Bureau of Democracy. Human Rights and Labor April 2005

KOSOVO: PROFILE OF ASYLUM CLAIMS AND COUNTRY CONDITIONS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION 2

ll. CONTEXT AND OVERVIEW 2

III. CLAIMS AND RELEV ANT COUNTRY CONDITIONS 4

A. Claims Based on Political Opinion 4 B. Claims Based on Race and Ethnicity 5 C. Claims Based on Religion 6 D.Claims Based on Membership in a Particular Social Group 6 E. Torture and Other Police Misconduct 7

IV. OTHER CONSIDERATIONS fOR ADJUDlCA TORS 7

High Emigration Rates 7 Demographics 7

APPENDIX I - Index of and Personalities 8

APPENDIX 2 - Place /Spellings 9

APPENDIX 3 - Map afKosovo 10

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Kosovo: Profile of Asylum Claims and Country Conditions for Kosovo

I. INTRODUCTION

Country Conditions profiles are produced by the Department of State's Office of Country Reports and Asylum Affairs for use by the Executive Office oflmmigration Review and the SureauofHomeland Security in assessing asylum claims. Under 8 C.F.R. §§ 208.11, 1208.1 J, the Department of State may provide information on .country conditions that may be pertinent to the adjudication of asylum claims. The purpose of these profiles is to provide information relating to such conditions; they are not intended to convey a description of all of the circumstances from which legitimate asylum claims may arise.

Profiles are prepared by State Department officers with expertise in the relevant area and are circulated for comment within the Department, including to overseas missions, and to other agencies if appropriate. Adjudicators may also wish to review the appHcablechapter ofthe Department 0 f State's annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices online at www.state.goy and other publicly available material on conditions in Kosovo.

n. CONTEXT AND· OVERVIEW

Kosovo is one of tile poorest regions in , and is today continuing to rebuild from a period of conflict in the late 1990s.

After World War 11, Kosovo became an autonomous province of Serbia in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In 1989, Yugoslav leader Siobodan Milosevic eliminated Kosovo's autonomy in favor ordirec! rule from Belgrade. Large nurnbers of ethnic Albanian state employees were fired from their jobs and replaced by ethnic Serbs. Kosovo Albanian leaders led a peaceful resistance movement in the early I 990s and established a parallelgovemmenl. When this movement failed to produce reforms, an armed resistance emerged in 1997 in the form ofth. Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, or U<;:K). The KLA's main goal was to secure the independence of Kosovo.

[n late 1998, Miloscvic unleashed a brutal police and military campaign in Kosovo, which included atrocities against civilians. Hundreds of thousands of Kosovo Albanians were displaced from their homes in Kosovo, and Serbian soldiers.and police killed thousands. These acts provoked a military response from NATO, which embarked on a 79-day air bombing campaign. In eaily June 1999, Milosevic capitulated and agreed to withdraw Yugoslav military and police forces from Kosovo. [ntemationnl forces, led by NATO, moved into Kosovo, and since thattime, Serbia and Montenegro has had no role in the administrating Kosovo's affairs.

While legally part of the former Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro is generally considered its successor), Kosovo is an international protectorate of the United Nations. Under UN Security Council Resolution 1244 of June 10, 1999, the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) oversees all aspects of Kosovo's governance pending resolution of its future status. The senior international official in Kosovo is a Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), who has sweeping legal authority to govern Kosovo.

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Resolution 1244 also authorized a NATO-led force (Kosovo Force, or KFOR) to maintain a safe and secure environment in Kasovo. Over the course of2004, KFOR maintained approximately ! 7,500 international troops in Kosovo. More tilan 3,000 U.N. internadonal police (CIVPOL) are responsible for civilian policing duties. Most day-to-day policing functions have now been transferred to the local Kosovo Police Service (KPS), now approximately 7,000 strong, while CIVPOL retains supervisory authority. The 5,OOO-member Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) exisls as a civilian emergency response organization that incorporated many former KLA combatants. The overwhelming majority of the Kosovo police and emergency forces are made up of ethnic Albanians.

