14) No Children 44.08 (67) 39.47 (60) 16.45 (25) 37.69 (49) 53.85 (70) 8.46 (11) Relationship Solo 44.38 (75) 39.64 (67) 15.98 (27) 39.82 (45) 50.44 (57) 9.73 (11) Couple 36.54 (76) 49.52 (103) 13.94 (29) 30.25 (49) 60.49 (98) 9.26 (15) Employment Working 33.91 (79)* 49.36 (115)* 16.74 (39)* 30.00 (63)** 62.86 (132)** 7.14 (15)** Not Working 47.97 (71)* 39.86 (59)* 12.16 (18)* 43.55 (27)** 41.94 (26)** 14.52 (9)**

* p < .05 **p < .01 Note: Figures refer to Percentages (n)

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Table 7.4: Percentage of change perceptions on Environmental well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change Gender Male 28.74 (48) 52.10 (87) 19.16 (32) 21.37 (25) 64.10 (75) 14.53 (17) Female 34.84 (77) 46.61 (103) 18.55 (41) 31.06 (50) 57.76 (93) 11.18 (18) Age 18-29 years 33.13 (55) 47.59 (79) 19.28 (32) 29.10 (39) 55.97 (75) 14.93 (20) 30-39 years 33.33 (22) 43.94 (29) 22.73 (15) 22.45 (11) 71.43 (35) 6.12 (3) 40-49 years 33.80 (24) 53.52 (38) 12.68 (9) 28.95 (11) 57.89 (22) 13.16 (5) 50-59 years 29.03 (9) 48.39 (15) 22.58 (7) 25.64 (10) 61.54 (24) 12.82 (5) 60+ years 29.17 (14) 50.00 (24) 20.83 (10) 25.00 (4) 62.50 (10) 12.50 (2) Descent Samoan 31.08 (46) 49.32 (73) 19.59 (29) 32.19 (47)* 53.42 (78)* 14.38 (21)* Tongan 32.76 (76) 49.14 (114) 18.10 (42) 18.26 (21)* 70.43 (81)* 11.30 (13)* Other - Mix 37.50 (3) 37.50 (3) 25.00 (2) 41.18 (7)* 52.94 (9)* 5.88 (1)* Generation (Migrant) First 31.52 (81) 49.42 (127) 19.07 (49) 22.77 (23)* 66.34 (67)* 10.89 (11)* Second 33.61 (41) 48.36 (59) 18.03 (22) 25.81 (40)* 60.65 (94)* 13.55 (21)* Third - Later 33.33 (3) 44.44 (4) 22.22 (2) 54.55 (12)* 31.82 (7)* 13.64 (3)* Family Children 29.44 (68) 52.81 (122) 17.75 (41) 22.76 (33) 64.83 (94) 12.41 (18) No Children 37.50 (57) 41.45 (63) 21.05 (32) 32.31 (42) 55.38 (72) 12.31 (16) Relationship Solo 37.28 (63) 43.20 (73) 19.53 (33) 35.40 (40)* 52.21 (59)* 12.39 (14)* Couple 28.99 (60) 52.17 (108) 18.84 (39) 21.60 (35)* 66.05 (107)* 12.35 (20)* Employment Working 29.31 (68) 50.86 (118) 19.83 (46) 23.33 (49)** 65.71 (138)** 10.95 (23)** Not Working 34.46 (51) 47.30 (70) 18.24 (27) 37.10 (23)** 45.16 (28)** 17.74 (11)**

* p < .05 **p < .01 Note: Figures refer to Percentages (n)

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Table 7.5: Percentage of change perceptions on Mental//Emotional well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, by demographic groups.

Characteristics Auckland Brisbane

Positive Change No Change Negative Change Positive Change No Change Negative Change Gender Male 38.55 (64) 49.40 (82) 12.05 (20) 27.35 (32) 59.83 (70) 12.82 (15) Female 45.05 (100) 43.24 (96) 11.71 (26) 37.27 (60) 52.80 (85) 9.94 (16) Age 18-29 years 46.99 (78) 39.76 (66) 13.25 (22) 35.07 (47) 51.49 (69) 13.43 (18) 30-39 years 51.52 (34) 37.88 (25) 10.61 (7) 26.53 (13) 63.27 (31) 10.20 (5) 40-49 years 38.03 (27) 52.11 (37) 9.86 (7) 34.21 (13) 52.63 (20) 13.16 (5) 50-59 years 25.81 (8) 54.84 (17) 19.35 (6) 33.33 (13) 58.97 (23) 7.69 (3) 60+ years 33.33 (16) 58.33 (28) 8.33 (4) 37.50 (6) 62.50 (10) 0.00 (0) Descent Samoan 42.28 (63) 44.30 (66) 13.42 (20) 41.10 (60)* 46.58 (68)* 12.33 (18)* Tongan 41.99 (97) 46.75 (108) 11.26 (26) 22.61 (26)* 67.83 (78)* 9.57 (11)* Other - Mix 50.00 (4) 50.00 (4) 0.00 35.29 (6)* 52.94 (9)* 11.76 (2)* Generation (Migrant) First 36.96 (95)* 49.42 (127)* 13.62 (35)* 30.69 (31) 63.37 (64) 5.94 (6) Second 53.28 (65)* 37.70 (46)* 9.02 (11)* 33.55 (52) 53.55 (83) 12.90 (20) Third - Later 44.44 (4)* 55.56 (5)* 0.00 (0)* 40.91 (9) 36.36 (8) 22.73 (5) Family Children 38.10 (88)* 50.22 (116)* 11.69 (27)* 33.10 (48) 56.55 (82) 10.34 (15) No Children 50.00 (76)* 37.50 (57)* 12.50 (19)* 33.85 (44) 54.62 (71) 11.54 (15) Relationship Solo 50.89 (86)* 39.64 (67)* 9.47 (16)* 35.40 (40) 52.21 (59) 12.39 (14) Couple 36.71 (76)* 50.24 (104)* 13.04 (27)* 31.48 (51) 58.02 (94) 10.49 (17) Employment Working 39.91 (93) 47.64 (111) 12.45 (29) 29.52 (62) 60.00 (126) 10.48 (22) Not Working 44.22 (65) 44.22 (65) 11.56 (17) 41.94 (26) 46.77 (29) 11.29 (7)

* p < .05 Note: Figures refer to Percentages (n)

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Based on the family structure groupings shown in Table 7.5, Pasifika living in Auckland with no children (50%) have the highest expectation of ‘positive change’ in their mental/emotional well-being sphere. On the other hand, Auckland-based Pasifika families with children have the highest percentage (50.22%) expecting ‘no change’ in their mental/emotional well-being. Another significant difference in Auckland is that more couples compared to singles expect ‘no change’ in this sphere. Brisbane-based Pasifika couples are slightly more expectant (58.02%) of ‘no change’ compared to Auckland-based Pasifika couples (50.24%) with regards to their mental/emotional well-being.

7.4 Discussion 7.4.1 Well-being perceptions linked to location fulfilment and migration

The narratives collected in 2015-2017 provided a list of positive and negative well-being experiences that the Pasifika migrants had experienced in Auckland and Brisbane (Chapter 6, Table 6.9). These experiences correlate with the well-being perceptions presented in this chapter’s findings and are further linked to the migration of Pasifika across the Tasman between Auckland and Brisbane. The negative experiences of Pasifika highlight the disadvantages of living in either Auckland or Brisbane and can be seen as ‘push’ factors in migration theory. On the other hand, their positive experiences emphasise the advantages of living in either Auckland or Brisbane and can be seen as ‘pull’ factors in their movements between these places. An expansion of this is that the positive well-being experiences associated with places can also be considered as ‘anchors’ that keep some Pasifika in a place (those who choose to stay) or cause some Pasifika to continually return to a place (those who choose to migrate but make return visits to a place of previous location). These experiences of location fulfilment or non-fulfilment relate to Pasifika well-being change perceptions and will be discussed further in relation to their migration behaviours.

7.4.2 Pasifika migration models

Based on the findings, the following two figures are a representation of the migration of Pasifika people in the study and together these two models reflect the collated understandings captured during 2015-2018 in the literature reviewed, recorded interviews and participant-observations collected in both Auckland and Brisbane. Figure 7.5 ‘A Cyclical and Multi-Directional Push-Pull Model of Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration’ presents the migration movements that Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants and their families in this study have made and continue to make. Note that this model presents the trans-Tasman migration within the larger migration process of the movements of Pasifika informants in this study. Figure 7.6 ‘A Systems Model of Pasifika Migration’ outlines the intrinsic values and extrinsic drivers of Pasifika migration. It is a systems approach to understanding the socio- cultural contexts of the migration of Pasifika informants in this study. Together, these two models

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show the migration behaviours of Pasifika that are linked to their well-being change perceptions and location fulfilment in Auckland or Brisbane. Three of these migrant behaviours, although not unique to Pasifika people, are significant to the trans-Tasman migration of Samoan and Tongan informants in this study and linked to their well-being perceptions as Pasifika migrants. Firstly, as shown in these diagrams (Figure 7.5 & Figure 7.6), Pasifika people do not necessarily leave a place without returning. Returning is inevitable in their trans-Tasman migration, for ‘home’ is always where family is, and their physical departure from ‘home’ does not change this fact. Thus, we have an ‘anchor’ effect where places like Auckland continually pull Pasifika migrants to return ‘home’ or in some cases to stay more permanently. The anchors in migration are also the pull factors found in a place of settlement that far outweigh the benefits of further migration. For instance, those in Auckland, who choose not to migrate further to Brisbane believe that their familial networks and the community that feels more like ‘home’ (Pacific homelands) is more important to their well-being than the promise of better income. This positive experience in Auckland becomes an ‘anchor’ that outweighs any negative economic experiences they may be experiencing. Another common occurrence that I have observed is that the Brisbane-based Pasifika who are experiencing a balanced lifestyle and more quality time with their nuclear families will often beckon their extended family to join them in Brisbane. Despite their ‘missing loved ones and home’ (in Auckland), their positive experiences in Brisbane act as an ‘anchor’ for them there. They prefer to financially help their extended family relocate to Brisbane or occasionally visit rather than return permanently to Auckland. Secondly, Pasifika people remain interconnected during and after their migration from place to place and this movement is seen as an ‘expansion’ of their family and home (or ‘homes away from home’). Pasifika migrants in the study often establish their socio-cultural values within a place that they settle in and therefore, over time this place becomes an extension of ‘home’ and results in more Pasifika family members choosing to move and stay there. As discussed in Chapter 5 (sections 5.4.2 and 5.4.4), Pasifika often seek to maintain their familial, communal and cultural connections within and across diaspora contexts and this creates a web or network of Pasifika across these places, including their Pacific homelands. As discussed in Chapter 2, Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:10) promotes this theory of expanded territories in the migration to NZ and the US of Samoan people from the islands of Samoa. Likewise, Ka‘ili (2017: 76-83) suggests that this international movement (usually Australia, NZ and the US) of Tongan people is a ‘communal’ migration.

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Figure 7.5: A cyclical and multi-directional push-pull model of Pasifika migration.

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Figure 7.6: A systems model of Pasifika migration.

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Thirdly, these interconnections create a ‘circular movement’ of Pasifika migrants moving freely between families living in Samoa or Tonga, to NZ, Australia and onwards (often to the US) and then back again (Barcham et al. 2009:327-329; Ka‘ili 2017:77; Va’a 2001:78-86). Samoan or Tongan people are also known to temporarily visit or live in either Tonga or Samoa for family,98 work, church, community or study related reasons. Ka‘ili (2005:87) notes that Tongan migrants are ‘active in reconfiguring space, so that their lives are lived simultaneously within two or more nation-states.’ Both Ka‘ili (2005:86-87) and Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009:10,22,32) maintain that Pasifika (Tongans and Samoans) remain culturally interconnected and actively mobile across these social spaces they have created by their expansive movements. This ongoing circular movement is created by the ‘onward migration’ that King (2012:20) suggests is missing from the linear and uni-directional migration theories like the traditional push-pull model. As a result of these types of Pasifika migrant behaviours, the trans-Tasman migration process is quite a complex one and should be considered in light of the greater migration story that is at play. Figure 7.5 presents the multi-layers of migration processes occurring simultaneously within the lives and families of the informants in this study. The trans-Tasman migration story that this study considers is only a small portion of a greater Pasifika migration story that spans many more places and years.

7.4.3 Total sample perceptions

The general Pasifika outlook of their future well-being, in both Auckland and Brisbane, is largely expectant of positive change or no change, although there are small numbers of Pasifika in both locations expecting a negative change. It is interesting to note that the majority of the sample total are expectant of ‘no change’ in their future well-being across seven of the eight spheres. These shared outlooks are most evident in the four well-being spheres presented in Figure 7.2: cultural (CW-B), economic provision (EPW-B), spiritual/God (SGW-B) and familial/social well-being (FSW-B). Based on the findings presented in Figure 7.1 and 7.2, it would be safe to say that most Pasifika surveyed in Auckland and Brisbane are similarly expecting the status quo, especially in their cultural, economic provision, spiritual/God and familial/social well-being. This result in the survey data shows that Pasifika, both in Auckland and Brisbane, perceive a high level of stability in their well-being in the future.

98 The intermarriage between Samoan and Tongan people has always occurred in the past due to shared oceans, historical paths and migration journeys; it is becoming more common in diaspora contexts. 187

7.4.4 Similarities in change perceptions across locations connected to shared values

The graphs in Figure 7.2 show that Auckland and Brisbane share similarities within four of the eight spheres. Pasifika surveyed share very similar views on the future fulfilment of their well-being aims in relation to their spiritual/God, economic provision and cultural well-being. Regardless of location, these three well-being spheres are fulfilled and there is little expectation of change across the three spheres. However, when we consider the familial/social well-being sphere, more Pasifika in Auckland and Brisbane are expectant of change compared to the other three spheres listed above. When I consider the narratives alongside these survey figures, the familial/social sphere acts as an intrinsic driver for Pasifika participating in trans-Tasman migration (Figure 7.6). Closely tied to this collective well-being sphere is the desire to provide for the family. Therefore, economic provision can also be an extrinsic driver of Pasifika migration. At times, these same well-being spheres may also act as ‘anchors’ that keep some Pasifika from leaving a place or keep them returning to a place (Figure 7.5). As discussed in Chapter 5, the spiritual/God, familial/social, economic provision and cultural spheres are ranked by Pasifika as the foremost important spheres. The significance of a spiritual life or a connection to God and the church is repeated throughout the narratives and is highlighted in the analysis of surveys as being the most significant sphere of well-being for Pasifika in both Auckland and Brisbane (see Table 5.3 and excerpts in Chapter 5, section 5.4.1). Familial and community interconnections are important factors in the decision-making when Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants move between places. The ability to stay connected to both nuclear and extended family, as well as attend a place of worship are as important if not more so, than the proximity to employment opportunities. These connection points are vital in the sustenance of trans-Tasman Pasifika and the maintenance of these familial and community relationships takes precedence in their migration and settlement processes (Table 5.4 and excerpts in Chapter 5, section 5.4.2). The progress of fāmili and ‘āiga are important considerations that sit at the core of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants’ decisions to transfer between employment opportunities in Auckland and Brisbane. What is highlighted in the research is that well-being aims such as ‘getting a better pay’ or ‘better job opportunities’ are means to providing for and maintaining ‘familial’ connections or vā (good, positive and strong relationships within Pasifika families) that are very important to the well-being of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants in both Auckland and Brisbane (Table 5.5 and excerpts in Chapter 5, section 5.4.3). Cultural values and cultural identity are important threads that appear in the narratives of informants in both Auckland and Brisbane. The ability of Pasifika to maintain and nurture their cultural values and a Pasifika way of living in the diaspora contexts of Auckland or Brisbane is very important to their well-being as Pasifika. Their spirituality and familial-focused way of life is part and parcel of their Pasifika culture (Table 5.6 and excerpts in Chapter 5, section 5.4.4).

