DOCSLIB.ORG

The Future of Opium Bans in the Kokang and Wa Regions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Future of Opium Bans in the Kokang and Wa Regions Drug Policy Briefing Nr 29 July 2009 From Golden Triangle to Rubber Belt ? The Future of Opium Bans in the Kokang and Wa Regions By Tom Kramer In the Kokang and Wa regions in northern Conclusions & Recommendations Burma1 opium bans have ended over a century of poppy cultivation. The bans have • The opium bans have driven had dramatic consequences for local communities into chronic poverty and communities. They depended on opium as a cash crop, to buy food, clothing, and have adversely affected their food medicines. The bans have driven poppy- security and access to health care and growing communities into chronic poverty education. and have adversely affected their food security. Very few alternatives are being • The Kokang and Wa authorities have offered to households for their survival. promoted Chinese investment in mono- plantations, especially in rubber. These The Kokang and Wa cease-fire groups have projects are unsustainable and do not implemented these bans following significantly profit the population. international pressure, especially from neighbouring China. In return, they hope to • Ex-poppy farmers mainly rely on casual gain international political recognition and labour and collecting Non-Timber Forest aid to develop their impoverished and war- Products as alternative source of income. torn regions. The Kokang and Wa authorities have been unable to provide alternative • Current interventions by international sources of income for ex-poppy farmers. Instead they have promoted Chinese invest- NGOs and UN agencies are still limited in ment in monoplantations, especially in scale and can best be described as “emer- rubber. These projects have created many gency responses”. undesired effects and do not significantly profit the population. • If the many challenges to achieving viable legal livelihoods in the Kokang and The Burmese military government, the State Wa regions are not addressed, the Peace and Development Council (SPDC), has reductions in opium cultivation are also been unwilling and unable to provide unlikely to be sustainable. assistance. The international community has provided emergency aid through inter- This paper is based upon interviews with 51 national NGOs and UN agencies. However, ex-poppy farmers in the Wa and Kokang current levels of support are insufficient, and regions in February and March 2009.2 need to be upgraded in order to provide sustainable alternatives for the population. BACKGROUND The international community should not abandon former opium-growing Traditionally, the Kokang and Wa regions communities in the Kokang and Wa regions were the key opium-producing areas in at this critical time. Southeast Asia. Enforcement of opium bans since 2003 in the Kokang region and since Transnational Institute | 1 Kokang leaders on opium ban 3 “We decided to ban opium in 2002, because it is after the ban life was most difficult for the very dangerous for human beings, as it has a people. About 60 percent of the people in very bad effect on the body. There was a little Kokang could only grow enough to feed their bit of pressure from China, but the most family for six months of the year. Most of them important reason was to follow international did not have enough to eat. policy against drugs. “Luckily WFP and other agencies gave support. “Before the ban more than 80 percent of the In 2007 and 2008 the Chinese government people in our region grew opium, which they started to supply food, 1,500 metric tons of rice depended on for their livelihood. After the ban, each year. They also gave pesticide. They nobody grew opium anymore, and people could provided equivalent of 5 million Yuan (about not meet their basic needs. The first three years 730,000 US dollars) per year.” 2005 in the Wa region has caused a major IMPACT OF THE BANS transformation of the economy of the region, depriving the population of its primary The large majority of ex-poppy farmers have source of income. The bans are strictly not been able to find alternative sources of enforced and the regions remain opium-free.4 income. It has been extremely difficult for them to cultivate more food, grow alternative Both areas are under control of armed oppo- cash crops or find casual labour to solve their sition groups. This year is the twentieth anni- food gap. versary of the cease-fire agreements between the y government and the Myanmar National According to UWSP Agricultural Minister Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the Zhao Wen Guang: “It is hard to ban opium, Kokang region and the United Wa State Party because is has been grown here a hundred (UWSP) in the Wa region. While in the Wa years. The people stay in high mountains region the military government has no pre- with low temperature. Apart from opium, in sence except a few government representa- that kind of climate it is not possible to grow tives, there are several Burma army