In 200 I, local provisional institutions of self government (pISG) were created .through Kosovo­ wide elections, which resulted in the election of a President, Prime Minister and Assembly. UNMIK regulations bind all public officials, including judges, to respect international human rights law. Municipal elections were last held in October 2002, and Assembly elections were most recently held in October 2004.

Although no authoritative population figures are currently available, Kosovo is estimated to have approximately 2.2 million inhabitants, with Kosovo Albanians comprising over 90 percent of the population, Kosovo Serbs accounting for approximately 5 percent and other minorities­ including Bosniaks, Roma, Ashkali (Albanian-speaking Roma), Garani, and ethnic Turks­ accounting for the remainder. Most of the large numbers of Kosovo Albanian refugees who fled during the period of direct Serb administration have returned to their homes in Kosovo since the end of the war. After the war ended, as many as 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanian ethnic minorities fled Kosoyo and as of2005, only approximately 12,000 minorities have returned. Many of them remain displaced inside Kosovo, and in Serbia and Montenegro and Macedonia.

During the past five years, widespread violence has periodically occurred in KOSDV.O. The return of ethnic Albanian refugees in June 1999 was accompanied by a wave of reprisal killings of members of ethnic Serb and Roma minorities. There were also reports of extrajudicial killings by members of the KLA against so-called ethnic Albanian "collaborators" of the Milosevic regime.

In mid-March 2004, widespread violence, targeting primarily Kosovo Serb property and religious sites, erupted throughout the region. Nineteen people (eight of whom were ethnic Serbs) were killed, 954 were injured, large-scale destruction of homes and churches took place, and over 4,100 individuals, mainly minority community members, were forced to flee their homes. Some 350 Kosovo Albanians were also forced from their homes,primarily in the northern (majority-Serb) section of Mitro vi ca. Rioters also targeted UNMlK facilities and vehicles. Kosovo's small Serb communiry continues to suffer restricted freedom of movement and sporadic acts of inter -ethnic violence and intimidation. While there were many factors that contributed to the unrest, rising societal frustrations over a lack of independence, high unemployment and continued inter-ethnic tension were likely the primary causes.

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Ill_ CLAIMS AND RELEVANT COUNTRY CONDITIONS

A sampling of Kosovo Albanian claims reviewed by this office during the 2003-05 period indicates that a majority of such claims are based on political opinion. The most common Kosovo Albanian asylum claim involves fear of persecution based on membership or participation in the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).

A. Claims Based on Political Opinion

1) Claims by Kasavo.Albanians based on Political Opinion

1989 to June 1999: During the period leading up to and including the killings and mass expulsion of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo in 1998-1999, many Kosovo Albanians present in Kosovo suffered abuse at the hands of the Serb authorities, including mistreatment based on political opinion. From the early I 990s, the majority ofKosovo Albanians supported (now-President) Ibrahim Rugova, who spearheaded the Kosovo Albanian nonviolent resistance movement and eventually sought formal independence from Yugoslavia.

With the establishment of UNMIK in 1999, Serbian de joc/oconlrol within Kosovo ended. There are no formal Serbian institutions/authorities present in Kosovo, although there are Serbian­ funded. parallel governance structures in some oftha majority-Serb municipalities in the north.

Events after June 1999: Although Kosovo Albanians are united in their nesire to create an independent state, the legacy of tile war continues to affect Kosovo today. After June 1999, many of the former KLA members laid down their weapons and engaged in the political process to further their.goals of an independent Kosovo, Two former prominentKLA leaders formed their own political parties; Hashim Thad formed the Democratic Party ofKosovo (PDK) and Ramush Haradinaj formed the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK). In the four rounds ofelections held since June 1999, the PDK and AAK have competed against President Rugova's Democratic League of Koso va (LDK).ln all four elections, the LDKhas garner~d the most votes.