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7.4.5 Differences in change perceptions connected to specific location experiences

An examination of the change perceptions, per well-being sphere, in Auckland compared to Brisbane has highlighted that there are some variances in Pasifika well-being perceptions that exist between the two locations. These differences in location well-being perceptions are evident in the four well- being spheres presented in the graphs in Figure 7.1: economic sustainability (ESW-B), physical (PW- B), environmental (EW-B) and mental/emotional (MEW-B) well-being spheres. These four spheres show the most significant differences in perceptions of positive and no change between the two locations. For instance, it is evident from the graphs in Figure 7.1 and Figure 7.4 that more Pasifika in Brisbane are expectant of no change compared to Auckland. So, what is this saying about Pasifika living in Brisbane? How is this significant well-being perception related to their location? The narratives reveal something of this interconnection. Firstly, comparing the move from Tonga to New Zealand, I can see that I made the right choice to leave. Secondly, I am now looking at the comparison between New Zealand and Australia, and I have only been here in Brisbane a few weeks now, and I can see the difference between here and New Zealand…new things to be added to my well-being in New Zealand by coming here. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

The personal experiences of my own family and friends also reveal this interconnection between our well-being change perceptions and locations. Below is an excerpt taken from my ‘brain-dump’ journal entry made in 2018 during a brief visit to Auckland. I’ve been back in Auckland for the last four days…been excited about coming back to Otara. ... [our children] are all happy attending school in Brisbane, and I see a future hope for them in Australia. We still consider Auckland as our second home and base for further extended opportunities like student services and tertiary education. I wonder how many others are using Auckland in this way…I had an interesting e-talanoa with an ex-student of mine who is now a teacher in Auckland…seeking advice about transitioning her career and family to Brisbane. I shared with her my experiences, the highs and the lows… Faleolo (brain dump 2018)

As previously mentioned, most Pasifika surveyed are expectant of ‘no change’ in their future well-being across most of the spheres. The exception is with the economic sustainability well-being sphere (ESW-B) where more Auckland-based Pasifika foresee a ‘positive change’ to their current (2016) economic status. When we compare the perceptions held by Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane about their economic sustainability, we can see that there is a direct correlation between the higher number of Auckland-based Pasifika expecting more positive change (Figure 7.1 and Figure 7.3) and their lower levels of satisfaction (Chapter 6, Figure 6.1). There is also a direct correlation between the lower number of Brisbane-based Pasifika expecting no change at all (Figure 7.1 and Table 7.2) and their higher levels of satisfaction (Chapter 6, Figure 6.1 and Table 6.1). Similarly, we find the same correlations when we compare the perceptions of Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane about their mental/emotional well-being. Conversely, we see the reversal of this pattern in the data when we look at the figures for the physical and environmental well-being spheres. For instance, when we compare the perceptions held by Pasifika in Brisbane compared to Auckland about 189

their environmental well-being, we can see that there is an association between the higher number of Brisbane-based Pasifika expecting no change (Figure 7.1) and their higher levels of satisfaction (Chapter 6, Figure 6.1 and Table 6.6). With regard to Brisbane-based Pasifika physical well-being, there is also a similar association between their change perceptions and current levels of satisfaction. Chapter 6 discussed the fact that Brisbane Pasifika are already experiencing strong satisfaction across all eight well-being spheres compared to Auckland. So, Brisbane-based Pasifika well-being perceptions are starting from a higher base of satisfaction with their current (2016) experiences (Appendix A5.1-A5.8). So, the lower level of Brisbane-based Pasifika numbers who have a positive change perception does not necessarily show that they are more ‘unhappy’ than the Auckland-based Pasifika. Similarly, the higher number of Auckland-based Pasifika with a positive change perception does not necessarily show that they are ‘happier’ than the Brisbane-based Pasifika. These figures only show their level of change perceptions projecting into the near future (1-2 years) in relation to their current state of happiness.

7.4.6 Auckland-based Pasifika remain hopeful

According to several of the informants I interviewed, it takes a lot of ‘hope’ or ‘vision’ to settle in and continue living in Auckland or Brisbane. Pasifika in general tend to remain positive about their futures in both Auckland and Brisbane and have counted the costs of their leaving their island homes to settle in these diaspora contexts. Interestingly, although Auckland-based Pasifika are experiencing lower levels of satisfaction compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika (Chapter 6), they continue to envision an overall improvement in the near future, in Auckland. As shown in Figure 7.1 and again in Figure 7.3, more Auckland-based Pasifika are expectant of positive change in their economic sustainability and mental/emotional well-being spheres, compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika. Despite their current levels of satisfaction being lower than that experienced by Brisbane-based Pasifika, Auckland-based Pasifika remain hopeful. This type of foresight can be better understood when we consider the narratives of Pasifika who shared their experiences of migration and settlement. For many Pasifika living in Auckland, particularly the first-generation migrants, the cost of living there has already been counted part and parcel of their initial move to NZ, when they left their island homelands. For example:

That’s why I came from Tonga to New Zealand, I can tell you that my well-being for the last 40 years in New Zealand, my well-being in New Zealand compared to Tonga is much better…in Tonga it was very hard for me to provide financially for my family. But, in New Zealand in regard to my well-being, I could easily have a house and enough money to educate my children. ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

For many, the experiences of overcoming previous challenges in Auckland allow them to remain hopeful about overcoming the new challenges they now face in Auckland’s current economic 190

climate99 and are therefore more resilient to the economic disadvantages (Chapter 8, Table 8.1 for a summary of Auckland disadvantages). According to some informants, when they consider leaving or staying in Auckland their previous well-being fulfilment experiences remain at the back of their minds. As shown in Figure 7.6, for some Auckland-based Pasifika the promise of better living conditions and less financial stress in Brisbane beckons them to consider a trans-Tasman movement. Yet for some Auckland-based Pasifika they can still consider Auckland as a place where their well- being is fulfilled, regardless of their current economic situation. For example in the case of Kalauni, a first-generation Tongan migrant woman in her 60s, the thought of starting again was enough for her to want to remain in Auckland although her husband was set on moving to Brisbane to afford a more comfortable lifestyle and to live near their children and grandchildren:

I don’t want to move to Brisbane, although my husband is already planning the move. So, we are thinking about moving to Brisbane…I’m still unsure about things…I have my well-being in Auckland, I live well and I’m happy with everything because I’ve paid off my house... Kalauni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

As discussed in Chapter 2 and presented in Figure 7.5, Pasifika migration across the Tasman Sea from NZ to Australia is part of a greater circular migration process that for many of the informants in this study has begun with a move from the Pacific Island homelands of Samoa or Tonga, to NZ, before further migration to Australia. This contemporary trans-Tasman migration by Pasifika forms part of a centuries-old tradition of Pasifika people migrating away from their Pacific homelands, in search of new opportunities and resources (Barcham et al. 2009; Banivanua Mar 2015; Hau‘ofa 1993; Keck & Schieder 2015; Mallon, Māhina-Tuai & Salesa 2012; Va‘a 2001). Although current trans- Tasman migration literature alludes to some reasons for this migration trend; trans-Tasman literature generally fails to capture the perspectives and experiences of the Pasifika migrants themselves and how their movements relate to their well-being goals. Therefore, there is a need to consider the views of the Pasifika informants themselves on the matter. As shown in Table 7.1, the qualitative evidence highlights the fact that Auckland and Brisbane diaspora both have a strong focus on relationships being an important part of their well-being as Pasifika (Chapter 5, section 5.4.2). Linked to this familial focus, for most Pasifika, is the desire to participate in economic activities to provide for and sustain their families’ well-being; be it a job or business opportunity, that will provide income and options for a ‘more balanced’, ‘healthy’ and ‘fulfilling’ way of life. The main difference between the economic outlook of Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika is how they view the distribution of their financial resources with the extended family. Although both Auckland and Brisbane Pasifika acknowledge the importance of providing for their extended families, more Auckland-based Pasifika shared their desire

99 As outlined in Chapter 2, the housing situation in Auckland had worsened during the time of this study (2015-2018). 191

to ‘get away from the financial burden’ of providing for the extended family’s needs because they felt that they were not able to meet their nuclear family’s or own children’s needs. During my initial dialogue with informants in 2015, Auckland-based Pasifika were more focused on obtaining some measure of well-being; ‘getting ahead,’ ‘saving enough money’ to ‘be able to afford to live.’ Whereas, Brisbane-based Pasifika were more focused on ‘buying a home,’ ‘maintaining a balanced lifestyle’ and ‘staying connected with family’ and this often meant sending money back to their extended family in NZ or island homelands (Samoa or Tonga). The Brisbane- based Pasifika informants felt they were in a better position to provide help to others outside of their own nuclear family. On the other hand, the Auckland-based Pasifika informants felt weighed down by the need to contribute monetarily to their extended families. This is evidence of a difference in levels of economic fulfilment that has been achieved in Brisbane compared to Auckland. Sefina was interviewed as a first-generation Tongan woman in her 30s, residing in Brisbane with her husband and child. She shared how she strongly felt connected to her family in Auckland but remembers a time when it was financially stressful for her to live there and contribute to the collective well-being:

Family! I love our families! We are Tongan and we come from a huge family...Reunions, weddings, funerals and family gatherings mean a lot to me, it gives me a sense of belonging…knowing your roots, knowing the family history...Money always seemed to be an issue. You work tirelessly like 7 days a week and you wait for pay day and then…family members would start calling you because they are short of money. I would give, but my minimum pay rate was very low, and the cost of everything else was rising…It was bad, and this needed to change. Sefina, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

For many Brisbane-based Pasifika, despite the negative experiences (financial and familial tensions) in Auckland that had led to their migration to Brisbane, Auckland was still ‘home’ and they maintained a sense of loyalty to NZ. Several of these informants maintained close connections -- tauhi vā or teu le vā -- with their families ‘back home’ by returning often (sometimes more than twice a year) or sending airfares for family members to visit them in Brisbane. As was the case with Kalauni, some informants have had many years of ‘making things work’ in Auckland and there is a sense of invested life in Auckland that makes it sometimes unbearable to leave. I myself have had the same experience, where initially, I did not want to leave Auckland because I owned homes there and had a career that was secure and fulfilling. However, it was the thought of whether my own children would be able to achieve the same things in the economic climate of NZ that made me think twice about remaining. I knew I had to make the uncomfortable choice of leaving for the sake of my family’s future well-being.

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7.5 Conclusion

The aim of this chapter was to consider how Pasifika view their future well-being, in relation to their current experiences. The primary questions guiding this inquiry are: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ This chapter has addressed the following secondary research questions, drawn from the primary research questions noted above: ‘How do Pasifika view their future well-being?’ and ‘Are there differences in the future expectations that Pasifika have in Auckland compared to those held by Pasifika who are in Brisbane?’ In order to achieve this objective and answer these questions, narratives as well as participant-observations were considered alongside the survey data collected to understand Pasifika well-being perceptions in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Overall, Pasifika informants in this study, as a total sample are mainly expectant of well-being stability in the near future. Most Pasifika foresee either no change at all (status quo with satisfactory or fulfilled well-being) or positive change (improvement in well-being). Very few Pasifika are expecting any negative change (decline in well-being). It is evident that Auckland-based Pasifika are more expectant of change compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika because they are starting from a lower base of well-being satisfaction with their current experiences (2016). Interestingly, regardless of the low levels of well-being satisfaction that Auckland-based Pasifika are experiencing compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika, they remain hopeful. From my participant-observations, Pasifika people generally tend to be positive about their futures in both Auckland and Brisbane and have counted the costs of leaving their island homes to settle in these diaspora contexts as part of the migration process that in-turn brings fakalakalaka or fa‘amanuiaina. It takes a lot of hope and vision to continue living in these places and to continually migrate as a family. A key point that arises from the trans-Tasman narratives is that regardless of the challenging times experienced in NZ compared to Australia, Auckland is ‘home’ and always will be. Pasifika do not leave Auckland, they extend their ‘home’ from Auckland to Brisbane. Brisbane is an expansion of ‘home’ for their families living in Auckland and even back in Samoa or Tonga. Chapter 6 discussed the current well-being experiences of Pasifika in this study, while the following Chapter 8 will discuss at length the fulfilment of well-being for Pasifika. Therefore, this current chapter has provided a bridge between Chapters 6 and 8. This chapter has considered the relationships between the current well-being experiences of Pasifika and ties into the expected well- being fulfilment in the near future. In particular, the following chapter will focus on the fulfilment of Pasifika well-being through the processes of trans-Tasman migration.

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8 Pasifika Well-Being Fulfilment Through Trans-Tasman Migration

Living in Auckland is advantageous for family and cultural reasons…family is great, but it can be hard to contribute to our collectivist culture and thrive as an individual or nuclear family…Brisbane provides a good lifestyle overall. ‘Akamu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

8.1 Introduction

The aim of this chapter is to compare the fulfilment of Pasifika people’s well-being aims in Auckland to Brisbane in order to examine the relationships and salient links between well-being aims and Pasifika trans-Tasman migration movements between these two locations. Pasifika expectations of well-being fulfilment in either Auckland or Brisbane helps to explain their circulatory movements between these locations (Barcham et al. 2009) as well as recent increased trans-Tasman flow into the Queensland region (Hamer 2014; Green et al. 2008). The findings in Chapter 7 indicate that about 50-60% Pasifika informants generally expect stability in their well-being in the near future whether living in Auckland or Brisbane. However, on closer examination of the survey responses from these two locations, it is evident that Auckland-based Pasifika are more expectant of positive change compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika for certain measure of well-being. There were two well-being spheres where the percentage of positive perceptions was higher for Auckland Pasifika compared to Brisbane (economic sustainability and mental/emotional well-being). However, there were also two well-being spheres where the percentage of negative perceptions was higher for Auckland Pasifika compared to Brisbane (physical and environmental well-being). One reason for the positive perceptions being higher for Auckland-based Pasifika is their change perceptions are starting from a lower base of well-being satisfaction (experiences in 2016). In contrast, Brisbane-based Pasifika are starting from a higher level of well-being satisfaction (experiences in 2016). Pasifika trans-Tasman migration between Auckland and Brisbane are largely driven by their well-being aims which are influenced by their well-being experiences and expectations. These experiences are discussed at length in Chapter 6 and correlate with the well-being change perceptions and Pasifika migration models presented in Chapter 7 (figures 7.5 and 7.6). The Pasifika migration models represent the Pasifika trans-Tasman migration process that informants in the study have shared with me during talanoa and e-talanoa. These models highlight Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants’ circulatory movements that go beyond just Australia and New Zealand (NZ), although this study is specifically focused on the trans-Tasman movements between Auckland and Brisbane. These models suggest that Pasifika trans-Tasman migration is part of a bigger phenomenon that is not only externally driven by contextual circumstances (e.g. economics, politics or environment) but includes deeper more intrinsically motivated decisions around the socio-cultural collective and holistic well- being (e.g. mental/emotional, cultural or spiritual aspects) of Pasifika individuals and their families.

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This collective and holistic nature of Pasifika migration will be discussed further in this chapter with reference to the well-being and trans-Tasman narratives and well-being surveys collected in Auckland and Brisbane. The initial interviews from 2015 captured evidence of a difference between Pasifika well- being experiences and expectations in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Similar distinctions between these locations were recorded during interviews in 2016-2017. My participant-observations during 2015-2018 reveal a significant improvement in the quality of life experienced by individuals and families that have successfully settled in Brisbane. As explained in Chapter 7, the preliminary findings from the initial interviews in 2015 provided an impetus for the design of the final question in the surveys (Appendix 2 and Appendix 3) that were conducted in 2016. The initial interviews revealed that most trans-Tasman migrants leave Auckland in search of opportunities for well-being fulfilment in Brisbane. The purpose of the surveys conducted in 2016 were to capture a larger sample of Pasifika views on their perceptions of well-being fulfilment within their current locations of Auckland or Brisbane, with a particular interest in whether they perceived fulfilment in these locations over the next two years (2017-2018). In the excerpt above, ‘Akamu shared his thoughts on life in Auckland compared to his current lifestyle in Brisbane. He had moved from Auckland to Brisbane in 2003 with hopes to develop his football career. ‘Akamu has since married his Samoan-Tongan wife (NZ-born, third-generation migrant) and works as an entrepreneur. He is optimistic about his family’s well-being in Australia. Although he has experienced very challenging cultural and familial circumstances in Auckland, he has remained connected to his extended family and community ‘back home’ in Auckland; the sociocultural values of teu le vā play a significant role in return or circular migration. ‘Akamu sees Brisbane as his ‘new home’ and believes that God has purposed him and his family for Brisbane. Likewise, several other trans-Tasman informants explain in their narratives that their trans-Tasman migration is an extension of ‘home’ and a pathway to ‘progress’ and ‘change’ -- fakalakalaka or faamanuiaina -- for themselves and their families (Chapter 7, section 7.1.1, Figure 7.6 ). Like ‘Akamu, several informants interchangeably refer to Auckland, Brisbane and their Pacific homelands (Samoa or Tonga) as ‘home’ when referring to the fulfilment of different aspects of their well-being. In this chapter we will consider the fulfilment of significant well-being spheres (e.g. spiritual, sociocultural as well as economic) in relation to the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane. The primary questions guiding this inquiry are ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ Therefore, this chapter seeks to address the following two secondary research questions are drawn from the primary research questions:

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What well-being experiences influence the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika? What key well-being aims are fulfilled, or not fulfilled, by Pasifika trans-Tasman migration?