bases in many other crops. It is only suitable to grow the Kokang region. Relations between the millet, corn, and some beans. It is not suitable 6 military government and the cease-fire for rice.” groups are often tense. The cease-fires are merely military agreements, and there is Food security neither peace nor a lasting political solution. Food security problems are most serious in the Wa region, especially in the north, and in What impact the upcoming general elections the northern part of the Kokang region. The will have on the Kokang and Wa region is impact of the ban differed from region to unclear. The military government has region, from village to village, and household announced these will take place in 2010, but to household. This study found some very it has not set a date yet, nor has it made vulnerable households, including in some public the election law. The 2008 constitution lowland areas, facing serious difficulties. The does not address the main grievances of the most vulnerable households were those cease-fires groups. The only official ‘no-vote’ without access to land, and who could no in the country in the government-organised longer find employment in the absence of the referendum on that new constitution came labour-intensive poppy crop; or households from the Wa region. Tensions between the in villages without access roads or in isolated military government and the Kokang and Wa areas, and consequently with a prior high authorities could potentially increase, reliance on opium cultivation for household limiting access for international organisations income to secure food. to these areas.5 2 | Transnational Institute In the northern Wa region people have there was no way for them to get medical care resorted to eating less (reduced quantity), because they had no money. Access to health and/or to less nutritious food (reduced care is also limited in the Kokang and Wa quality). Various people said they were not regions due to the lack of public services, able to eat meat or fish, and instead were although NGOs have initiated some large mixing their rice with just vegetables, roots, projects to address this. Otherwise, people are or anything edible they could find in the dependent on private Chinese clinics based in forest to complement the dish. the districts towns, although most people cannot afford them. According to a Wa NGO A very small number of households reported staff member: “The villagers are very poor. that their life had improved after the poppy They have no money after the ban. They ban, because household members had been cannot buy clothes, and if they get ill, they addicted to smoking opium, causing either cannot afford to get medical assistance. They loss of the whole opium crop or indebtedness. just stay at home and wait to die.”8 A small number of households in Kokang region, mainly in lowland areas, less reliant People are often unable to send some or all of on poppy cultivation before the ban, reported their children to school, because they cannot little or no impact of the ban. Many house- afford the fees. The majority of the schools in holds were clearly not food secure before the the Kokang and Wa regions are community opium ban, and therefore some people re- schools, and annual school fees (which pay ported they did not see a great difference in the teacher’s salary) range from about 100 to their situation after the ban; they still did 280 Yuan (15-40 US dollar) per school year, have not enough to eat. depending on the number of children in the school. Apart from low attendance rates, the Access to health and education quality and quantity of current education The lack of income has reduced the possi- services is very low in both the Kokang and bility for especially the poorest of the poor to Wa regions. In some areas people have no send their children to school or seek medical school to send their children. assistance. People often said that if they fell ill Wa leaders on opium ban 7 “We have encountered several problems since four months. But in 2007 we estimated the we implemented the opium ban in June 2005. In situation relapsed, there are about five months the first year some individuals tried to grow that people have no food. The reason is that we poppy again. When we detected this we arrested had to promote alternative planting. The best them and gave prison sentences. land to promote rubber and sugarcane plantations [with investment of Chinese “Another problem is the dramatic reduction of businessmen] is also the best land for food income of ex-poppy farmers. In the past opium crops. Therefore we had to face this conflict was their only income, to buy essential items between land for food and land for alternative like salt and clothing.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Mong La: Business As Usual in the China-Myanmar Borderlands