In the most recent Kosovo Assembly election in October 2004, the LDK remained the most popular political party in Kosavo, winning approximately 45 percent of the vote, while the PDK won approximately 29 percent and the AAK won approximately 8 percent. The great majority of Kosovo Serbs boycotted the October 2004 Assembly election. In March 2005, Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj resigned and traveled to The Hague after being indicted by the Intemational Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (lCTY). His party remains in the coalition government with the LDK; an AAK party leader, Bajram Kosumi, was selected to replace Mr. Harndinaj. The PDK remains in opposition.

Violence stemming from longstanding political disputes remains a problem for all major political parties. Since 1999, many key members of the three major Kosovo Albanian political parties (LDK, PDK, and AAK) and those close to them have been targets of violence as a result oftheir political affiliation. Although united in their desire to end Serbian control of Kosovo in the late- 19905, divisions that surfaced among Kasovo Albanians during the 1998-99 conflict cantinue to plague Kosovo's political landscape. There have been a handful of high-profile killings of

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prominent LDK figures. In 2002, an LDK municipal president (Le. mayor) was killed by a PDK partisan. In 2004, five former KLA fighters, including Daut Haradinaj, brother of AAK founder Ramush Haradinaj, were convicted of kidnapping and torturing to death four former FARK fighters (members of an LDK-affiliated guerilla group that was a rival to the KLA during the 1998-99 conflict). However, such events are very rare. Generally, people who are lay members of political parties have not been targets of political violence, although the particular political activities or. connections of an individual could make that person a target. The 2004 Assembly elections had very low levels of violence and intimidation.

2) Claims by Kosoyo Serbs. Raina and olher Minority Communities based on Political Opinion

Since June 1999, Kosovo Serbs, Roma, and members of Kosovo's other minority communities have faced discrimination and violence. Although discrimination based upon minority political affiliation cannot be ruled out in all cases, the majority of viole nce/d is crimination against Kosovo's minority communities, particularly the Serbs, is based largely on elhnicity. The majority of Kosovo Serbs fayor formal reunification with Serbia, a position that places the Serb community directly at odds with virtually all Kosovo Albanians, who favor independence. Minority representation is guaranteed in the Kosoyo Assembly and other provisional institutions of self-governance, although most Kosovo Serbs boycotted the October 2004 Kosovo Assembly election.

In mid-March 2004, Kosovo's minority communities were the targets of widespread riots. Nineteen people, eight of whom were Kosovo Serbs, were killed, 954 were injured, large'scale destruction of property took place. and over 4, I 00 individuals, most from minority communities were forced to flee their homes.

Many Kosovo Serbs live in ethnic enclaves. Kosovo Serbs have limited freedom afmovement, although these restrictions are often self-imposed given prevailing perceptions of insecurity. Kosoyo Serbs sometimes travel under protective escort from KFOR or CIVPOL.

B. Claims Based on Race and Ethnicity

J) Claims based on Race and Ethnicity among Kosovo Albanians

Kosovo Albanians comprise over 90 percent of Kosovo's population.of approximately 2.2 million. Kosovo Albanians speak the Gheg dialect of Albanian, similar to that spoken in Northern . .,

During the period ieading up to the 1998-99 conflict, many Kosovo Albanians had legitimate claims of abuse at the hands of the Serb authorities. based on their ethnicity. However, in the five years that the United Nations has governed Kosovo, the nature of the political system has changed fundamentally, and Kosovo Albanians, as the majority group in Kosovo, are no longer under any threat from Belgrade of discrimination based on race or ethnicity. Kosovo Albanians in the north do however experience discrimination because of their ethnicity, particularly in the Northern Mitrovica region, \\'here they are a minority.

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2) Claims based on Race and Elhniciry among Kosovo Serbs, Ramo and other Minority Communities

Kosovo Serbs speak the Serbian language, consider themselves ethnic Slavs, are generally members of the Serbian Orthodox Church, and maintain a distinct cultural identity, although they are physically indistinguishable from Kosovo Albanians. Rom.,Bosniaks and Gorani in Kosovo all have distinct cultural identities, but are often associated with Kosovo Serbs due to the fact that all ofth.so groups speak Slavic languages similar to Serbian, and some Kosovo Albanians believe thcsegroups were sympathizers with the Milosevic regime. By contrast, ethnic Turks have found greater acceptanee among the Kosovo Albanian majority.