8.2 Methods

In order to address these research questions, I will analyse and discuss the well-being narratives, participant observations and survey responses collected. These qualitative findings will be presented and discussed alongside the significant well-being spheres highlighted in the quantitative data. Although I will be integrating the results, it is important to note that the two data sets (qualitative and quantitative) consider the fulfilment of well-being differently. The surveys have recorded the anticipated fulfilment of well-being in Auckland or Brisbane, whereas the interviews and participant- observations have captured evidence of well-being fulfilment/non-fulfilment experienced in Auckland and Brisbane. The initial 40 interviews asked a series of focus questions related to Pasifika experiences of advantages or disadvantages in Auckland and Brisbane (Appendix 1a). The questions listed are variations of similar questions used as prompts in the talanoa or e-talanoa that focussed on well- being fulfilment (advantages) or non-fulfilment (disadvantages) experienced: • How would you describe life in Auckland? • Are there any advantages or disadvantages of living in Auckland? If so, what? • Have any of these advantages or disadvantages in Auckland affected your sense of well-being? If so, what? How? Why? • How would you describe life in Brisbane? • Are there any advantages or disadvantages of living in Brisbane? If so, what? • Have any of these advantages or disadvantages in Brisbane affected your sense of well-being? If so, what? How? Why? Follow-up interviews carried out in 2016-2017 further expanded on the focus questions listed above. A cross-examination analysis of these narratives used a color-coding scheme, to categorise the themes that emerged in the dialogue (Chapter 4, section 4.7.4; Appendix 4). This thematic analysis highlighted advantages and disadvantages that impact the well-being fulfilment of Pasifika within Auckland and Brisbane. Further to this, participant-observations (Chapter 4, sections 4.6.4 & 4.7.1) in Auckland and Brisbane during 2015-2018, including virtual participant-observation in family and community discussion forums on Facebook and Private Messenger provide valuable understandings. Both forms of field work supplied ethnographic evidence of Pasifika well-being fulfilment (e.g. photographs of familial and cultural events; Chapter 4, sections 4.7.1 & 4.7.2).

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In order to determine whether these well-being advantages and disadvantages (2015 interviews) were shared by other Pasifika in Auckland and Brisbane, the 670 surveys conducted in 2016 asked Pasifika to respond to two separate questions about their well-being experiences and expected well-being fulfilment (Q3 and Q4 in Appendix 1; Q3 and Q4 in Appendix 2). As explained in the previous chapter, the qualitative and quantitative data provided a substantial way of understanding Pasifika well-being perspectives based on their current and future points of view. Chapter 7 has compared the findings from the qualitative and quantitative data sources. I will consider the responses to Q4 more closely in this chapter. This question (Q4 of the survey) asked Pasifika to indicate how they perceived their well-being fulfilment in the future, if they were to remain in their current (2016) location (Auckland or Brisbane). This question listed 42 well-being statements (elements) that each participant responded to using a Likert scale: strongly disagree (1), disagree (2), neither (3), agree (4), strongly agree (5). The survey responses to Q4 were tested using a t-test100 to find any significant differences between Auckland and Brisbane on the eight areas of well-being fulfilment. Furthermore, the responses given to Q1-12a specifies whether Pasifika would or would not consider migrating to/remaining in Australia. This question provides information about ‘location fulfilment’ that was introduced in Chapter 7 and discussed further in this chapter. Note that Q1_12a was adapted for the different survey locations. For the Auckland-based surveys, Q1_12a asked ‘Would you consider living in Australia?’ (Appendix 2). For the Brisbane-based surveys, Q1_12a asked ‘Would you consider remaining in Australia?’ (Appendix 3). This question listed five responses that survey participants were asked to select a response from: • (1) ‘Yes, very likely’ (YVL) • (2) ‘Yes, somewhat likely’ (YSL) • (3) ‘Unsure, somewhat unlikely’ (USU) • (4) ‘No, very unlikely’ (NVU) • (5) ‘No chance at all’ (NCA)

The collated responses to Q1-12a from both Auckland and Brisbane surveys were used to create two variables, that I will collectively refer to as ‘location preference.’ The variables ‘Live in Australia’ and ‘Not Australia’ were created using the above 5 responses to Q1_12a and were grouped into two categories, as outlined below:

100 A t-test is a statistical test used to determine if there is a significant difference between the means of two groups of data (these two groups may be related in certain features). A t-test allows testing of an assumption applicable to a population, comparing the average values of two data sets to determine if these belong to the same population (https://www.investopedia.com/terms/t/t-test.asp retrieved 4/8/2019). 197

• YVL and YSL responses were combined to create the variable labelled ‘Live in Australia’ (these responses in the survey meant the respondent has considered either moving to Australia or remaining in Australia; they have a positive perception of Australia as a destination/place of residence) • USU, NVU and NCA responses were combined to create the variable labelled ‘Not Australia’ (these responses in the survey meant the respondent has not considered Australia a viable destination/place of residence)

The Q4 responses to well-being fulfilment were also considered alongside these location preferences by using a t-test to find any significant differences between those preferring to live in Australia and those preferring not to live in Australia on expected well-being fulfilment. The t-test provided a way of identifying any significant drivers in Pasifika trans-Tasman migration by associating the results of (Q1_12a) ‘location preferences’ to (Q4) ‘expected fulfilment’ of specific well-being areas. Responses of ‘Unsure, somewhat unlikely’ (USU), ‘No very unlikely’ (NVU), and ‘No chance at all’ (NCA) were categorised as ‘Not Australia’ (Pasifika who do not prefer living in Australia). Auckland-based Pasifika categorised as ‘Not Australia’ do not prefer living in Australia over NZ, whereas Brisbane- based Pasifika categorised as ‘Not Australia’ do not consider living in Australia long-term. Those Pasifika surveyed and responded with ‘Yes, very likely’ (YVL) and ‘Yes, somewhat likely’ (YSL) were categorised under ‘Live in Australia’ (those who consider living in Australia positively/a possibility). Auckland-based Pasifika selecting this response have considered moving to Australia, whereas Brisbane-based Pasifika selecting this response prefer to remain living in Australia. A further t-test took the differences between the mean of ‘Live in Australia’ and the mean of ‘Not Australia.’

8.3 Findings

The quantitative data, that I will analyse and discuss below, presents a snapshot of Pasifika expectations of ‘future’ well-being fulfilment. Whereas, the qualitative data presents both Pasifika perceptions of what aspects of their well-being are currently being fulfilled and the dynamics or influx of well-being fulfilment as a result of what is occurring in the Auckland and Brisbane diaspora contexts.

8.3.1 Current advantages and disadvantages affecting well-being fulfilment

The following tables summarise the current advantages and disadvantages affecting the fulfilment of well-being in Auckland compared to Brisbane, based on the qualitative data collected. Tables 8.1 and 8.2 present the voices of Pasifika informants on their actual well-being experiences and evidence of well-being observed in Auckland and Brisbane during 2015-2018. The significance of these tables is 198

that they summarise key ‘advantages’ or ‘disadvantages’ that either contribute to or hinder the fulfilment of Pasifika well-being aims that will be discussed further in this chapter. A selection of excerpts drawn from the talanoa and e-talanoa narratives as well as photographs captured during participant observations will be woven into the discussion of advantages and disadvantages that contribute to the fulfilment or non-fulfilment of well-being. It is important to note here that several of these factors (Figure 8.1, tables 8.1 & 8.2) have already been discussed in Chapter 6 (well-being experiences). These aspects will be cross-referenced in the following discussion. Before I proceed, some advantages/disadvantages listed need further explaining. With reference to Table 8.1, some informants had described the negative experiences of living in Auckland that related to the financial expectations within the collective. The needs of the extended family or church (e.g. church fundraising and extended family events) was often prioritised before the needs of the nuclear family (e.g. children’s school fees and household bills). Also related to the collective mentality in Auckland were the group identities that informants felt were put on them by others within these collectives. Some informants claimed that other Pasifika in Auckland referred to them as ‘plastic islanders’ or ‘fia pālagi’ because they were not fluent in their native language or did not practice their cultural ways. For these informants, being at a distance from Auckland (considered a cultural-hub for Pasifika peoples) and being in Brisbane provided new spaces and freedoms to express their Samoan- ness and Tongan-ness without the judgments.

Table 8.1: Summary of advantages and disadvantages in Auckland diaspora context.

Well-Being Sphere Advantages Disadvantages Economic Sustainability Permanent employment, career development Low income, not enough to pay bills, not enough to save for a home Economic Provision Helping parents and extended family Inability to provide for children, children’s future outlook is bleak Cultural Multicultural city, strong cultural connections Labelled by others, some social/cultural traditions are financial burden Mental/Emotional Having a good education, able to do further study Daily work-life overtakes family life, stressful, no balance Environmental Cooler in summer Too wet and cold most of the year, not able to get out of house often Physical Some access to medical, especially with social benefits Not able to keep a healthy lifestyle, no time to exercise Familial/Social Many family members living nearby, family roots Extended family commitments can take toll on finances and time Spiritual/God Good spiritual support, community churches, connected Too many financial or social commitments, church demands on family

With reference to Table 8.2, the income received in Brisbane compared to Auckland is more. For instance, a casual labourer in Auckland is paid an hourly rate of $17.00 NZD compared to the hourly rate of $28.00 AUD in Brisbane, for similar jobs.101 In relation to an increased income in Brisbane, there was less financial stress experienced because there was enough income to cover the living expenses as well as provide more quality experiences for the family (e.g. a bigger home or better schools), compared to what one could do with their income back in Auckland. However, jobs in Brisbane were not usually permanent. Several newly arrived informants that I had spoken to in

101 These figures were 2018-2019 hourly rates received by Isaac Lednicky ‘Ilaiu who had worked in Brisbane for a short-time doing the same kind of work that he was doing in Auckland. Personal communication (e-talanoa) 21/8/2019. 199

Brisbane were still getting used to working on a casual basis, though the higher incomes meant that they were maintaining a comfortable lifestyle.

Table 8.2: Summary of advantages and disadvantages in Brisbane diaspora context.

Well-Being Sphere Advantages Disadvantages Economic Sustainability High income, enough to pay bills, save, buy/own a home Permanent jobs are not normal, casual or contract work is not favourable Economic Provision Can provide for family, less expense, help extended more Savings are used for children’s tertiary fees if no student services Cultural Freedom to redefine cultural identity, learn new cultures Less opportunities to connect culturally, unfamiliar cultural practices Mental/Emotional Less stress, more hope and peace about the future Less access to higher education opportunities, need fees upfront for uni Environmental Warmer weather, can plant island foodstuffs Extreme heat during warmer seasons, cost of keeping homes cool Physical Can get out of the house often, plenty of plant-based food Minimal access to social services, medical expenses without insurances Familial/Social Positive relationships built with quality time/ more time Extended family are not nearby, cost of travel to attend family events Spiritual/God New beginnings, attend non-traditional churches Loss of cultural connections when not near traditional churches

8.3.2 Expected well-being fulfilment in Auckland compared to Brisbane

Furthermore, Figure 8.1 shows factors that can drive further migration. Pasifika trans-Tasman migration between Auckland and Brisbane can be better understood when we consider the advantages and disadvantages experienced in locations as either intrinsic or extrinsic motivators of movement between places. The relationship between these concepts will be considered further in the discussion below (section 8.4). Note that the terms intrinsic motivators/internal drivers of migration and extrinsic motivators/external drivers of migration are used interchangeably. Intrinsic motivators of migration are defined by the internal needs or expectations of a Pasifika migrant. Whereas, extrinsic motivators of migration are defined by the external demands or circumstances outside of a Pasifika migrant’s control. The survey responses to Q4 captured a snapshot of Pasifika well-being expectations (at the time surveyed in 2016) that will be fulfilled in the near future (2017-2018). In Appendix 7 the results of the t-tests are presented in eight tables, one for each well-being sphere (Table A6.1-A6.8). Figure 8.2 draws on these tables and presents the mean responses to Q4 for Auckland and Brisbane. This bar graph highlights the key well-being areas that Pasifika expect will be fulfilled in each location. The anticipated well-being fulfilment of Auckland-based Pasifika is compared to the anticipated well- being fulfilment of Brisbane-based Pasifika. Mean scores closer to 5 indicate higher anticipated fulfilment. The well-being spheres are shown in ranked order of differences (most to least) between locations (refer to Appendix 7 for the mean responses per well-being sphere, per item/element). There is a clear distinction between the two locations. Brisbane-based Pasifika anticipate more fulfilment across all eight well-being spheres compared to Auckland-based Pasifika. The key differences between Auckland and Brisbane are shown in the economic sustainability, economic provision, cultural and mental/emotional well-being spheres. These key differences between Pasifika well-being fulfilment expected in Auckland and Brisbane will be further considered in the discussion below.

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Figure 8.1: Advantages/disadvantages experienced: Internal/external drivers of migration.

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***ESW-B

***EPW-B

***CW-B

***MEW-B

BEING SPHERES -

***EW-B WELL

***PW-B

**FSW-B

*SGW-B

3.9 4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 LOCATION Auckland Brisbane

Figure 8.2: Anticipated fulfilment of the eight well-being spheres in Auckland vs. Brisbane.

Note 1: Figures refer to the Mean Agreement (Scale 1-5); * p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note 2: ESW-B: Economic Sustainability Well-Being; EPW-B: Economic Provision Well-Being; CW-B: Cultural Well-Being; MEW-B: Mental/Emotional Well-Being; EW-B: Environmental Well-Being; PW-B: Physical Well-Being; FSW-B: Familial/Social Well-Being; SGW-B: Spiritual/God Well-Being. Note 3: The eight spheres are ranked in order of differences (highest to lowest) between Auckland and Brisbane well-being fulfilment.

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Table 8.3 shows the frequency and distribution of survey responses to Q1_12a by location. There is a clear difference between Auckland and Brisbane in their answers to Q_12a. More than 80% of the Brisbane-based Pasifika surveyed responded ‘Yes, very likely.’ Table 8.4 collapses these responses given to Q1_12a about the preference of living in Australia. The location preferences of Auckland- based respondents compared to Brisbane-based respondents are shown.

Table 8.3: Frequency of responses to Q1_12a, comparing Auckland to Brisbane survey results, 2016.

Response Auckland Brisbane n % n %

(1) Yes, very likely 60 15.63 236 87.08

(2) Yes, somewhat likely 88 22.92 22 8.12

(3) Unsure, somewhat unlikely 82 21.35 11 4.06

(4) No, very unlikely 60 15.63 0 0

(5) No chance at all 94 24.48 2 0.74

Total 384 271 Note: 15 Pasifika did not answer this question. A total of 655 responses were counted.

Table 8.4: A comparison of Auckland to Brisbane preferences of living in Australia, 2016.

Preference Auckland Brisbane n % n %

Not Australia 236 61.46 13 4.80

Live in Australia 148 38.54 258 95.20

Total 384 271 Note: 15 Pasifika did not answer this question. A total of 655 responses were counted.

Further t-tests were carried out to examine the relationships between the expectations (Q4) and preferences (Q1-12a) of Pasifika responses, for each of the locations separately. Table 8.5 shows the following difference score for Auckland: ‘well-being fulfilment expected in Auckland for those who do not prefer living in Australia’ minus ‘well-being fulfilment expected in Auckland for those who consider living in Australia a possibility.’ If this difference score is positive, then those considering migrating have lower fulfilment expectations in their current locations of Auckland than those preferring to stay in Auckland. The mean difference scores of the two Brisbane-based groups (‘Not Australia’ and ‘Live in Australia’) are small. This indicates that well-being fulfilment expectations in Brisbane are similar for those two groups. It is clear that from the sample of Pasifika

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surveyed, at least a third of Pasifika living in Auckland would consider moving to Australia to fulfil their well-being aims; particularly to address their goals for physical, environmental, cultural and spiritual/God well-being. Table 8.5 reveals that Auckland-based Pasifika are also likely to move to Australia in order to improve their familial/social, mental/emotional and economic sustainability well-being spheres.

Table 8.5: Mean differences in preferences, per well-being sphere for Auckland and Brisbane, 2016.

