DOCSLIB.ORG

Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame By

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame By Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame By Rochelle Layla Terman A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and the Designated Emphasis in Gender and Women’s Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Ron E Hassner, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Steven Weber Professor Raka Ray Summer 2016 Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame Copyright 2016 by Rochelle Layla Terman Abstract Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame by Rochelle Layla Terman Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Ron E Hassner, Chair This dissertation examines the causes and consequences of international “naming and shaming”: a ubiquitous tactic used by states and civil society to improve interna- tional human rights. When does international shaming lead to the improvement in hu- man rights conditions, and when does it backfire, resulting in the worsening of human rights practices or a backlash against international norms? Instead of understanding transnational norms as emanating from some monolithic “international community,” I propose that we gain better analytic insight by considering the ways in which norms are embodied in particular actors and identities, promoted and contested between specific states in relational terms. Starting from this approach, I apply insights from sociology, social psychology, and criminology to develop a theory of international “defiance,” or the increase in norm offending behavior caused by a proud, shameless reaction against a sanctioning agent. As detailed in Chapter 2, defiance unfolds through domestic and international logics that incentivize elites to violate international norms for political gain. Anticipating these political effects, regimes often provoke and manipulate shaming for strategic purposes. In the long-term, defiance can attach oppositional norms to collective identity, trans- forming domestic and international normative orders. I argue that international pres- sure is more likely to provoke defiance under three conditions: (1) the target has weak social ties with the shamer (e.g. economic, political, or ideological); (2) the shamer lacks credibility due to bias or inaccuracy; and (3) the shame is stigmatizing, denigrating the actor instead of the behavior. Existing empirical studies on “naming and shaming” tend to focus exclusively on the country being shamed, obscuring the relational dynamics at the core of the shaming process. My empirical work, in contrast, explores these relationships head-on. In Chap- ter 3, I evaluate the role of social ties (the first condition driving defiance) in both the causes and consequences of interstate shaming using novel data from the Universal Pe- 1 riodic Review, a process conducted by the United Nations wherein states “peer review” one another’s human rights practices. I show that not only is shaming driven by the re- lationship between sender and target, but states will accept or defy shaming based on this relationship, regardless of the norm in question. In other words, when it comes to human rights shaming, the critic matters just as much as the criticism. Chapter 4 shines the spotlight on the shamer, exposing the political biases that shape human rights reporting. I argue that if human rights reporting is stigmatizing, it can risk defiance and backlash. How can one measure and compare stigma in media portrayals in a systematic way? I propose a solution using new data on U.S. news cov- erage of global women’s rights, 1980-2014 along with novel computational text analysis tools. Chapter 4 presents evidence suggesting that American media stigmatizes Mus- lims in their coverage of women’s rights abroad by propagating the stereotype that Muslims are uniquely or particularly discriminatory against women. While I cannot address the impact of such coverage writ large, I follow up on one particular story that captured widespread media attention in 2010-11: the “Save Sa- kineh” campaign, which involved a massive, global shaming operation directed at Iran for sentencing a woman to stoning for adultery of 2010-11. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct an in-depth qualitative study of the case, leveraging in-depth interviews and extensive ar- chival research to trace the micro-politics of defiance. I illustrate the role of social ties, credibility, and stigma in the development of the campaign, as well as the co- constitutive relationship between Western shaming and Iranian defiance. Chapter 7 concludes by sketching some additional implications of my argument, directions for fu- ture research, and policy recommendations. 2 To J.M. i Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 1 International Norms: An Intellectual History ................................................................ 3 2 Shortcomings and Corrections to the Norms Literature .............................................. 8 3 Concepts, Argument, and Empirical Approach .......................................................... 12 4 Road Map .......................................................................................................................... 17 Chapter 2 Shaming, Identity & Defiance ............................................................................. 18 1 Shaming and Compliance ............................................................................................... 18 2 Shaming and Defiance ..................................................................................................... 22 3 Defiance and International Norms ................................................................................ 28 4 The Domestic Politics of Defiance .................................................................................. 32 5 The International Politics of Defiance ........................................................................... 38 6 Drivers of Defiance .......................................................................................................... 44 7 Implications and Conclusion .......................................................................................... 47 Chapter 3 The Macro-Politics of Defiance: Shaming and Relational Ties in the Universal Periodic Review ....................................................................................................... 