Kosovo 1,s minority communities, particularly the Serbs and Roma, continue to experience discrimination and violence because oftheir ethnicity. In March 2004, Kosovo Serb property and religious sites were the primary targets of three days of widespread rioting, which resulted in several deaths and the subsequent displacement of more than 4,100 people, although members of other minority groups were also targeted.

C. Claims Based on Religion

The majority ofKosovo Albanians are Muslim, and a minority are Roman Catholic. Kosovo Serbs are Orthodox Christians. Although some instances of ethnic discrimination or tension may have had religiolls roots, the continuing basis of political conflict in Kosovo involves ethnic tensions between Kosovo's ethnic Albanian and ethnic Serb populations. Differenees between Kosovo Albanian Muslims and Kosovo Albanian Catholics and Protestants have been largely overshadowed by their common ethllic Albanian heritage, although infrequent acts of intimidation by Muslims have been reported. During the March 2004 violencc, Kosovo Albanian extremists destroyed or damaged 30 Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries, while Catholic and protestant churches were largely unaffected.

D. Claims Based on Membership in a Particular Social Group

Victims of Trafficking : Kosovo is increasingly serving as a transit point and destination for trafficking in women and girls for the purpose of prostitution. While the. majority of women and girls trafficked in Kosovo are from other countries in the region, the intemal trafficking of women and girls is also a serious problem.

Victims of trafficking are commonly recruited by friends, relatives or acquaintances, with promises ofjobs as waitresses, domestic workers or nannies in Westem Europe. Some victims arc forcibly abducted. Victims are often poor, uneducated, and come from dysfunctional family backgrounds where domestic violence is commonplace. According to the .Center for the Proteclion of Women (CPWC), some 80 percent of the internally trafficked victims it treated in 2003 were under the age of 18.

Trafficked Kasovar women generally end up in bars, restaurants and clubs, where they are held, often forcibly, as sexual slaves, receiving little or no paymen~ and servicing as many as 10 to 15

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clients each day. Most trafficked women arc subjected to other forms of physical and psychological abuse in addition to sexual abuse.

Internally trafficked women and girls who escape or are freed by police are sometimes treated as criminals or prostitutes, rather than as victims of a crime. Since 2000, internally trafficked women have been offered shelter by CPWC Bnd other local NGOs. They are offered counseling, medical and legal advice, and, if they choose to reintegrate with their , are given assistance. However, given the strong Albanian cultural stigma of shame that trafficked women experience, many are unable to return to their families. Due to the lack of effective witness protection, most victims of trafficking are unwilling to testify against their traffickersicaptors, and fear retribution against themselves or their families.

Homosexuals: Kosovo remains a traditional society, and although not prohibited by law, homosexuality is considered strongly taboo and shameful. According to the Kosovo Ombudsperson, "there is no tolerance for homosexuals at alP) in Kosovo. in recent years, newspapers and Muslim religious leaders have written and spoken out against homosexuality, often in highly abusive language. There have been reports ofattacks against members of Kosovo'sgay and lesbian association, as well asjoh discrimination. Leaders ofKosovo's fledgling gay and lesbian association use when speaking to the media out of fear that they will be subject to violence if their identity is revealed. Violence against homosexuals usually goes unreported, as victims fear that reporting such incidents will expose their homosexuality to their friends and family members. At least one political party - the Islamic­ oriented Justice Party - has included a condemnation of homosexuals in its platform.

E. Torture and Other Police Misconduct

Torture is prohibited in Kosovo. However, there are reports that members of CIVPOL, KPS and KPC have, at times, used excessive force or harassed persons. Such incidents bave been relatively inftequent, and perpetrators of such abuse have been dismissed from their positions and punished.