Well-Being Sphere Auckland Brisbane Not Aust Live in Diff Not Aust Live in Diff Aust Aust Physical 4.42 4.21 .21** 4.48 4.59 -.11 Environmental 4.45 4.21 .23*** 4.55 4.56 -.02 Familial/Social 4.44 4.31 .13* 4.52 4.65 -.13 Mental/Emotional 4.48 4.32 .16* 4.68 4.67 .01 Economic Provision 4.32 4.20 .13 4.57 4.52 .04 Cultural 4.30 4.07 .23** 4.62 4.43 .19 Spiritual/God 4.56 4.34 .22*** 4.49 4.60 -.12 Economic Sustainability 4.62 4.50 .13* 4.38 4.68 -.30* * p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 Note: Figures refer to Mean Difference= (mean)Not Aust.-(mean)Live in Aust

8.4 Discussion 8.4.1 Auckland-based Pasifika have different opinions on further migration across the Tasman

Relocation is a life changing event and anyone considering migration will consider the pros and cons of such a move. The Auckland-based Pasifika have different opinions on further migration across the Tasman. Why is there a difference of opinion amongst Auckland-based Pasifika on whether they should continue living in NZ or migrate further to Australia? Tables 8.3 and 8.4 reveal that there is a sizeable split between those Pasifika wanting to leave Auckland for Australia and those not wanting to leave Auckland. Possible reasons for this split can be understood when we consider the core areas of Pasifika well-being that includes familial/social (FSW-B), cultural (CW-B) and spiritual/God (SGW-B) spheres (Chapter 5, sections 5.41, 5.4.2 & 5.4.4) that are fulfilled in Auckland. These spheres were also identified as the most likely fulfilled spheres for Auckland-based Pasifika (Figure 8.2). Regardless of the lack of economic prosperity and the environmental, physical and emotional challenges faced by Pasifika living in Auckland, about 60% of them prefer to remain in Auckland to maintain the comforts of having family, cultural community, spiritual connections and familiar spaces readily accessible. The following images provide evidence of these sociocultural spaces. Figure 8.3 (photograph taken Saturday 12 March 2016) shows Samoan people enjoying the celebration of their culture within a NZ diaspora context that embraces multiculturalism. Figure 8.4 (photograph taken Wednesday 8 July 2015) shows that Pasifika material culture is readily accessible from Auckland- 204

based retail outlets. There are large Pasifika communities based in South Auckland that drives the demand for this ready supply. Most South Auckland shopping centres have at least two or three retail outlets selling similar cultural materials.

Figure 8.3: Annual Pasifika festival in Auckland, 2016.

Figure 8.4: South Auckland retail marketplace caters for Pasifika material cultural needs, 2015.

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As shown in Chapter 7, many Auckland-based Pasifika remain hopeful of positive change in the near future. However, it would be fair to say that this perspective is largely shared by the older cohorts of Auckland-based Pasifika (Chapter 6, tables 6.1-6.8) who are happier to remain in Auckland compared to younger cohorts keen to move further to Australia. For some of these younger Pasifika, their desire for change encompasses more than just economic sustainability. According to informants who shared their trans-Tasman journeys during talanoa and e-talanoa, the move away from Auckland to Brisbane brought much cultural freedom and new spiritual connections that have allowed them to thrive in Brisbane. The following two excerpts illustrate how Toloa, a 20-year-old man of Tongan descent (born in NZ; second-generation migrant) has found trans-Tasman migration advantageous for his development as a person. Although his life in Auckland was comfortable, and in his own words ‘too relaxing,’ he was keen for change to happen. During our initial face-to-face talanoa in 2015 he was planning to move to Brisbane to join his older siblings who had moved away from Auckland a few years earlier. A couple of years later when I caught up with Toloa during an e-talanoa, he had managed to join his older brother in Australia and was beginning to expand his vision of migration to America. Auckland is home. My life in Auckland is good, it’s just me at home with my parents and they have provided everything for me…my older siblings have all grown and moved out, my parents have paid off their home and they are receiving their pensions which is enough for us…so, even though I would like to work there’s no real urgency for me to…life in Auckland can be a bit too relaxing for me. I need to be put in a place of work opportunities…somewhere like Brisbane. My sisters and their families have all bought homes there and have opportunities for work…also, my older brother is planning to move there too…I’d like to go there soon to join them. I know that it’s going to be hard, but I feel that I need to go. Toloa, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

I’m living in Brisbane now and I feel so free, I am a different person here. I can dream about my future and do something about it…I feel like I can do much more than work at factories….[I will soon] enrol into an academy because I want to do more with my life…I’m also going to travel after 4 years from now…I’ve always had a dream of living somewhere in America…but while I’m here I’m just going to keep working and save up…I’m thinking about my future right now and not about myself, but about my family. One day when I have my own children I will be hopefully living in America. Toloa, Tongan Informant (e-talanoa 2017)

8.4.2 Brisbane-based Pasifika happy to remain in Australia

The evidence in the analysis of data presented in Figure 8.1, Table 8.2 and Figure 8.2 support the notion that more Brisbane-based Pasifika are satisfied with their overall well-being experiences and have more advantages being in Brisbane compared to Auckland. As a result they are happier to remain living in Australia. This is a stark contrast to the findings discussed in the previous section where there are less Auckland-based Pasifika satisfied with their overall well-being experiences and have more disadvantages living in Auckland. As a result they have a split in location preferences (Figure 8.1, Figure 8.2 & Table 8.1). The following excerpts show this comparative advantage of living in Australia shared by Brisbane-based Pasifika who had left Auckland in order to fulfil their well-being aims:

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My reasons for leaving Auckland have to do with my career. I had plans to get a higher education and to become excellent at my craft of filmmaking…it was also something that God told me to do. Being here in Brisbane gave me the opportunity to work in the area that I’m most passionate about…where I can earn enough to live on while I study. When I think about home, the disadvantages of being there is that Auckland is very limited and there were very few career options for me back home. There’s also a Tall-Poppy syndrome there…Auckland was just too small for me. But, the advantage of living in Auckland is family…if it’s God’s will they will join me too. Right now, it’s so hard to be here in Brisbane without my family but it’s also absolutely worth it! …so many doors and amazing support networks have opened up for me here. So, even though my family is in New Zealand, I have a lot of people here supporting me in my church family and arts community. La‘ei, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Several informants, like La‘ei, attributed their migration and settlement in Brisbane as the ‘leading of God’ where they had found their ‘calling’ or fulfilment of their ‘destiny.’ Some informants spoke about their faith in God being the key reason why they felt they could move away from their familial and community networks back in Auckland. Other informants explained that they needed to move away from familiar things in order to get a new perspective on life, including a ‘more intimate relationship with God.’

I found that Brisbane had a more relaxed atmosphere…of “can-do” attitudes…I wanted to escape memories of a bad past, to get a new start, a new clean slate and to have a better income…the perceptions that Pasifika peoples have in Auckland are more rigid over there. Although there are many successful Pasifika peoples and role models in NZ, there is also a lot of ‘deficit’ and ‘disadvantage’ theorising, and to some extent its true, but also supports racial stereotypes and oppression ...this becomes a systematic barrier to Pasifika success...but, let’s not forget that living in Auckland is advantageous for family and cultural reasons. Especially now that I have two young daughters…they are removed from many of their cousins/extended family by being here which I worry about as this was a highlight of my upbringing that positively shaped my worldview. Here in Brisbane, culturally we don’t have much access to aoga amatas [Samoan preschools] that we can enrol our children in…but in Auckland, …cultural norms can be heightened and can produce mediocrity by fostering a fear to stand out or to be an individual. The balance of culture and religion and/or balance of fa’a Samoa and NZ societal norms are hard to strike for traditional families…the extended family is great, but it can be hard to contribute to our collectivist culture and thrive as an individual or nuclear family. Here in Brisbane we have found a good church that suits our family. There is more to do here, and the infrastructure and weather supports an active, outdoors lifestyle…although there are systematic disadvantages that restrict the pathway to citizenship and the flow-on effects of this (e.g. inability to access student loans and other social services despite paying taxes) can cause problems for some…I still feel more relaxed here in Brisbane because I have good support structures, networks and friends. ‘Akamu, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Both La‘ei and ‘Akamu share narratives about their changing experiences of cultural well-being in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Their stories provide evidence that culture is both supportive and restrictive for Pasifika people in Auckland. It seems that depending on how adventurous or strong people are feeling, they either venture out on their own to be more ‘individual’ in Brisbane, or they stay in Auckland to be more proximal to their cultural hub or collective.

8.4.3 Significant well-being fulfilment

Figure 8.2 shows the anticipated fulfilment of the eight well-being spheres in Auckland compared to Brisbane, drawn directly from the responses to Q4 of the surveys. The well-being spheres are shown in order of ranked significance according to the differences between Auckland and Brisbane responses in anticipation of future well-being. From the most significant to the least significant

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differences between the locations: (1) economic sustainability well-being is the most significant, followed by (2) economic provision well-being, (3) cultural well-being, (4) mental/emotional well- being, (5) environmental well-being, (6) physical well-being, (7) familial/social well-being, and lastly (8) spiritual/God well-being. Importantly, in addressing the first of the secondary research questions posed at the beginning of this chapter; the first four significant well-being spheres in Figure 8.2 are most likely areas of well-being fulfilment that will drive the movements of Pasifika further away from their current locations. For instance, Pasifika in Auckland are likely to leave for Brisbane in order to improve their economic sustainability, economic provision, cultural or mental/emotional well-being.

8.4.4 Significant drivers for trans-Tasman migration

The survey responses reveal a strong correlation between the experiences of well-being, change perceptions of well-being and the location factor (evident in the findings discussed in chapters 6 and 7). An analysis of Pasifika preferences to move to Australia or not, in comparison to their anticipated fulfilment of well-being spheres in Auckland or Brisbane provides a basis for considering the factors that motivate Pasifika trans-Tasman migration. It is important to note that this discussion also hinges on the notion that Pasifika consider Australia a better place to live, in comparison to NZ as outlined in Chapter 2: Pasifika movement away from homelands (section 2.2.4); Pasifika in NZ (section 2.2.5); and Pasifika in Australia (section 2.2.6). Of particular relevance to this chapter’s focus is the review of Pasifika trans-Tasman migration (section 2.2.7). Pasifika informants like ‘Aisea, Sinamoni and Toloa all classify Australia above NZ, based on the greater opportunities that Australia’s job market provides, and the stronger economy compared to NZ. Similarly, US is considered a step up from Australia by Sinamoni, like the Tongan informants in Lee’s -based study (2003). In Figure 8.2, although the economic sustainability (ESW-B) and economic provision (EPW- B) spheres are ranked as the most important well-being spheres, this significance is based on the familial and spiritual priorities of Pasifika to do what is right by their family and by God. It is clear from the qualitative and quantitative data presented and discussed above that there are significant well-being goals motivating Pasifika to move or to remain in a place. Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants set goals that are intrinsically linked to their cultural, familial and spiritual well-being and these manifest differently for different people. Therefore, Pasifika are driven by intrinsic motivators to places where they imagine that these well-being goals will be fulfilled. In my own family’s experience in moving from Auckland to Brisbane, we had imagined a better life for our children that would not have been possible in Auckland despite both my husband and I working full-time teaching jobs. Our desire to build a better future for our children and grandchildren was affirmed by a revelation from God in 2015 that confirmed the decision to move. According to several informants, sociocultural spheres influence their decisions about money matters (Chapter 5, sections 5.43 & 5.4.6). So, it is

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important that Figure 8.2 is not misread or misunderstood. Other well-being spheres like mental/emotional well-being closely relate to the advantages or disadvantages experienced within these spheres. This is made clear by the narratives recorded. For example, in the case of ‘Emere and her family, the decision to leave Auckland although linked to the low socio-economic conditions of living in South Auckland was largely driven by a concern (mental/emotional sphere) for how her children (familial sphere) were being raised in a negative environment and neighbourhood:

I want to leave Auckland because I want to raise my kids outside of Auckland, there the crime rate is too high, and health issues like obesity is too high. But it is the gang life that worries me in Auckland. I don’t want to see my kids get influenced by these things. I want my kids to see different and be brought up in a different environment. I have brothers living in Brisbane, so I want to move there where I can do better for my kids and their upbringing will be better because I will have more work opportunities in the near future…Moving out of Auckland is the best decision that my husband and I are making, by putting our kids first. ‘Emere, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

‘Emere’s desire to provide a ‘better’ life for her children was a shared incentive amongst informants like ‘Akamu and Vaea who were also concerned parents. There was a consensus amongst informants that there were some negative influences and mindsets in Auckland that they were glad to be rid of. The mental/emotional well-being sphere of informants living in Auckland were greatly influenced by the sociocultural mindsets of the communities that they were a part of. Unfortunately, these influences were not always positive.

8.4.5 Leaving burdensome traditions and old ways of thinking

It is interesting to note that informants like ‘Akamu and La‘ei both left Auckland for Brisbane in the hopes of improving their emotional well-being, associated to their familial/social and cultural well- being. Their desire to leave ‘old ways’ of thinking or traditions that were ‘burdensome’ is a common topic of discussion amongst the younger cohorts (second-generation and third-generation Pasifika migrants) in the study. During e-talanoa with La‘ei in 2017, she felt that she had maintained fa‘a- Sāmoa and used Gagana Sāmoa (Samoan language) as part of her performing arts career and ministry to Pasifika living in Brisbane. During e-talanoa with ‘Akamu’s wife in 2016, she expressed gratefulness to God for their family’s continued progress in Brisbane and explained how she was experiencing God through daily revelations that helped her family life. ‘Asoese shares a similar experience: I am a completely different person living here [in Brisbane], sometimes you have to get out of your comfort zone, and God reveals another dimension that you didn’t realise was there, a greatness, talent and gift there… We have so many leaders there in Auckland at church, that I never put my hand up and I could always just support from the back. Here, there is a lack of leaders and I’m it! Here, I am growing and stepping into new territory, no longer walking in people’s shadow, in the background, because I had become the background girl in New Zealand. Here, this is a new season to be up front, letting go of the old mentality, stepping up to be great. …There is a girl who recently came to church and her mum is connecting me to an elderly Samoan man from her church who will help teach me fa‘a-Sāmoa because I want to pass these things onto my kids someday, and

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especially the Samoan language. I wouldn’t have ever thought to do this if I was back in Auckland, but this is something I’m doing here in Brisbane to connect to my culture as a Samoan. ‘Asoese, Samoan Informant (talanoa 2016)

The familial/social, cultural and spiritual spheres are significant to both young and old. However, there are differences about how these well-being spheres are to be maintained and embraced within the diaspora contexts of Auckland or Brisbane. For instance, both older and younger cohorts of informants I spoke with acknowledged that a spiritual connection to God was important for their well- being as Pasifika, both in Auckland and Brisbane. However, it is more evident that Brisbane-based Pasifika prefer a less traditional way of connecting with God compared to Auckland-based Pasifika. These informants feel that their cultural and spiritual lives in Auckland are heavily intertwined with expectations and negative traditions. Some informants in Brisbane did not attend a traditional church and some chose not to attend church on a regular basis. For these non-regular churchgoers, meeting fellow Christian friends for prayer or a shared meal was considered more practical than attending a church service, particularly if work commitments happened during church service times. In Auckland, although the view of attending less traditional churches is becoming more widespread, regular attendance at church services are observed more strictly. Several informants refer to Auckland as ‘home’ or ‘like the islands’ meaning it is like Samoa or Tonga in the cultural sense.

Auckland is a place where there are many Pasifika people. This is the thing that I like about life in Auckland… it is easier to make connections with other island people, like the , Samoans, Rarotongans and Tongans…there’s a real connection with the Pasifika people in Auckland…a lot more islanders just like back home where there’s people that understand my language and I can understand them. It’s like being in Tonga, everyone knows each other, and we understand each other. Kalauni, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2015)

Although Auckland is considered a place of cultural connection and familiarity by older informants like Kalauni, some informants reflected on how they did not always feel like they ‘fit in’ because they were not confident in their church or cultural contexts. Some informants shared negative experiences that had negatively affected their well-being. ‘Asoese, is 31-year old Samoan-European woman (NZ- born, second-generation migrant) now living in Brisbane. She shared her story of the challenges that she had to overcome while growing up in Auckland. Her move to Brisbane helped her to redefine her identity as a Samoan woman.