    Mong La: Business as Usual in the China-Myanmar Borderlands Alessandro Rippa, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich Martin Saxer, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich The aim of this project is to lay the conceptual groundwork for a new understanding of the positionality of remote areas around the globe. It rests on the hypothesis that remoteness and connectivity are not independent features but co-constitute each other in particular ways. In the context of this project, Rippa and Saxer conducted exploratory fieldwork together in 2015 along the China-Myanmar border. This collaborative photo essay is one result of their research. They aim to convey an image of Mong La that goes beyond its usual depiction as a place of vice and unruliness, presenting it, instead, as the outcome of a particular China-inspired vision of development. Infamous Mong La It is 6:00 P.M. at the main market of Mong La, the largest town in the small autonomous strip of land on the Chinese border formally known in Myanmar as Special Region 4. A gambler from China’s northern Heilongjiang Province just woke up from a nap. “I’ve been gambling all morning,” he says, “but after a few hours it is better to stop. To rest your brain.” He will go back to the casino after dinner, as he did for the entire month he spent in Mong La. Like him, hundreds of gamblers crowd the market, where open-air restaurants offer food from all over China. A small section of the market is dedicated to Mong La’s most infamous commodity— wildlife.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Monitor No.7
    Euro-Burma Office 14 – 27 February 2015 Political Monitor 2015 POLITICAL MONITOR NO.7 OFFICIAL MEDIA GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCES MARTIAL LAW IN LAUKKAI, MONGLA REGION Fighting between Tatmadaw personnel and MNDAA (Kokang) forces continued in Laukkai and Kokang on 18 February. About 200 Kokang groups attacked a battalion near Parsinkyaw village with small and heavy weapons on 17 February evening and withdrew when the battalion responded. Similarly, from 17 February evening to 18 February morning, MNDAA troops attacked Tatmadaw camps with small and heavy weapons and withdrew when counter-attacks were launched. In addition, Tatmadaw personnel who were heading to troops in Laukkai on major communication route to Laukkai such as Hsenwi-Namslag-Kunglong road, Kutkai-Tamoenye-Monesi-Tapah road and Kutkai-Muse-Kyukok-Monekoe-Tangyan were also ambushed or attacked by Kokang groups, KIA, TNLA and SSA (Wanghai). From 15 to 18 February, SSA (Wanhai) forces attacked the Tatmadaw columns between Kyaukme and Hsipaw, Lashio and Hsenwi while KIA and TNLA ambushed the Tatmadaw 3 times between Hsenwi and Kyukok, 2 times between Kutakai and Monsi and once between Monesi and Tapah. Kokang troops also ambushed the Tatmadaw column 4 times between Parsinkyaw and Chinshwehaw. Due to the clashes, the government announced a state of emergency and martial law in the Kokang Self-Administered Zone on 17 February. In a separate statement, the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services appointed the Regional Control Commander (Laukkai) Col Saw Myint Oo to exercise the executive powers and duties and judicial powers and duties concerning community peace and tranquillity and prevalence of law and order in Kokang Self-Administrative Zone.
    [Show full text]
  • THE POLITICAL ECONOMY of OPIUM REDUCTION in BURMA: LOCAL PERSPECTIVES from the WA REGION Mr. Sai Lone a Thesis Submitted in Part
    THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF OPIUM REDUCTION IN BURMA: LOCAL PERSPECTIVES FROM THE WA REGION Mr. Sai Lone A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Program in International Development Studies Faculty of Political Science Chulalongkorn University Academic Year 2008 Copyright of Chulalongkorn University เศรษฐศาสตรการเมืองของการปราบฝนในประเทศพมา: มุมมองระดับทองถิ่นในเขตวา นายไซ โลน วิทยานิพนธน ี้เปนสวนหนึ่งของการศึกษาตามหลกสั ูตรปริญญาศิลปศาสตรมหาบัณฑิต สาขาวิชาการพัฒนาระหวางประเทศ คณะรัฐศาสตร จุฬาลงกรณมหาวิทยาลัย ปการศึกษา 2551 ลิขสิทธิ์ของจุฬาลงกรณมหาวิทยาลัย Thesis title: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF OPIUM REDUCTION IN BURMA: LOCAL PERSPECTIVES FROM THE WA REGION By: Mr. Sai Lone Field of Study: International Development Studies Thesis Principal advisor: Niti Pawakapan, Ph. D. Accepted by the Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master’s Degree ___________________________ Dean of the Faculty of Political Science (Professor Charas Suwanmala, Ph.D.) THESIS COMMITTEE ___________________________ Chairperson (Professor Supang Chantavanich, Ph.D.) ___________________________ Thesis Principal Advisor (Niti Pawakapan, Ph.D.) ___________________________ External Examiner (Decha Tangseefa, Ph.D.) นายไซ โลน: เศรษฐศาสตรการเมืองของการปราบฝนในประเทศพมา: มุมมองระดับ ทองถิ่นในเขตวา (THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF OPIUM REDUCTION IN BURMA: LOCAL PERSPECTIVES FROM THE WA REGION) อ. ทปรี่ ึกษา: ดร.นิติ ภวัครพันธุ. 133 หนา. งานวิจัยชิ้นนี้เนนศึกษาผลกระทบดานเศรษฐกิจสังคมของโครงการพัฒนาชนบทที่ดําเนินงานโดยองคกร
    [Show full text]
  • Bilateral Issues in Myanmar's Policy Towards China
    Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Freiburg (Germany) Occasional Paper Series ISSN 2512-6377 www.southeastasianstudies.uni-freiburg.de Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Freiburg (Germany) Occasional Paper Series www.southeastasianstudies.uni- freiburg.de Occasional Paper N° 38 (January 2018) Bilateral Issues in Myanmar’s Policy towards China Narayanan Ganesan (Hiroshima Peace Institute) Bilateral Issues in Myanmar’s Policy towards China Narayanan Ganesan (Hiroshima Institute of Peace) Series Editors Jürgen Rüland, Judith Schlehe, Günther Schulze, Sabine Dabringhaus, Stefan Seitz Abstract The bilateral relationship between Myanmar and China is an old and multifaceted one. The realities of deeply embedded historical interactions and the geographical considerations of a shared border in excess of 2,200 kilometers is testimony to the importance of the bilateral relationship. China is not only a large and powerful neighboring country for Myanmar but also one with which it has dense interactions. Such interactions include security and strategic issues, ethnic insurgency and refugees, drugs and human smuggling, and economic issues. China is a major investor and donor to Myanmar and during the period from 1993 to 2010, when the latter was subjected to wide-ranging international sanctions, the bilateral relationship was especially close. Chinese assistance came without conditionalities and was an important source of economic and infrastructural support that enhanced the Myanmar military government’s domestic and international political legitimacy. While Myanmar now has many important international linkages and relationships, the relationship with China continues to be extremely important. Elites on both sides have acknowledged each other’s importance in the relationship and have thus enhanced it.
    [Show full text]
  • From Kunming to Mandalay: the New “Burma Road”
    AsieAsie VVisionsisions 2525 From Kunming to Mandalay: The New “Burma Road” Developments along the Sino-Myanmar border since 1988 Hélène Le Bail Abel Tournier March 2010 Centre Asie Ifri The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the authors alone. ISBN : 978-2-86592-675-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2010 IFRI IFRI-BRUXELLES 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THÉRÈSE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 - FRANCE 1000 - BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE PH. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 PH. : +32 (2) 238 51 10 FAX: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX: +32 (2) 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] WEBSITE: Ifri.org China Program, Centre Asie/Ifri The Ifri China Program’s objectives are: . To organize regular exchanges with Chinese elites and enhance mutual trust through the organization of 4 annual seminars in Paris or Brussels around Chinese participants.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition
    United Nations University Centre for Policy Research Crime-Conflict Nexus Series: No 9 April 2017 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition Dr. Vanda Felbab-Brown Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. © 2017 United Nations University. All Rights Reserved. ISBN 978-92-808-9040-2 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Myanmar case study analyzes the complex interactions between illegal economies -conflict and peace. Particular em- phasis is placed on understanding the effects of illegal economies on Myanmar’s political transitions since the early 1990s, including the current period, up through the first year of the administration of Aung San Suu Kyi. Described is the evolu- tion of illegal economies in drugs, logging, wildlife trafficking, and gems and minerals as well as land grabbing and crony capitalism, showing how they shaped and were shaped by various political transitions. Also examined was the impact of geopolitics and the regional environment, particularly the role of China, both in shaping domestic political developments in Myanmar and dynamics within illicit economies. For decades, Burma has been one of the world’s epicenters of opiate and methamphetamine production. Cultivation of poppy and production of opium have coincided with five decades of complex and fragmented civil war and counterinsur- gency policies. An early 1990s laissez-faire policy of allowing the insurgencies in designated semi-autonomous regions to trade any products – including drugs, timber, jade, and wildlife -- enabled conflict to subside.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly
    United Nations A/RES/57/ioe General Assembly Fifty-seventh session Agenda item 98 Resolution adopted by the General Assembly [without reference to a Main Committee (A/57/L.8 and Add. I)] 57/106. Follow-up to the International Year of Volunteers The General Assembly, Recalling its resolution 40/212 of 17 December 1985, in which it invited Governments to observe annually, on 5 December, an International Volunteer Day for Economic and Social Development, Recalling also its resolution 52/17 of 20 November 1997, in which it proclaimed the year 2001 as the International Year of Volunteers, and its resolution 55/57 of 4 December 2000 on the observance of the International Year of Volunteers, Recalling further and reaffirming its resolution 56/38 of 5 December 2001, which lays down recommendations for ways in which Governments and the United Nations system could support volunteering, Recognizing the valuable contribution of volunteering, including traditional forms of mutual aid and self-help, formal service delivery and other forms of civic participation, to economic and social development, benefiting society at large, communities and the individual volunteer, Recognizing also that volunteerism is an important component of any strategy aimed at, inter alia, such areas as poverty reduction, sustainable development, health, disaster prevention and management and social integration and, in particular, overcoming social exclusion and discrimination, Recognizing further that volunteering, particularly at the community level, will help to achieve the development goals and objectives set out in the United Nations Millennium Declaration1 and at other major United Nations conferences, summits, special sessions and their follow-up meetings, Noting with appreciation the efforts to increase awareness of volunteerism through global information sharing and education, including efforts to develop an effective network for volunteers through, inter alia, the International Year of Volunteers web site2 and linked national sites, ' See resolution 55/2.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict of Interests CMYK
    Part Two: Logging in Burma / 19 The China-Burma Border processed here originates in Burma. Workers in the increasing presence of the SPDC had led to more Yingjian told Global Witness that the Tatmadaw had taxation. Both accounts suggest that logging was held Chinese loggers hostage in Burma until the becoming less profitable. Local people told Global companies paid ransoms of approximately 10,000 yuan Witness that both the KIO and the SPDC controlled the ($1200) per person.327 forests and border crossing.327 19.5.3.3 Hong Bom He 19.5.3.5 Xima Hong Bom He Town is situated on the Hong Bom There was no indication that the small town of Xima River inside the Tonbiguan Nature Reserve. The town had anything to do with logging although it is well was built in 1993 after private companies illegally built a connected to the border.327 logging road to the Burmese border ostensibly with the consent of local Chinese authorities.327 The town is 19.5.3.6 Car Zan illegal insofar as it was built after the area was Car Zan is a busy logging town with two large designated a nature reserve. stockpiles of logs and approximately 30 sawmills in In 2000 there were 2,000 people working in the 2001.327 The town has been associated with logging for town and in the forests across the border in Kachin 10 years and is opposite KIO controlled areas.327 Global State, although by early 2001 the town appeared to be Witness investigators saw more than 20 log trucks, each closing down and was effectively working at 20% carrying nine m3 of logs, entering the town in a period capacity or less.327 There was still some log trading of an hour and a half, suggesting that the town is more activity with Chinese logging trucks and stockpiles of important for the timber trade than the number of wood present on the Burmese side of the river.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Ground, the Army Is Taking Advantage of the Silence of the International Community.” Visit Report | Thai-Burma Borderland May 2015
    Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust “On the ground, the Army is taking advantage of the silence of the international community.” Visit Report | Thai-Burma Borderland May 2015 CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1.1. Executive Summary and Recommendations ................................................................................ 4 1.2. Visit Objectives .............................................................................................................................. 5 1.3. Terminology .................................................................................................................................. 6 1.4. Quotations .................................................................................................................................... 6 2. Findings ............................................................................................................................................ 6 2.1. Military Offensives ....................................................................................................................... 7 2.2. Current Ceasefire and Peace Process Negotiations ..................................................................... 9 2.3. Land expropriation and large scale developments .....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict in Myanmar