IV. OTHER CONSIDERATIONS FOR ADJUDICATORS

High Emigration Rates: There is a large ethnic community living in the United States and , including many ethnic Albanians from Kosovo. This community has grown through the lote-1990s asgreater numbers ofKosovo Albanians fled violence and worsening economic conditions at home.

DemoQraohics: Despite some improvement, economic conditions in Kosovo remain extremely difficult. Among the general population, unemployment rates are estimated to be as high as 55 percent. Over half ofKosovo's population is under the age of25, and the unemployment rate among persons between 15 and 24 is over 63 percent. Among women between IS and 24, the rate of unemployment is 74 percent. According to a UNDP poll in Nov"mber 2004, almost 70 percent ofKosovo's population was Hunsatisfiedll or "very unsatisfied" with KOSOVO'S economic situation~

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APPENDIX!. Index of Acronyms and Personalities

Commonly Used Acronyms

AAK Alliance for the Future ofKosovo, led.by led by former KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj. CIVPOL United Nations International Police; contingent of police officers from around the world performing police functions in Kosovo. FARK Armed Forces ofthe Republic ofK050Yo; Kosovo Albanian guerrilla group, fought Serbian forces during 1998-99, and was a riyal to theKLA. Many of its members werelare affiliated with the LDK. KLA KosoYO Liberation Army; former armed group that fought guerilla war against Serb authorities in late-19905 KPC Kosoyo Protection Corps; a civilian emergency response organization that incorporated many former KLA fighters KPS Kosovo Police Service; multi-ethnic local police force LDK Democratic League ofKosovo. led by President Ibrahim Rugova .. Party led nonviolent resistance movement of early and mid-l 990s under Serb rule. (Sometimes referred to by English initials, DLK) OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; organization is part of UNMIK governing structure in Kosovo. PDK Democratic Party of Kosavo, led by Hashim Thaci,former leader of the KLA. Party popularly identified with more militant resistance to Serb oppression during the I 990s. (Sometimes referred to by English initials, DPK.) U(:K Albanian initials of Kasovo Liberation Army (KLA). UNMIK United Nations Interim Administrative Mission in Kosoyo; international civilian presence in Kosovo since June 1999.

Personalities

Hashim Thaci Former leader of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA); head of Democratic Party of Koso YO (PDK). Ibrahim Rugova President o[Kosoyo, leader of Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) Ramush Haradinaj Former Prime Minister of Kosovo, resigned in March 2005 after being indicted for war crimes by the ICTY; former KLA commander; leader of Alliance for the Future of Koso YO (AAK). Slobodan Miloseyic Leader of Yugoslavia until his removal in 2000; presently on trial at The Hague for genocide and crimes against humanity.

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APPENDlX2. Place Names/Spellings

On international maps of Kosovo, place names generally appear in Serbian. However, ethnic Albanian asylum applicants often tend to refer to places by their Albanian names. The following chart lists boththe Scrbian and Albanian name of towns and municipalities in Kosovo, complete with diacritics:

Albanian Place Name Serbian Place Name Kosove (or Kosova) Kosovo (or Kosovo i Metohija) Prishtine (or Prishtina) Pristina Deyan Decani Dragash Dragas Ferizaj Uro!ievnc Fushe Kosove Kosovo Polie Giakove flakaviea (or Diakovica) Gjilan Gnjilane Gllogovc Glogovac istog lstok Kal'anik Kacanik Kamenice Kamenica Kline Klina Leposaviq Leposavie Lipjan Lipljan Malishevo Malisevo Mitrovice Mitroviea Novoberde Novo Brdo Obiliq Obilie Peie Pee Poduiove Podujevo Prizren Prizren Rabovec Orahovae Shtime Stimlje Shterpce Strpce Skenderai Srbica Suhareke Suva Rcke Viti Vitina Vushtrri Vucitm Zubin Potak Zubin Potok Zveyan Zvecan

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