I remember feeling like I didn’t fit in over there [in Auckland] because I didn’t look like my cousins plus I didn’t speak the Samoan language very well…so I never really joined in cultural things with my cousins…but coming to Brisbane, I know I need to learn my language and fa‘a-Sāmoa. I’ve decided that I don’t need to keep old mindsets and labels that people gave me back home [in Auckland]…they used to call me ‘palagi’ because I was fair-skinned…That used to bother me because I knew I was Samoan…The teasing only discouraged me from learning my Samoan culture. But now that I’m older I value this part of me and know that my Samoan culture is important to me, especially here in Australia. ‘Asoese, Samoan Informant (talanoa 2015)

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For some trans-Tasman migrants this sociocultural dis-connection motivated their move to Brisbane. For Pasifika informants like ‘Akamu and ‘Asoese, the move away from Auckland provided a new space for renewal and a redefinition of what these well-being spheres can and should look like in their lives.

8.4.6 Circulatory migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane.

As discussed in the previous chapter (sections 7.1.2, 7.4.2 & 7.4.6) Pasifika migration is complex and circular as Pasifika migrants move back and forth between places that interconnect their families and expands their ‘home’ and territories for well-being fulfilment. For some informants, leaving Auckland and living in Brisbane is only temporary and this ‘season’ only lasts so long as their core spiritual/God, sociocultural, mental/emotional and economic spheres are being met. This is the case with Seini, who is an elderly Tongan woman longing to return to Auckland. The ‘anchor’ that keeps Seini in Brisbane is her grandchildren.

I don’t have many extended fāmili here in Brisbane, ever since my husband passed away …it’s a bit lonely for me here at times [without him]. It took me five years to make Brisbane my home because the biggest problem for me was the weather, but I stayed here because this was the one thing that helped my husband’s health, the warmer temperatures helped him, but oh how I hate the heat…even now after all these years, I hate it. I come from ‘Eua in Tonga and its much cooler there with the sea breezes so New Zealand weather suited me better than here…Summertime here is unbearable! The only good thing for me here in Brisbane is that my kids and their kids are here. If not, I would pack my bags and go back to Auckland…having my grandkids with me is what keeps me going… Seini, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2017)

In August 2018, Seini explained that she had travelled earlier that year to see her fāmili in Auckland briefly before travelling onwards to Tonga for a family member’s funeral. While away from Brisbane she missed her grandchildren and felt ‘homesick.’ It was interesting to hear in her dialogue referring to Auckland, Tonga and Brisbane as ‘home.’ Many other Brisbane-based informants returned to Auckland temporarily for various reasons. For some it was the ‘pull’ of contractual work or family events and in some cases to care for elderly parents who were unwell.

8.4.7 Significant preferences of moving to, or remaining in Australia

As mentioned already, within Auckland’s Pasifika survey responses, there is an evident difference between those not wanting to go to Australia and those considering moving there. The figures presented in Table 8.3 shows 148 Auckland-based Pasifika responded positively to moving to/living in Australia, compared to 236 who responded negatively. Nearly 30% of those Auckland-based Pasifika surveyed are thinking about or would like the idea of moving to Australia, which is a significant proportion. If they all moved that would be a substantial migration flow from Auckland to Brisbane. Table 8.4 highlights that the majority of Auckland-based Pasifika surveyed (61.46%) are

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not keen to move to Australia. This number relates to the findings presented in Chapter 7 where, despite the low base of well-being satisfaction, Auckland-based Pasifika remained optimistic that their future would improve if they remained in Auckland (refer to Figure 7.1). This strong desire to remain in Auckland relates to well-being spheres that maintain a balanced opinion of the experiences in this diaspora context. These well-being spheres are considered ‘anchors’ that keep Auckland-based Pasifika hoping for better well-being outcomes in their current location. According to narratives, this may also be the reason for circular or return-migration from Brisbane to Auckland.

My immediate family have migrated over the years to Australia, living in Cairns and Brisbane. In December 2013 I migrated with the last of my two children…my older boy was already living with my parents in Brisbane because he found employment there…but after being there in Brisbane for a short while I decided to return just last year, in April...due to not securing work that I could match to my qualifications and skills gained in New Zealand…I used to work for the government before I left Auckland for Brisbane…I left my job thinking I could get something similar there.…but found out later that I couldn’t just transfer my qualifications to something similar there…so, yeah, I came back to Auckland. My kids are loving it there with my folks in Brisbane…so it’s okay that I work here and visit them. Loto, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2015)

Extended family networks -- kāinga/‘āiga -- enable both trans-Tasman migration and circular migration because of the norm of living with extended family members (grandparents, aunties, uncles, cousins, etc.). Pasifika sociocultural values such as maintaining good relationships -- teu le vā and tauhi vā -- provide Pasifika migrants with open access to relatives’ homes. Therefore, with the transfer arrangements between NZ and Australia as well as the familial support networks that exist, Pasifika have a genuine choice about where they can live. Carey (2019:3) acknowledges this familial aspect of well-being that is maintained through migration. The familial/social sphere (Chapter 5, section 5.4.2) influences Pasifika people’s decision-making and reflects a distinct Pasifika approach to creating, providing and maintaining a collective well-being through migration.

Chapter 6, section 6.3 discusses how Brisbane is experiencing higher satisfaction and that this is greatest for Pasifika aged 30-39 years. This finding reflects why other Pasifika, like Loto (aged 45 years), have found it difficult to settle in Brisbane. After developing a sound career in Auckland, Loto found that the move to Brisbane was disheartening because she was unable to translate her NZ qualifications into meaningful employment. Her decision to return to NZ on her own had come easy since her children were settled into good employment and schools in Brisbane, now living with her parents. Of the 40 informants, there are two cases of permanent returnees during the last four years; both Loto and ‘Oliana returned to Auckland, from Brisbane in 2015. However, their reasons for returning ‘home’ were different. ‘Oliana’s child was diagnosed with autism and was unable to access medical assistance in the school system, being a non-Australian citizen. Although ‘Oliana and her husband had made good financial progress in Brisbane, their son’s medical and educational needs necessitated a return home. As NZ citizens, their son had better support available to him in Auckland.

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On my recent conversation with ‘Oliana she shared her gratefulness for the ‘āiga support that was available in Auckland, during this time (refer to Chapter 6, section 6.3.4 for more on ‘Oliana’s story and other narratives that compare). It is important to note that there are variations in Pasifika access to medical services, for different members of a family. In ‘Oliana’s case, her family’s financial and medical assistance was hampered by changing government policies at the time (Chapter 2, section 2.2.8). As I have explained elsewhere (Faleolo 2019:200):

Depending on the date of their migration to, and settlement in Brisbane, different Pasifika trans- Tasman migrants have varying levels of access to financial assistance…there are differences in the levels of access to benefits and support based on the date of arrival to Australia from New Zealand. One effect of these different regulations is the inconsistent spread of benefits available to any given family.

Within Brisbane’s Pasifika survey responses, there is an evident resolve to remain in Australia, with 258 responding positively to residing in Australia (Table 8.1). This corresponds to the very low percentage of Brisbane-based Pasifika seeking to move away (4.80 per cent) compared to more than 95 per cent Pasifika respondents wanting to remain in Australia (Table 8.2). As mentioned previously, these figures relate to the high numbers of Pasifika satisfied with their well-being in Brisbane. Chapter 6, Figure 6.1 shows the mean satisfaction of Pasifika as a total sample, as well as comparing Auckland to Brisbane, across all eight spheres. Brisbane-based Pasifika are more satisfied with their well-being experiences.

8.4.8 Significant differences in preferences amongst Pasifika in Auckland compared to Brisbane

According to Table 8.4, there is a distinct difference between those in Auckland who want to move to/live in Australia, compared to those in Brisbane-based Pasifika who want to remain living in Australia. Based on the t-test (as outlined in the methods section of this chapter), the mean preferences amongst Brisbane-based Pasifika shows no significant differences across the well-being spheres. However, it is interesting to note that the figures in Auckland, in relation to their economic sustainability well-being sphere, show a significantly lower preference for living in Australia. What this is also showing is that understanding the baseline well-being aims of Pasifika (Chapter 5), current Pasifika well-being experiences (Chapter 6) and whether they are anticipating change to be positive, negative or nothing (Chapter 7) are important considerations for better understanding Pasifika trans- Tasman migration movements. Table 8.4 also shows that Auckland-based Pasifika have notable preference differences in relation to their physical well-being (p<.001;diff=.23) and familial/social well-being (p<.001;diff=.22). These first two spheres are closely followed by environmental well-being (p<.01;diff=.23) and mental/emotional well-being (p<.01;diff=.21). Economic provision, cultural

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well-being, and spiritual/God well-being are also significant, within the Auckland diaspora. However, in this instance, economic sustainability is not significantly different in relation to their preferences to relocate. Therefore, when considering economic drivers that are argued for within the literature (Bedford 2007:5,23,27; Hamer 2014:113-118) economic sustainability does not seem to be as much a driver of trans-Tasman movements in comparison to economic provision that stands out as statistically significant (p<.05;diff=.16). Although these two economic well-being spheres are interlinked, their differences are outlined in Chapter 5 (sections 5.4.3 & 5.4.6) and further discussed in Chapter 6 (sections 6.3.1 & 6.3.2). As previously discussed, what is highlighted in the research is that well-being aims such as ‘getting a better pay’ or ‘better job opportunities,’ although seemingly individualistic well-being aims for migration, are means to providing for and maintaining ‘familial’ connections or vā that are very important to the well-being of Pasifika. Chapter 5, section 5.4.3 outlines the significance of economic provision for both Auckland and Brisbane diasporas, with an emphasis of the links that this well- being sphere has with the progress of fāmili and ‘āiga. Furthermore, Chapter 6, section 6.3.2 provides an overview of the significance of economic provision for Pasifika that addresses the differences in Auckland and Brisbane. The following two photographs are examples of this collective effort to provide for the familial well-being. Figure 8.5 (retrieved 28/11/2018 and used with permission) shows a Brisbane-based Tongan family of brothers that work together with their parents and extended family to run their shipping company specialising in the remittance of materials and foodstuffs from Australia to Tonga. Figure 8.6 (taken Saturday 19 March 2016) shows an Auckland-based Samoan family working at their Pop-up food stall ‘Nesian Grill’ that is an off-shoot of their family restaurant in South Auckland. The parents are standing in front of the stall and shared with me how proud they were of their sons and daughters for running a successful family business that helps to provide a living for them in Auckland.

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Figure 8.5: A Brisbane-based Tongan family run a shipping company between Tonga and Auckland, 2018.

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Figure 8.6: An Auckland-based Samoan family work a food stall at the ASB Polyfest, 2016.

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These are examples of Auckland-based and Brisbane-based families who successfully apply their understandings of fa‘a-Sāmoa and anga faka-Tonga -- sociocultural foundations that in turn nurtures the collective well-being within diaspora contexts. The collective is enhanced by individuals who value these sociocultural understandings as a way of obtaining and maintaining Pasifika well-being and are committed to achieving shared goals of well-being for their families and community. During 2015-2017, ‘Amanaki, a 45-year-old Tongan man (born in Tonga, first-generation migrant living in Brisbane) invited me to attend with his wife and observe his family’s weekly collection of Christmas funds. Amongst Tongan families that I had observed, this was called Li Pa‘anga.102 The money collection was usually held at his cousin’s home in Logan whereby each family attending brought along a pot-luck meal to share as well as $100 or more to contribute to the collective family account. The group had chosen a chair, treasurer and secretary for these meetings. At the end of the year, each family was given back their deposited funds (less any withdrawn funds) and the interest that had accumulated in the shared account over the year remained for the following year. ‘Amanaki explained that his goal each year was to save enough funds for his family of five to take a trip to Tonga Islands. Other Tongan informants like ‘Amelika103, Ma‘ulea104 and Safaia105 (all first-generation migrants born in Tonga) had invited me to similar family gatherings that provided both a familial/social connection point for them each week, and an opportunity for their families to share their financial strategy. For these informants, if a death or a wedding occurred in the family that year it meant they were able to withdraw an amount from the shared family account to help with the costs of bereavement or celebration. ‘Amelika also used her savings each year to travel back to Tonga with her children.

8.4.9 Overall emerging themes

Overall, the emerging themes presented across the qualitative and quantitative findings suggest that trans-Tasman migration is undertaken in order to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims. There are a range of reasons why Pasifika choose to live in Auckland for a time, and then migrate to Brisbane. It is important to understand that these movements may be for a short time or long time depending on the individual or family members who are migrating (individuals on employment contracts, grandparents looking after grandchildren before they attend school or young parents checking out the opportunities

102 Li pa‘anga -- to ‘deposit’ or ‘put down’ money -- is a common practice observed in both Tongan and Samoan families living in Auckland and Brisbane. 103‘Amelika is a 42-year-old woman of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) who moved to Auckland in 1997, then later moved to Brisbane in 2008. 104 Ma‘ulea is a 41-year-old man of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant). He had moved to Auckland from Tonga in 1996 and later moved to Brisbane in 2004. 105 Safaia is a 43-year-old woman of Tongan descent (born in Tonga; first generation migrant) who moved to Auckland in 1996, then later moved to Brisbane in 2004. 216

available to them and their children). In some cases, as with Loto and ‘Oliana, there are Pasifika trans- Tasman migrants that return to Auckland after a short stay in Brisbane (for ‘Oliana less than 3 years and Loto less than a year). As shown in the data, there are a range of advantages and disadvantages, of moving to or living in Australia, impacting on the well-being of Pasifika. An important theme emerging from the qualitative evidence is that Auckland represents ‘family,’ ‘community,’ ‘familiarity’ and ‘traditional culture’ (Addo 2007; 2017). Interestingly, these aspects of Auckland act as intrinsic anchors or internal drivers that cause Pasifika to remain in or return to Auckland. On the other hand, the disadvantages experienced by Pasifika in Auckland include an ‘unsatisfactory and monotonous lifestyle,’ ‘high cost of living,’ ‘low wages,’ ‘cultural practices that waste much-needed money,’ ‘extreme cold weather that causes illness,’ and a ‘lack of employment opportunities’ available for the betterment of well-being. For those that had left Auckland and were settled in Brisbane, their recall of these disadvantages made them realise how ‘blessed’ they were to be living in Australia. The advantages experienced by Brisbane-based informants, as well as described by Auckland-based Pasifika planning to move to Brisbane, are both internal and external drivers: ‘family-related reasons’ (e.g. reunion), ‘better jobs’ and ‘income opportunities,’ a ‘better lifestyle that is affordable,’ ‘improved housing’ and an ‘opportunity to purchase and own homes,’ a ‘warmer climate’ that can be an ailment to illnesses experienced in Auckland’s cooler climate, ‘spiritual fulfilment,’ a desired ‘change in pace and scenery,’ ‘new connections’ with the Brisbane Pasifika community and ‘familiarity.’ What is highlighted in the talanoa captured in 2015-2017, is the existing link between a hope that Auckland-based Pasifika have for better financial circumstances and the culturally based desire to -- fakalakalaka or faamanuiaina -- improve living standards for both nuclear and extended families. Therefore, although well-being aims such as ‘getting a better pay’ or ‘better job opportunities’ are seemingly individualistic well-being aims, these are means to providing for and maintaining ‘familial’ connections. This collective perspective is closely tied to the cultural worldviews of anga faka- Tonga106 and fa‘a-Sāmoa.107 As previously mentioned, these social and cultural considerations are very important to Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant well-being. The majority of informants interviewed voiced their desire to have positive relationships and spend more quality time with their family (with both nuclear and extended families). This relates to the strong Auckland-based Pasifika preferences to remain in Auckland for familial and social reasons. Also, the reasons why Brisbane-based Pasifika often return to Auckland or their Pacific homelands (Samoa and Tonga) seeking important social/familial and cultural connections. Although some Brisbane-based informants had left

106 The Tongan way of life 107 The Samoan way of life 217

Auckland to move away from ‘traditions’ and ‘burdens’ of the social/familial and cultural realms, there was later a yearning to remain connected as explained by ‘Akamu, ‘Asoese and ‘Ina.