    United Nations S/2017/1099 Security Council Distr.: General 22 December 2017 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in Myanmar Summary The present report, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1612 (2005) and subsequent resolutions, covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 30 June 2017 and is the fourth report on children and armed conflict in Myanmar to be submitted to the Security Council and its Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict. The report provides information on grave violations against children in Myanmar and identifies parties to the conflict responsible for such violations. During the reporting period, armed clashes in conflict-affected areas of the country continued to put children at risk and the country task force on monitoring and reporting documented and verified grave violations against children by the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) and other parties to the conflict, including all seven armed groups listed in the annual report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict. Grave violations against children increased in some areas owing to military operations and intensified clashes in several areas of the country, notably in Shan, Kachin and Rakhine States. Following the signing of a Joint Action Plan to end and prevent the recruitment and use of children by the Tatmadaw between the Government of Myanmar and the United Nations in June 2012, more than 849 children were released from the ranks of the Myanmar Armed Forces. Progress towards the implementation of the Joint Action Plan resulted in an annual decrease in the number of verified child recruitment cases.
    [Show full text]
  • WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME MYANMAR March 2016 Operational Report
    WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME MYANMAR March 2016 Operational Report Conflicts in northern Shan: In early February, Food delivery to NGCA of Kachin State: In February, an armed conflict between the Restoration Council for WFP attained permission from the Government for Shan State (RCSS)/ Shan State Army (SSA) and Ta’ang exclusive access to areas beyond its control (NGCA) in National Liberation Army (TNLA) erupted in Kyauk Mae Kachin State for the period from February to December Township of northern Shan State, forcing 4,000 civilians 2016. WFP will provide a total of 564 metric tons of to 19 camps in Kyauk Mae town. By end-February, food to more than 28,000 IDPs, complementing regular over 3,400 people remained in the camps. UN agencies, food assistance provided by local NGOs. Food assistance including WFP, conducted a rapid assessment in all this time will include blended food for pregnant and camps, except for one inaccessible site. Food provided lactating women, and malnourished children. to IDPs by private donors and civil society organizations was sufficient for two months. However, as IDPs’ food/ CFSAM report: In March, FAO and WFP launched crop stocks are looted and livestock is killed, food needs a report* on crop and food security assessment mission are expected to increase when displaced families return (CSFAM) in Myanmar. In December 2015, the joint to their villages of origin, albeit the security situation is mission visited 11 of 15 states/regions with currently volatile and the conflict is predicted to persist. an objective to ascertain and measure the extent of Moreover, farmers are likely to miss harvesting season, if conflict remains elevated further.
    [Show full text]
  • Yunnanese Chinese in Myanmar: Past and Present
    ISSN 0219-3213 2015 #12 Trends in Southeast Asia YUNNANESE CHINESE IN MYANMAR: PAST AND PRESENT YI LI TRS12/15s ISBN 978-981-4695-13-8 ISEAS Publishing 9 789814 695138 INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Trends in Southeast Asia 15-01914 01 Trends_2015-12.indd 1 6/7/15 10:53 am The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) was established in 1968. It is an autonomous regional research centre for scholars and specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute’s research is structured under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS) and Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and through country-based programmes. It also houses the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), Singapore’s APEC Study Centre, as well as the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and its Archaeology Unit. 15-01914 01 Trends_2015-12.indd 2 6/7/15 10:53 am 2015 # 12 Trends in Southeast Asia YUNNANESE CHINESE IN MYANMAR: PAST AND PRESENT YI LI ISEAS Publishing INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES 15-01914 01 Trends_2015-12.indd 3 6/7/15 10:53 am Published by: ISEAS Publishing Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang, Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2015 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission. The author is wholly responsible for the views expressed in this book which do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher.
    [Show full text]