It's been great living here in Brisbane, getting to explore my options on my own and figuring things out as a single Pacific Island woman…but recently I’ve felt the need to stay connected to my Mum now that Dad is gone [passed away] and my brother and his family have moved to Melbourne. So, yeah, I’m going to go home [Auckland] later this year to spend some quality time with my Mum. ‘Ina, Samoan Informant (e-talanoa 2017)

Auckland remains the soul or core of the familial/social connections that are vital for so many Brisbane-based Pasifika and this drives the circulatory migration of second-generation Pasifika. As discussed in Chapter 2 (section 2.2.4) and Chapter 7 (sections 7.1.2, 7.4.2 & 7.4.6), this circulatory migration of second-generation Pasifika is prevalent, particularly amongst Polynesian groups including Samoan and Tongans (Barcham et al. 2009:329-334). However, what Brisbane does provide is the fulfilment of enhanced living standards for the collective, with more quality time with family members. ‘Amanaki’s story provides an example of how his move from Auckland to Brisbane improved his overall ability to tauhi vā. Each year, he is able to save enough funds for his family of five to travel back to Tonga to visit his ageing parents. He was unable to do this in Auckland because he had been inundated by mortgage repayments. However, now he is able to prioritise an annual trip to stay connected with his extended family living back in his village. Hence, evidence presented in this chapter suggests that familial/social well-being experiences sit at the core of Pasifika migrant decision-making. Their desire to improve financially are aligned with their sociocultural priorities to provide for their families. This is a cultural concept that goes beyond the nuclear family, for both Samoan and Tongan Pasifika, living in both Auckland and Brisbane. The initial assumption that Pasifika trans-Tasman migration was mainly outward from the Pacific homelands, through NZ, further to Australia is amended by the understanding that there is also a circulatory migration with migrants returning home. First-generation Pasifika living in Brisbane, like ‘Amanaki and ‘Amelika, maintain their familial and cultural well-being through annual trips back to Tonga and Auckland. These characteristics of returnees and anchors that keep Pasifika from leaving a place permanently suggest there are several processes and elements to trans-Tasman migration that are beyond the scope of this thesis. Beyond the shared sociocultural perspectives, there are significant differences in perceptions and experiences that differentiate the Pasifika diaspora based in Auckland from Brisbane. There is evidence both from the narratives and surveys that there is a difference between Auckland-based Pasifika well-being expectations compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika well-being expectations; suggesting that there is a correlation between Pasifika well-being outlooks and their location. Emerging themes across narratives also present significant differences in well-being fulfilment

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anticipated in these locations. These differences relate to both internal aspects of Pasifika groups (e.g. spiritual/cultural/emotional) and external influences (e.g. familial/economical/environmental).

8.5 Conclusion

The aim of this chapter was to analyse and discuss the fulfilment of Pasifika well-being aims in Auckland and Brisbane. This aim relates to the primary research questions: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ By comparing the Pasifika well-being experiences in Auckland and Brisbane I have addressed the following secondary research questions: ‘What well-being experiences influence the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika?’ and ‘What key well-being aims are fulfilled, or not fulfilled, by Pasifika trans- Tasman migration?’ Salient links between Pasifika notions of well-being and their trans-Tasman migration have been identified through the analysis of the narratives and surveys. Both the qualitative and quantitative data sets gave an in-depth look at the well-being experiences that influence trans- Tasman migration. In conclusion, there are key well-being experiences related to the familial/social, spiritual and cultural well-being of Pasifika that act as internal drivers of their trans-Tasman migration between Auckland and Brisbane. The well-being spheres of economic provision and sustainability, as well mental/emotional well-being are important areas considered by Pasifika when moving between Auckland and Brisbane. These are all crucial parts to understanding the well-being aims that are fulfilled in the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika. Pasifika trans-Tasman migration and the fulfilment of well-being will be discussed further in the final chapter.

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9 Pasifika Trans-Tasman Migration: A ‘Good and Happy’ Life

Mo‘ui ‘oku lelei…this is both the things of the material world and the spiritual world. When someone does their very best with their resources and uses the best of their understanding of something, this is important to having a good and happy life. It is important that we apply our understanding and work hard at it…it’s important that we don’t just talk about it, even though they are good things to talk about, but it’s more important to apply it and to put it into practice…that’s what makes my well-being better…having a better well-being is all about walking the talk, ‘oua talanoa pe kiai; fai leva! (don’t just talk about it, do it!)…and move to Brisbane! ‘Aisea, Tongan Informant (talanoa 2016)

9.1 Introduction

The aim of this final chapter is to conclude the thesis and weave together the research findings analysed in previous chapters. Firstly, I will consider each of the secondary research questions addressed in this thesis. Secondly, I will consider the methodology employed in this research and the impacts of this on the findings. Thirdly, I will summarise the key points of discussion and key findings per chapter. Fourthly, I will comment on the significant aspects of the research, its contribution to broader knowledge and how this relates to wider society. Fifthly, I will discuss some assumptions and limitations of the research. Sixthly, I will provide a list of recommendations for ongoing research. Lastly, I will draw from the previous chapters, to address the overarching research question.

9.2 Research questions guiding inquiry

The main objectives of this research were firstly, to define the Pasifika migrant concept of well-being; secondly, to identify the salient links between Pasifika trans-Tasman migration experiences and their well-being aims; and thirdly, to identify the key areas of Pasifika well-being fulfilled in the trans- Tasman migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane. The secondary research questions that have directed this inquiry are: a) Is there a distinct Pasifika concept of well-being and what are its salient components? Are there demographic differences in how well-being is defined by Pasifika migrants? b) How satisfied are Pasifika with their well-being experiences? Are there differences in how well-being is experienced in Auckland compared to Brisbane? c) How do Pasifika view their future well-being? Are there differences in the future expectations which Pasifika have in Auckland compared to those held by Pasifika who are in Brisbane? d) What well-being experiences influence the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika? What key well-being aims are fulfilled, or not fulfilled, by Pasifika trans-Tasman migration?

Each of these secondary research questions have been addressed in the previous chapters and will be discussed further (section 9.4).

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9.3 Methodological impacts

Researching Pasifika perceptions and experiences of well-being in two diaspora contexts required an approach that was uniquely designed for the peoples and places involved in the study; both the researched and the researcher. This study has employed a mixed methods research approach that embraced Pasifika research methodologies and methods. These indigenous aspects of the study were at the heart of the methods and methodology employed on a daily basis in my interaction with informants and their knowledge shared. The treatment of the knowledge shared, and the further elicitation of the valuable data units captured in narratives, visuals and statistics collected have all played a part in making the voices of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants heard and accurately represented in this thesis as well as in related research outputs (publications and presentations). Brown (2012), Denzin et al. (2008), McLennan (2009), and Walter and Anderson (2013) advocate for the strength and value of research that is culturally responsive both in the collection and analysis of data, for this data is knowledge and life for those who have given it. As a result, the culmination of literature analysis, narrative analysis, survey analysis and visual analysis proved productive and brought multiple angles of clarity to the findings. The following discussion is on a more personal and reflexive note. At the start of this study, I was determined in my heart to choose the right path of research, one that would capture the essence of truth in the Pasifika story of migration and provide a culturally and socially sound experience for both myself (and when I say myself, this naturally includes my famili and kainga, with consideration of the holistic spheres involved) and all others involved (informants, participants, advisors, readers, Pacific homelands and diaspora communities, current academics and future researchers) in this study. So, I have been mindful from the very beginning that I will need to consider the methodology employed in this research and the impacts of this, both on the findings and the wider scope of Pasifika society. For the latter, this will be discussed in the next section. Here I will address the methodological impacts of the research on the thesis findings. At the start, my research approach began with a focus on capturing narratives while actively engaging in the diaspora contexts during participant observations. The notion of using statistics in the study was limited to the use of census data. Even then I was hesitant to enter the world of numbers to tell this story of Pasifika trans-Tasman journeys by referring to figures that often mis-recorded Pasifika peoples born in New Zealand (NZ) as ‘New Zealander’ and not belonging to their Pacific homelands. However, a year later, the need to include surveys in the data collection arose in discussions about the qualitative findings. However, this addition of surveys remained under the cloak of a participant-observation and narrative-style collection for some time. Even after the collection of the surveys at the end of 2016, as a researcher who is comfortable with qualitative analysis, I felt out of my depth in the statistical procedures of cleaning, entering and analysing data. It was a year later 221

in late 2017, while working alongside my advisor (a genius statistician) who helped to awaken my mind to the beauty of numbers and how these also can tell a story and provide direction for the overall research. The committed resolve to use a balanced mixed-method approach evolved from the need to validate initial qualitative findings. The impacts of introducing quantitative methods of surveys and statistical analysis contributed a widening of the focus of information gathering. The broadening of my own vision as a researcher went from describing a concept of Pasifika well-being in Brisbane, to analysing a wider phenomenon of Pasifika trans-Tasman well-being between diaspora, by comparing Auckland to Brisbane. The introduction of quantitative measures allowed for the triangulation of findings; whereby the narratives, participant-observations and surveys provided a thorough validation process. The most significant achievement of this mixed methods approach, in my view, has been the further development of the five well-being dimensions (2015 findings) into a refined model of eight well-being spheres (2016 findings), as discussed in Chapter 5. The weaving of both qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection and analysis created a system where qualitative datasets informed the design of quantitative methods, and vice versa. The valuable experience of applying a mixed methods approach is the heightened awareness of the value of statistics in telling a story (statistical storying) and the enrichment of the findings by interweaving the qualitative and quantitative data sets. These excerpts from my research journal (my ‘brain-dumping’) reflects the journey I undertook as a qualitative-come mixed-methods researcher during the PhD study: The topic on my mind today is the research proposal…I’m beginning to realise that the study will take several different lots of data over time…so that’s the initial interviews from last year, the in-depth interviews and follow- up interviews happening…and then surveys to be carried out soon in March…I need to do these to gather a wider data base for quantitative analysis…plus the observations and literature review so I can get some continual qualitative footing for the research contexts of Auckland and Brisbane…many things to think about now. Faleolo (brain dump 2016)

At first, I felt uncomfortable about doing the surveys, I was treading deep water…but I had to do it, it was the only way I could be true to the Pasifika voices I wanted to capture, and I wanted so much to do this right from the start, so I’ve started and now I just have to keep going with this statistical analysis. Onward and upward …I’m at ground level starting this quantitative and mixed methods journey…but I know it can be done, in a way that is going to accurately represent the peoples I am studying. Faleolo (brain dump 2017)

Looking back now, I can see the benefits of my having an eye for statistical storying…this has allowed me to see the numbers for what they truly are, I wish I had paid more attention in Maths classes when I was younger! It would have helped to speed the process, but anyway…having this new skillset and knowledge of numbers is enthralling my brain right now!... this really works well in my world as a researcher, almost a re-birthing I think...I feel more attuned to my narrative findings and thematic analysis…merging the quant and qual stuff has helped me to reflect again on the collection of stories I have in my folders…the quant has enlightened my thought processes, further showing me the way forward…illuminating the patterns emerging. Faleolo (brain dump 2018)

This transformative learning journey as a researcher has enriched both the research process and outcomes of the study. Now, let us turn to an objective outline of the findings from this methodological venture.

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9.4 Key concepts discussed and significant findings presented

Key ideas identified in this study relating to Pasifika diaspora and the contexts of Auckland and Brisbane, the trans-Tasman migration and onward migration of Pasifika and their holistic approaches to life are concepts that have shaped how the research questions have formed and are addressed in this study. In addressing the secondary research questions that have guided the study (see section 9.2), the following significant findings have emerged: Chapter 2 discussed important background relating to Pasifika in diaspora contexts, with a focus on Australia and NZ, and essential cultural knowledge vital for understanding the Pasifika perspectives and experiences that were presented in this study. The existing literature that touches on the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika, originating from NZ and migrating to Australia, is largely focused on describing the evolving trans-Tasman immigration policies and provides an economic and political discussion surrounding the movements of Pasifika between Australia and NZ. This discussion highlighted the need for research focused on collecting more holistic records and understandings of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants choosing to settle in Australia. Chapter 3 presented an overview of existing literature on Pasifika well-being in Auckland and Brisbane, and Pasifika diaspora research methodology. An overview of available literature suggests well-being dialogue in Australia, specific to Pasifika, is largely descriptive of Pasifika socioeconomic characteristics; often drawn from NZ-based and US-based research. Whilst the available literature considering NZ-specific Pasifika well-being is more empirical and in-depth, the same cannot be said of the Australian-specific literature. Thus, the lack of literature in this field highlighted the need for more Australian-based research focused on Pasifika well-being. The well-being literature dealing with NZ Pasifika, although minimal, is on the cutting-edge in terms of its holistic considerations (e.g. Mafi 2018; Seiuli 2013), with a handful of well-being studies carried out by Pasifika based in NZ. A consideration of publications focused on Pasifika perspectives and experiences of well-being, from a range of social disciplines, provides a fresh look at well-being from a Pasifika diasporic perspective; acknowledging the heterogenous diversity of specific Pasifika groups as well as their shared and common cultural perspectives. On the other hand, the available literature considering Australian-specific Pasifika well- being is lacking. What is available are government summaries and reports that provide broad-stroke statements drawn from Census data. Therefore, my current research has addressed this lack of Pasifika well-being literature in the Australian diaspora context. In relation to the focus of this research, Chapter 3 acknowledges the usefulness of Manuela and Sibley’s Pacific Island Well-Being Scale (Manuela & Sibley 2013; 2015), that has been developed and revised, specifically for Pasifika in NZ. Also, a very rare collection of cross-cultural perspectives edited by Agee et al. (2013) offers an entry point for researchers into the scholarly writings most relevant to Pasifika well-being studies. Another significant contribution was the report 223

published by Queensland Health in response to the Pasifika and Māori health needs assessment in 2011 (Aust.). My research review not only highlighted the ‘silence’ of Pasifika voices in well-being literature but drew focus to the current and relevant dialogue on Pasifika well-being perspectives and experiences in Australia and NZ. My study also highlighted important considerations, specific to the Samoan and Tongan diaspora groups in Australia and NZ. It introduced researchers to Pasifika methods and methodology and suggested guidelines for the use of these research approaches, in a culturally and socially responsive way. An important note for researchers to consider is that the use of these Pasifika methods and approaches does not automatically endorse a study as culturally responsive. As a researcher, one must ensure there is a modus operandi that is culturally and socially respectful, driven by a reciprocity that nurtures sociocultural spaces between researchers and informants. In my current study I have embraced important Pasifika frameworks and approaches that are culturally responsive and respectful within the Samoan and Tongan contexts where I have conducted the research. Chapter 5 presented a discussion that addressed the questions of defining well-being from a Pasifika viewpoint, deciphering the components and players in this holistic concept. Mafi (2018), Pope (2017), Seiuli (2013) and Thomsen et al. (2018) provide valuable discussions on the Samoan and Tongan perspectives of well-being in NZ. Their works support the holistic aspects of well-being that are presented in the findings of this study. Drawing from both qualitative and quantitative analysis, this chapter presented eight spheres that are significant to the collective well-being of Pasifika living in Auckland and Brisbane diaspora. These spheres have been developed from an analysis of both the qualitative and quantitative data and together they form a holistic well-being, better known to the Tongan informants as mo‘ui ‘oku lelei and the Samoan informants as ola manuia. The eight spheres are: (i) spiritual/God (includes connection to God, having a spiritual belief system that is relied upon for stability and personal growth, church attendance and engagement in church activities); (ii) familial/social (includes immediate family, extended family, and includes close members of community, including church family); (iii) economic provision (includes helping others, providing for others); (iv) cultural (includes cultural identity and cultural association); (v) mental/emotional (includes emotional balance and intellectual development through education); (vi) economic sustainability (includes financial stability, good income, and permanent employment); (vii) physical (includes medical health and fitness); and (viii) environmental (includes climatic zones and local temperatures affecting lifestyle, including outdoor living and homegrown island foods) spheres of well-being. An important aspect of this holistic concept is the addition of spheres to the well-being dialogue that have traditionally been left out of more economic focused discussions. Another important note on the topic of economic well-being is that this current study has resulted in a redefinition of economic output for and by the collective unit. Labour efforts are often

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shared amongst Pasifika diaspora whereby economic participation is inspired by shared spiritual and cultural values as well as familial/social motives. Although the well-being concept is far-reaching and overlaps some theoretical discussions that are outside of the scope of this research (for example, Afeaki (2004), Pope (2017) and Tunufa‘i (2005) all discuss intergenerational differences in cultural identity and spirituality; Francis (2009), Lee (2009) and Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009) debate the impacts and benefits of transnationalism amongst the generations of Samoan/Tongan migrants), the defining of Pasifika well-being sets the stage for further considerations in the fields of labour mobility and socioeconomic development theory. Furthermore, Chapter 5 addresses the challenge of defining a holistic concept by analysing the well-being spheres separately; this process allows for a more thorough consideration of the nuances of Pasifika well-being and the overlapping interconnections between different spheres of Pasifika well-being that can often be overlooked when treated as one broad concept of well-being alone within a specific field be it psychology, health sciences or economics. Brulʹe and Maggino (2017:6) advocate that observing the more subjective well-being perceptions of people has a ‘high informative and analytic value’ as these perceptions shape the way people behave. According to many accredited Pasifika academics (Ihara & Vakalahi 2011; Ka‘ili 2017; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009; Taumoefolau 2013), the Pasifika notions of well-being can be better understood from a point of solidarity. The collective aspect of a Pasifika worldview anchors Pasifika well-being behaviours: where they choose to work or study, how they spend their income, including their migration behaviours such as selection of overseas places to visit and eventually relocate to, as well as material culture that is carried as gifts from one place to the next (Ka‘ili 2017; Lilomaiava-Doktor 2009). Chapter 6 addresses the questions of Pasifika well-being experiences by analysing the Pasifika experiences of satisfaction within each of the eight well-being spheres, in Auckland compared to Brisbane. The significant well-being experiences according to demographic characteristics within these two locations were highlighted, with emerging patterns of better well-being experiences occurring in Brisbane compared to Auckland. The most significant differences in satisfaction are experienced by Pasifika aged 30-39 years. Although the narratives help to bring light to some of these differences experienced, this demographic group has been highlighted for potential further investigation at a later date, since the current study only considers this cohort as part of a broader sample of Samoans and Tongans. What is made clear from the findings presented is that Samoan and Tongan descent groups differ in their experiences between the two locations, whereby Tongans experience more favourable conditions in Brisbane compared to Auckland. Interestingly, Samoans in both Auckland and Brisbane experience more stable well-being conditions across the two diaspora contexts.

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With regards to the significant differences between Samoan and Tongan groups living in Auckland and Brisbane, further questions are raised of how other descent groups (for instance the Cook Island Māori, Fijian, Niuean, Tokelauan or Tuvaluan peoples) perceive and experience well- being in Australia compared to NZ. How would the differences or similarities between these groups look in relation to their well-being experiences and expectations? I would recommend further research of the well-being perceptions and experiences of these other Pasifika descent groups and this would contribute greatly to the void that exists in the well-being and diaspora literature. Chapter 7 has addressed the questions of how Pasifika view their future well-being and how this perception can look different across locations (Auckland compared to Brisbane) and across time (current experiences compared to future expectations). Pasifika in this study, as a total sample, are expectant of well-being stability in the near future. Most foresee either no change at all or positive change. Very few are expecting negative change. Interestingly, regardless of the low levels of well- being satisfaction that Auckland-based Pasifika are experiencing compared to Brisbane-based Pasifika, they remain hopeful. Overall, Pasifika informants in both Auckland and Brisbane indicate in their talanoa and e-talanoa that they are well aware of the challenges that come with living in diaspora contexts; whether decline or increase of well-being occurs they expect either stability or overall improvements over time. Their long-term and visionary approach to attaining well-being in Auckland suggests that their migration patterns and settlement behaviours as Pasifika are not governed by external drivers as much as they are inspired and influenced by internal drivers such as their cultural, spiritual and familial/social values and commitments. Chapter 8 addressed the questions of whether well-being experiences influence the trans- Tasman migration of Pasifika and what key well-being aims are fulfilled, or not, by the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane. The evidence provided transposes the crux of the research proposition that Pasifika leave Auckland for Brisbane in search of a better life, a one- directional migration flow. The discussion in this chapter, and introduced in the previous chapter, further proposed the idea that well-being aims are fulfilled in different ways, at different times (temporal) and across different spaces (spatial). According to informants of this study, their trans- Tasman movements were not limited to travels between Auckland and Brisbane, as they often attended family and community events in other parts of Australia and NZ, and some maintained their sociocultural connections with families back in Samoa and Tonga with regular trips ‘home.’ The complex, multi-directional movements of Pasifika trans-Tasman migration is a dynamic process that continues to foster Pasifika well-being across several families in different places; an extended territory of home and shared sense of family that helps to fulfil the well-being of Samoan and Tongan informants in this study. To add to this complexity of process, Pasifika migration is motivated by both internal and external drivers and stabilised by anchors that cause people to either return or remain

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in places that fulfil their core well-being areas of familial, cultural, emotional and spiritual, alongside their extrinsically fulfilled spheres such as economic, environmental and physical well-being. As discussed in Chapter 8, both the quantitative and qualitative findings show significant differences in well-being fulfilment, conditional to location as well as perceived well-being. Pasifika internal drivers and anchors are as significant if not more powerful than their external drivers and anchors. These play a major part in the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane. It is also important to note the disadvantages experienced by Pasifika informants in both Auckland and Brisbane are the ‘push’ factors that create a desire particularly amongst the younger cohorts for progressive change -- fakalakalaka or fa‘amanuiaina -- further driving trans-Tasman migration. On the other hand, the advantages experienced by Pasifika in Brisbane are shared by individuals and families through their communal and familial networks, supporting a collective agency that spans across the Tasman and is evident in-between Auckland and Brisbane. An important aspect raised in this chapter, and further advocated by Thomsen et al. (2018), is the gradual shift of Pasifika perceptions between first, second and third generation migrants; there is a departure from traditional ways of living to less conservative forms of culture and spirituality as Pasifika peoples living in diaspora contexts have adapted to their well-being needs over time. There is an evident difference between the young and old cohorts about the application of a collective fa‘a Sāmoa and anga faka-Tonga in Brisbane compared to Auckland. There is clear reasoning provided by Pasifika informants of this study that their freedom to re-define themselves as Pasifika includes a re-definition of how their cultural and spiritual connections will also serve them and their families in a new diaspora context. I have found, with both Samoan and Tongan Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants, that this new- found freedom in Brisbane empowers them to re-assess what aspects of their culture and spirituality are important. This process of fakalakalaka and fa‘amanuiaina has allowed for the strengthening of nuclear families, that in time are able to contribute any overflow of wealth and surplus resources to the collective. There is a sense among the informants, in this study, that trans-Tasman migration provides a progressive way forward for them as an individual and for their nuclear family. Living in Brisbane allows them to re-focus on the important relationships that will strengthen their nuclear family from within before focusing on the extended family or collective. Several second and third- generation Brisbane-based Pasifika recalled disadvantages they had experienced when living in Auckland under the restraints and limitations of Pasifika collectives (extended families, churches and village groups). Their collective focus in Auckland was at the expense of their own children’s needs. These important well-being perceptions have emerged as inter-generational differences that exist between the age cohorts and migrant generation groups in this study. These are significant layers of reasoning behind the trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika migrants.

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9.5 Key contributions of the study

This study has contributed to the scholarly discourse on Pasifika diaspora, Pasifika well-being and trans-Tasman migration. The available literature relating to the Pasifika diaspora based in Australia is sparse in comparison to what is discussing the NZ context. To date, surveys and studies of the Samoan and Tongan diaspora have been undertaken in Victoria and New South Wales (Barcham et al. 2009; Brown et al. 2012; Lee 2003; Va’a 2001). However, according to Queensland-based reports, the Pasifika diaspora residing in Queensland is ‘invisible,’ and inaccurately recorded in official data. Therefore, this study contributes a holistic Pasifika perspective of trans-Tasman migration between Australia and NZ. This research also contributes an assemblage of information specific to the Samoan and Tongan diaspora groups residing in Queensland. To my knowledge, this collation of both qualitative and quantitative data, drawn from Australian and NZ-based studies, with a specific focus on Pasifika Trans-Tasman migrants residing in Auckland and Brisbane, is the first of its kind. This study also provides methodological developments in the use of e-talanoa and indigenous approaches within mixed methods research. For the purpose of capturing Pasifika voices on their own experiences and perceptions of well-being, in Auckland and Brisbane, it was important for me to work alongside Pasifika in a culturally responsive way. I have taken the research method of talanoa and adapted it to suit the online and current sociocultural communication needs of informants in the study, as explained in Chapter 4, and discussed further below. The existing literature that considers Pasifika methods and methodology is extensive, providing approaches that are relevant to the Pasifika diaspora communities based in Australia and NZ. However, as highlighted in the literature review (Chapter 3), there is often a misconstrued use of Pasifika methods and misconceptions of Pasifika methodology when applied without the cultural and social reasonings that go together with these research approaches. This study contributes to a much-needed dialogue about the correct application of indigenous methodology, often overlooked by those researching indigenous peoples. At the outset, the study sought to clarify and develop talanoa as a research tool and as an overarching approach based on sociocultural beliefs and principles of maintaining positive vā and culturally appropriate social spaces in the work. These approaches are founded on fa‘a-Sāmoa and anga faka-Tonga which are frameworks specific to the Samoan and Tongan peoples in Auckland and Brisbane. The intricacies of studying traditions within a non-traditional context, without making assumptions of either, is significant to the methodological contributions demonstrated in the study. My methodological development of e-talanoa provided culturally appropriate and efficient ways of collecting data from Pasifika informants while they were going about their daily lives. This methodological development provided the flexibility and ease for informants to participate. In fact, e-talanoa was developed in direct response to the request of the Pasifika informants in both Auckland

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and Brisbane; e-talanoa is more suitable to their normal way of communicating online with their family and friends. This shift in academic practice is an acknowledgement of the central role that informants play in academic research, whereas in the past informants potentially were inconvenienced by interviews or unable to participate through lack of time. The contemporary Pasifika, although continually practicing traditional elements of their Pacific homeland cultures within diaspora contexts, are at the same time not confined by these traditions. Their contemporary ways have helped to redefine and repurpose material culture to suit their traditional ways, and vice versa. The use of social media and other related technologies have contributed to this redesign of the talanoa method yet capturing the essence of free-flow conversation online. Importantly, e-talanoa contributes to the maintaining of positive social spatial relations (vā) and contributes to the methodology of talanoa that embraces tauhi vā. This study also makes a key contribution to the ongoing debate about whether well-being is objective or subjective. These findings advocate for the subjective definition of well-being. The research consolidates a notion of holistic well-being commonly accepted amongst Pasifika communities that is governed by their spiritual/God and familial/social connections and commitments. The findings of this research emphasise that the spiritual and sociocultural connections of Pasifika are the main influence on their desire to maintain mo‘ui ‘oku lelei -- ola manuia -- ‘a good and happy life.’ The findings in this study of Pasifika notions of spiritual well-being are distinct compared to other well-being studies for other cultural groups in different parts of the world (Ferriss 2002; Inglehart 2010; Norris & Inglehart 2004) where spirituality is an external factor that affects a person’s well-being. As discussed, other cultural groups view religion and spirituality as external factors that enhance subjective well-being (Inglehart 2010:352). However, within this study, spirituality is intrinsic and considered by many informants as the cornerstone of their holistic and collective well-being. This research captures the essence of Pasifika frameworks and outlooks. Although there are definite signs amongst the second and third-generation Pasifika migrants and younger cohorts beginning to prioritise their individual or nuclear family well-being over their traditional obligations. Participants explained that this change has been necessary in some diaspora contexts, in order to become strengthened as a unit before being able to give back to the collective. The essence of the familial/social sphere remains entwined with the cultural and spiritual spheres, as a part of fa‘a Sāmoa or anga faka-Tonga. These cultural frameworks continue to dominate Pasifika perspectives or mindsets. Another key contribution that the study makes to literature is the documenting of Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants’ movements between Australia and NZ. Although there have been studies analysing the general trans-Tasman migration flows between the two countries, there has been very little focus on the Pasifika communities who are moving to and from places in these countries. The

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accounts that do record Pasifika movements in-between Australia and NZ are economically focused and politically driven in their analysis. These narrow accounts fail to acknowledge the perspectives of Pasifika migrants themselves. Furthermore, the migration of Pasifika in-between diaspora and homelands, although discussed in literature, has not been fully realised in models or visual representations of their migration patterns. The migration models presented in Chapter 7 and discussed further in Chapter 8 are the first developments of the Pasifika Migration Models that will inevitably require further amendments in the future.

9.6 Key assumptions and limitations of the study

I am aware that the scope of this PhD study has not allowed for the in-depth consideration of important aspects of the broader field of study, in particular the inter-generational gap that has emerged in the surveys. As mentioned previously, the 30 to 39-year-old cohort of Pasifika living in Brisbane will need to be considered more closely in future studies in order to better understand the significant well- being experiences and perspectives of this group. As discussed in Chapter 6, the greatest differences in well-being experience between the two locations, across most of the well-being spheres are experienced by Pasifika aged 30-39 years. Their well-being experiences are greatly improved by being in Brisbane, compared to Auckland. These differences experienced by the younger cohort are not easily explained by looking at the quantitative data alone. From the narratives, I was able to pick up on threads of disgruntled dialogue amongst second-generation and third-generation informants who had not found living in Auckland beneficial to their development. Younger cohorts felt that a move away from the traditional spaces in Auckland provided them new spaces to redefine who they were as Pasifika and to reconnect with God on a more ‘intimate’ level. These two changes had a powerful effect on the lives of second and third-generation migrants now living in Brisbane. Furthermore, the on-flow effect of having economic well-being in Brisbane has allowed those in the younger cohorts to pursue and re-build positive connections with family members ‘back home.’ There were assumptions made earlier in the study that Pasifika were leaving Auckland for Brisbane for a better life and that those returning to Auckland had failed to fulfil their well-being aims. This assumption is obvious in the initial qualitative approach and focus questions used in the earlier interviews. As the study continued into its second and third year it became apparent, from follow-up interviews with a selection of informants as well as during later participant observations, that Pasifika trans-Tasman migrants were moving freely between the two locations and this was both ongoing and circulatory. The limitations of this initial assumption is that the focus questions used in 2015 did not allow for further exploration of this circulatory migration pattern in the earlier stages of the study. To counter this limitation, these circulatory migration patterns of my informants were observed during 2016-2018 and considered in talanoa/e-talanoa during 2016 and 2017.

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A less obvious limitation of the study was my profile in Auckland as an academic leader and educator, as well as my personal affiliation with the Christian church in Australia and NZ, more so in Auckland than Brisbane. I became aware of the limitations of my profile when I received responses from people who knew me personally that were somewhat ‘polite’ or ‘reserved.’ This led me to follow up on these interviews with more questions that helped to clarify their comments. With these informants, I found that they were more at ease to speak freely on e-talanoa.

9.7 A summary of recommendations for further research

In light of the findings of this study, the assumptions made, and the limitations highlighted, I would recommend the following areas for further research: • Australian-based research focused on well-being perceptions and experiences of Pasifika groups other than Tongans and Samoans, with comparisons across different locations within Australia. Further research of the well-being perceptions and experiences of these other Pasifika groups (e.g. Cook Islanders, Niuean, Fijian, Tuvaluan etc.) would contribute greatly to ending the silence of Pacific voices in the well-being and diaspora literature. • A more focused study of the inter-generational differences that exist between the age cohorts, including younger school-aged cohorts, and migrant generation groups. Also, further evaluation of the impacts of inter-generational perspectives of cultural traditions on their well-being experiences. • The trans-Tasman migration process has been especially beneficial for Pasifika aged 30-39 years. An investigation into the well-being status of this cohort comparing several diaspora contexts in NZ and Australia may highlight interesting similarities or differences in their trans-Tasman well-being experiences. • A cross-sectional case study of the advantages and disadvantages of circulatory migration, including trans-Tasman migration, on the well-being of Pasifika collectives, compared to Pasifika individuals. This type of study will provide more insight into the holistic notion of well-being. In addition, this will provide further scope for considerations of the impacts that Pasifika have on the peoples and Country that they choose to live in. • Longitudinal statistical collections are needed within Pasifika communities, residing in Queensland. Furthermore, transparent and collective processes for the publication of this data, are required. This information will benefit ongoing research and planning needs of both local organisations and government departments. I do not believe that there is a lack of collection happening. I understand church groups, businesses and non-profit organisations, including the Pacific Council, have and continue to, collect relevant data within their

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groups.108 However, there needs to be some effort made to assist these important faculties of our community to analyse and publish their findings in a culturally responsive way. The outputs of this publication process must maintain the essence of Pasifika truths, without distortion, as well as acknowledge the original source and collectors of this information.

9.8 Concluding thoughts: On Pasifika trans-Tasman well-being

The primary questions guiding this inquiry were: ‘How do Pasifika define their well-being?’ and ‘What trans-Tasman experiences help to fulfil Pasifika well-being aims?’ Drawing from both qualitative and quantitative analysis, the research has revealed eight key concepts that address these questions:

• Firstly, that Pasifika define their well-being holistically. Tongan moui ‘oku lelei and Samoan ola manuia are best understood as eight spheres of well-being. • Secondly, Pasifika prioritise their spiritual/God and familial/social well-being over the other spheres; these two spheres influence Pasifika trans-Tasman migrant decisions about their migration and settlement. • Thirdly, Pasifika decisions about where to participate in the labour market are often made collectively, and the outputs of their labour are also often shared. So, Pasifika concepts of fulfilment are best understood within the Pasifika frameworks of anga faka-Tonga and fa‘a- Samoa, where building and maintaining good sociocultural relationships are the core objectives. • Fourthly, Brisbane-based Pasifika experience a greater fulfilment of their well-being in comparison to Auckland-based Pasifika. • The fifth point is, Auckland-based Pasifika are more expectant of positive changes and future fulfilment if they are to remain in Auckland. • The sixth point is that Auckland-based Pasifika who are choosing to migrate further to Brisbane are driven by decisions to improve their collective economic sustainability, physical, environmental and mental/emotional well-being. Although at first their priority is to strengthen the well-being of their own nuclear families, inevitably their successful migration and settlement in Brisbane will have flow-on effects to their extended families in Auckland and sometimes further beyond to their extended families living back in the Pacific homelands. • Linked to this, the seventh point is, Pasifika fulfilment of well-being through trans-Tasman migration is influenced by both intrinsic aspects, such as cultural values and spirituality, as

108 Personal communication with the organisers of the Pacific Council meeting forum held at the Pasifika House in Runcorn, Brisbane on Thursday 29/11/2018. 232

well as external influences, such as economic conditions or environmental conditions. In many cases, the intrinsic aspects, like sociocultural values, can act as drivers or anchors in the process of Pasifika trans-Tasman migration between Auckland and Brisbane. • Lastly, 30-39-year-old Pasifika have been identified as the demographic group experiencing the most differences between the two locations, with an improved well-being in Brisbane compared to Auckland. According to the evidence, this demographic group have experienced the most fulfilment of moui ‘oku lelei, ola manuia, in Brisbane. Their well-being experience has been holistic and progressive across time and place.

The trans-Tasman migration of Pasifika between Auckland and Brisbane is a continued well-being journey in search of ‘a good and happy life.’

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Appendices Appendix 1a: Focus questions used in e-talanoa and talanoa interviews in 2015

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Appendix 1b: Well-being perspectives from e-talanoa and talanoa interviews in 2015

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Appendix 2: Auckland survey used in 2016

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Appendix 3: Brisbane survey used in 2016

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Appendix 4: Samples of interview scripts colour-coded for thematic analysis

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Appendix 5: Information sheet and consent form

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Appendix 6: Tables related to Chapter 5 Table A5.1: Economic Sustainability well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Element Auckland Brisbane

n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2

Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied

Options for 374 1.07 5.35 12.57 45.72 35.29 271 0.37 2.58 5.54 25.09 66.42 Pr =

future jobs & 0.000

career

A secure 356 0.56 9.55 16.01 40.45 33.43 262 1.91 3.44 12.21 22.90 59.54 Pr =

permanent 0.000

job

Good career 373 1.88 6.17 15.01 44.50 32.44 273 1.10 2.56 9.16 28.57 58.61 Pr =

prospects 0.000

Enough 375 3.20 11.73 6.40 48.27 30.40 277 1.08 6.86 8.66 23.10 60.29 Pr =

money to pay 0.000

bills & live

well

A job with 358 2.51 10.61 12.29 43.02 31.56 265 1.89 5.66 12.08 21.89 58.49 Pr =

good pay 0.000

Own a home 363 3.86 13.22 17.36 31.13 34.44 253 1.58 5.53 13.44 24.11 55.34 Pr =

0.000

Ability to 381 2.10 4.99 13.12 45.67 34.12 275 0.36 8.36 7.27 28.36 55.64 Pr =

travel 0.000

Own other 371 1.89 4.31 17.52 46.63 29.65 272 0.37 4.78 11.40 26.47 56.99 Pr =

assets 0.000

Control of 382 2.62 10.99 11.52 45.55 29.32 272 1.47 2.94 12.50 29.04 54.04 Pr =

finances 0.000

Financial 385 0.78 8.05 11.43 50.39 29.35 278 0.36 4.68 11.87 29.50 53.60 Pr =

security 0.000

Money saved 367 1.63 6.54 17.44 44.41 29.97 265 0.75 7.92 15.85 26.04 49.43 Pr =

for 0.000

retirement or

old age

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Table A5.2: Economic Provision well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Provide a 370 0.81 3.51 7.57 44.86 43.24 267 0.00 0.00 7.12 25.09 67.79 Pr =

better future 0.000 for children Provide for 383 0.78 3.92 5.22 48.30 41.78 275 0.36 1.09 5.09 26.91 66.55 Pr = daily needs 0.000 of family Ability to 384 1.82 3.91 13.54 46.09 34.64 275 0.73 2.18 8.00 32.36 56.73 Pr = help the 0.000 extended family

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Table A5.3: Mental well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Hope & 387 1.03 2.33 7.49 44.19 44.96 277 0.36 1.44 5.78 25.99 66.43 Pr = peace about 0.000 future Ability to do 377 0.80 6.90 13.00 43.24 36.07 268 0.00 5.22 7.46 26.87 60.45 Pr = further study 0.000 A good 385 1.56 5.19 11.17 46.49 35.58 273 0.00 2.20 6.96 30.04 60.81 Pr = education 0.000 A good 379 0.79 3.96 13.98 51.19 30.08 270 0.37 3.33 7.78 32.96 55.56 Pr = balance 0.000 between work/home Enjoy daily 375 1.33 5.60 11.47 50.93 30.67 276 0.36 3.99 9.06 31.88 54.71 Pr =

work life 0.000

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Table A5.4: Physical well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Access to 388 1.03 2.58 3.61 51.55 41.24 278 0.00 0.72 2.52 27.70 69.06 Pr = good medical 0.000 services Living a 387 0.78 1.81 6.20 51.94 39.28 277 0.36 2.89 8.30 29.24 59.21 Pr = healthy 0.000 lifestyle Ability to eat 387 0.78 4.91 8.79 49.61 35.92 274 0.00 5.47 9.85 30.29 54.38 Pr = right 0.000 Time for 383 1.31 7.05 18.54 43.34 29.77 273 0.37 2.93 14.29 24.91 57.51 Pr =

sports or 0.000 recreation Ability to 390 1.03 5.38 9.74 51.28 32.56 274 1.09 5.11 10.22 31.39 52.19 Pr = exercise 0.000 more, to keep fit

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Table A5.5: Cultural well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Pride in 386 0.52 0.78 2.33 53.63 42.75 276 0.00 0.72 4.35 24.28 70.65 Pr = culture & 0.000 identity Ability to 390 0.26 0.51 3.59 49.49 46.15 275 0.36 1.45 3.27 29.82 65.09 Pr =

retain 0.000 cultural values Ability to 387 0.26 1.29 8.27 51.42 38.76 277 0.72 2.17 7.22 28.52 61.37 Pr = define own 0.000 identity Involved in 381 0.79 4.99 14.96 45.14 34.12 275 1.09 4.00 8.73 29.09 57.09 Pr = community 0.000

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Table A5.6: Environmental well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Enjoying the 387 1.03 1.55 15.50 49.10 32.82 276 1.18 1.45 9.06 28.99 58.70 Pr =

weather & 0.000 climate Getting out 388 1.55 1.80 8.76 53.61 34.28 276 0.00 1.45 6.16 36.96 55.43 Pr = of house 0.000 often Living in 388 0.52 1.55 21.13 47.68 29.12 274 2.19 2.55 12.77 26.64 55.84 Pr = warmer 0.000 climate Living in 390 0.77 2.05 16.41 47.18 33.59 269 2.60 4.09 19.33 25.65 48.33 Pr = cooler 0.000 climate

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Table A5.7: Spiritual/God well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Faith in God 388 0.26 0.77 4.38 30.41 64.18 274 0.00 0.36 1.82 16.79 81.02 Pr = 0.000 A spiritual 389 1.03 2.83 4.88 32.90 58.35 275 0.00 1.09 3.64 23.64 71.64 Pr = connection 0.005 with God Attend 388 1.55 3.09 5.67 38.92 50.77 269 0.00 2.60 8.18 22.30 66.91 Pr =

spiritually 0.000 supportive church Attend good 388 0.77 3.87 6.96 42.27 46.13 272 0.00 2.57 8.82 22.43 66.18 Pr = family 0.000 church

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Table A5.8: Familial/Social well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very n Very Dissatisfied Neither Satisfied Very Chi2 Dissatisfied Satisfied Dissatisfied Satisfied Positive 390 0.51 1.54 1.79 32.82 63.33 278 0.36 1.44 0.36 20.14 77.70 Pr =

relationships 0.002 with my family More time 390 0.51 1.79 3.08 37.18 57.44 277 0.00 1.44 4.69 24.91 68.95 Pr = with my 0.008 family More quality 388 0.52 2.06 3.61 38.92 54.90 277 0.00 1.44 3.25 25.63 69.68 Pr = time with my 0.003 family Positive 390 0.26 1.79 6.41 51.03 40.51 276 0.00 0.00 2.54 28.99 68.48 Pr = relationships 0.000 with selected others Spending time 387 0.78 4.39 11.89 51.42 31.52 275 1.09 4.73 9.09 35.64 49.45 Pr = with extended 0.000 family Living nearby 388 0.52 3.61 11.34 53.35 31.19 276 1.45 3.99 9.78 35.51 49.28 Pr = extended 0.000 family

250

Appendix 7: Tables related to Chapter 6 and Chapter 7

Table A6.1: Anticipated Economic Sustainability well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Element Auckland Brisbane n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Options for 372 0.27 4.57 6.99 37.90 50.27 271 0.00 1.11 5.90 23.62 69.37 Pr = future jobs & 0.000 career A job with 375 0.00 8.00 7.20 33.87 50.93 269 0.37 1.12 7.43 25.65 65.43 Pr = good pay 0.000 Good career 373 1.07 3.49 7.77 39.41 48.26 273 0.00 1.83 6.23 23.81 68.13 Pr = prospects 0.000 A secure 369 0.27 5.69 8.40 38.21 47.43 272 0.37 0.74 6.25 23.90 68.75 Pr = permanent 0.000 job Enough 385 1.82 4.94 4.68 38.44 50.13 278 0.72 1.80 5.04 27.34 65.11 Pr = money to pay 0.001 bills & live well Own a home 379 1.32 6.33 12.66 29.55 50.13 268 0.75 2.99 11.57 22.39 62.31 Pr = 0.022 Financial 388 0.00 3.87 9.79 39.95 46.39 277 0.00 1.81 5.78 26.35 66.06 Pr = security 0.000 Ability to 383 0.78 2.61 9.92 40.73 45.95 276 0.00 1.45 7.61 26.09 64.86 Pr = travel 0.000 Own other 379 0.79 1.85 12.14 39.31 45.91 276 0.00 2.54 6.88 26.09 64.49 Pr = assets 0.000 Control of 385 1.04 4.68 7.01 41.30 45.97 277 0.00 1.08 6.50 28.16 64.26 Pr = finances 0.000 Money saved 377 0.53 3.18 11.14 38.20 46.95 274 0.73 2.92 12.41 23.36 60.58 Pr = for 0.002 retirement or old age

251

Table A6.2: Anticipated Physical well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane. Element Auckland Brisbane

n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2

Disagree Agree Disagree Agree

Access to 389 0.26 1.03 4.63 42.42 51.67 276 0.00 1.09 2.90 23.19 72.38 Pr =

good medical 0.000

services

Living a 390 0.00 1.03 4.87 43.08 51.03 278 0.36 1.44 3.60 21.94 72.66 Pr =

healthy 0.000

lifestyle

Ability to eat 388 0.00 0.52 7.73 44.07 47.68 277 0.36 1.08 5.42 30.69 62.45 Pr =

right 0.002

Ability to 388 0.26 1.80 6.70 45.36 45.88 277 0.36 1.08 6.86 29.60 62.09 Pr =

exercise 0.001

more, to

keep fit

Time for 386 0.78 3.63 12.18 41.19 42.23 272 0.37 2.57 7.35 32.72 56.99 Pr =

sports or 0.005

recreation

252

Table A6.3: Anticipated Environmental well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Enjoying the 388 0.77 1.55 10.57 43.30 43.81 277 0.00 1.44 4.69 29.24 64.62 Pr = weather & 0.000 climate Getting out 389 0.00 1.80 13.88 39.85 44.47 277 1.44 1.08 8.66 26.35 62.45 Pr = of house 0.000 often Living in 387 0.00 1.55 21.96 36.69 39.79 277 1.44 2.89 10.47 25.99 59.21 Pr = warmer 0.000 climate Living in 388 0.26 1.29 17.01 40.46 40.98 271 1.48 2.58 16.24 27.68 52.03 Pr = cooler 0.003 climate

253

Table A6.4: Anticipated Mental/Emotional well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane

n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Hope & 387 0.00 1.29 5.17 38.50 55.04 274 0.00 0.36 4.01 21.17 74.45 Pr = peace about 0.000 future A good 384 0.78 3.39 8.59 34.90 52.34 275 0.00 0.36 6.18 21.45 72.00 Pr = education 0.000 Ability to do 375 0.80 3.47 10.40 34.40 50.93 271 0.00 1.48 7.01 27.68 63.84 Pr = further study 0.009 A good 385 0.52 2.08 8.05 40.78 48.57 274 0.36 1.82 5.84 29.20 62.77 Pr = balance 0.011 between work/home Enjoy daily 388 1.03 4.12 6.70 41.49 46.65 276 0.00 1.81 5.43 31.88 60.87 Pr =

work life 0.003

254

Table A6.5: Anticipated Cultural well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Ability to 389 0.00 0.77 3.34 41.65 54.24 276 0.00 0.00 3.26 22.10 74.64 Pr =

retain 0.000 cultural values Pride in 388 0.26 0.52 4.12 41.75 53.35 275 0.00 0.00 2.91 24.73 72.36 Pr = culture & 0.000 identity Ability to 386 0.00 1.55 6.99 41.97 49.48 277 0.00 0.72 3.61 28.16 67.51 Pr = define own 0.000 identity Involved in 385 0.00 3.64 9.61 45.71 41.04 276 0.00 0.72 6.52 31.88 60.87 Pr = community 0.000

255

Table A6.6: Anticipated Economic Provision well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Provide a 377 0.00 1.86 5.31 32.63 60.21 273 0.00 0.00 5.13 18.68 76.19 Pr =

better future 0.000 for children Provide for 386 0.00 2.07 3.89 35.75 58.29 277 0.00 0.00 3.61 20.58 75.81 Pr = daily needs 0.000 of family Ability to 389 0.51 2.57 9.00 43.96 43.96 277 0.36 0.36 5.78 27.80 65.70 Pr = help the 0.000 extended family

256

Table A6.7: Anticipated Spiritual/God well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Faith in God 389 0.00 0.51 4.11 24.42 70.95 275 0.00 0.36 2.55 17.45 79.64 Pr = 0.090 A spiritual 387 0.00 0.52 4.39 24.81 70.28 274 0.00 0.36 3.65 19.71 76.28 Pr = connection 0.403 with God Attend 389 0.00 1.03 5.40 35.73 57.84 274 0.00 1.09 7.66 19.71 71.53 Pr =

spiritually 0.000 supportive church Attend good 388 0.00 1.55 4.90 37.11 56.44 274 0.00 1.82 7.66 22.99 67.52 Pr = family 0.001 church

257

Table A6.8: Anticipated Familial/Social well-being experiences in Auckland compared to Brisbane.

Element Auckland Brisbane n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly n Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Chi2 Disagree Agree Disagree Agree Positive 390 0.00 1.03 2.56 31.28 65.13 278 0.00 0.36 2.16 18.71 78.78 Pr =

relationships 0.002 with my family More time 389 0.00 0.51 3.60 30.33 65.55 278 0.36 0.36 3.60 23.38 72.30 Pr = with my 0.247 family More quality 391 0.00 1.02 3.58 31.97 63.43 276 0.36 0.00 3.62 22.83 73.19 Pr = time with my 0.023 family Positive 390 0.00 0.77 4.36 41.28 53.59 278 0.00 0.36 2.88 26.98 69.78 Pr = relationships 0.000 with selected others Spending time 391 0.00 1.28 9.21 45.78 43.73 278 0.36 1.44 7.55 36.33 54.32 Pr = with extended 0.056 family Living nearby 389 0.00 0.77 9.77 47.56 41.90 277 0.36 1.81 11.91 30.69 55.23 Pr = extended 0.000 family

258

Appendix 8: Ethics’ approved documentation

259

260

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