49 1 The Universal Periodic Review: Background and Theory ......................................... 50 2 Argument and Predictions .............................................................................................. 53 3 Data and Descriptive Findings ....................................................................................... 56 4 Empirical Approach ......................................................................................................... 62 5 Results ................................................................................................................................ 65 6 Implications and Conclusions ........................................................................................ 72 Chapter 4 Shame and Stigma: Islamophobia and Women’s Rights in U.S. News Coverage ...................................................................................................................................... 74 1 Islamophobia and Gendered Orientalism .................................................................... 75 2 Hypotheses and Data ....................................................................................................... 77 3 Testing Hypothesis 1 ....................................................................................................... 80 4 Testing Hypothesis 2 ....................................................................................................... 86 5 Extensions .......................................................................................................................... 94 6 Implications and Conclusions ........................................................................................ 96 Chapter 5 The Micro-Politics of Defiance: Iran and the Sakineh Affair, Part 1 ............. 98 1 Sakineh as a Case ............................................................................................................ 100 2 Sakineh as a Cause ......................................................................................................... 108 3 Sakineh as a Dilemma .................................................................................................... 115 4 Summary Thus Far ......................................................................................................... 121 Chapter 6 The Micro-Politics of Defiance: Iran and the Sakineh Affair, Part 2 ........... 122 1 Sakineh as Damage Control .......................................................................................... 123 2 Sakineh as a Marketing War ......................................................................................... 130 ii 3 Sakineh as a Success? ..................................................................................................... 139 4 Implications and Conclusions ...................................................................................... 144 Chapter 7 Conclusion: The Shamer’s
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Calculators for Women: When Identity Appeals Provoke Backlash
    Calculators for Women: When Identity Appeals Provoke Backlash Tami Kim Kate Barasz Leslie John Michael I. Norton Working Paper 19-086 Calculators for Women: When Identity Appeals Provoke Backlash Tami Kim Kate Barasz University of Virginia Harvard Business School Leslie John Michael I. Norton Harvard Business School Harvard Business School Working Paper 19-086 Copyright © 2019 by Tami Kim, Kate Barasz, Leslie John, and Michael I. Norton Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author. Identity Backlash 1 Calculators for Women: When Identity Appeals Provoke Backlash Word Count: 1,992 words Identity Backlash 2 Abstract From “Chick Beer” to “Dryer sheets for Men,” identity-based labeling is frequently deployed to appeal to people who hold the targeted identity. However, five studies demonstrate that identity appeals can backfire, alienating the very individuals they aim to attract. We begin by demonstrating backlash against identity appeals in the field during the 2016 presidential election (Study 1) and in the lab (Study 2). This (in)effectiveness of identity appeals is driven by categorization threat—feeling unwillingly reduced to a single identity—which is induced when a) the identity deployed is that of a typically marginalized group (Studies 3-4) and b) the appeal evokes a stereotype about that identity (Study 5). Ironically, identity appeals often drive identity- holders away from options they would have preferred in the absence of that appeal. Keywords: Identity, Gender, Categorization threat, Stereotypes Identity Backlash 3 From Chick Beer to Mangria, hand tools “for Women” to dryer sheets “for Men” (Bailey, 2015; Chack, 2014; Tuttle, 2016), examples of identity-based labeling—or “identity appeals”— abound.
    [Show full text]
  • 76 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 39Hi Between
    76 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 39hI between analytical bibliography and histoire du~livre, between the Old and New Worlds, and between the metropolis and the frontier. CARL SPADONI McMaster University Library The Challenge of Change: A Consideration of the Canadian Book Industry / Le de'fz du changernent: Étude de l'industrie canadienne du livre. Ottawa: Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage, zooo. Io9 pp.; $32.oo (paper). ISBN 0-660-61326-3. The mandate of the Standing Committee is to oversee issues and legislation pertaining to the Canadian Heritage portfolio. With respect to the book industry, the Committee's mandate is to monitor the link between the Government of Canada's support to the book industry and the provision of increased choice of Canadian-authored materials to Canadian readers. (4) The Challenge of Change is a timely investigation by the Standing Committee of new trends in wholesale distribution and ownership, namely, the arrival of the retail superstore and innovations in information technology, especially online publishing and bookselling. These key shifts are of recent origin, merely the latest of many transformations in the book industry throughout the last half-century. Among those changes were government funding to creators and publishers, the compilation of industry statistics, the arrival of major wholesalers and of multinational firms, a number of casualties among long-established Toronto publishing houses, the rise and near decline of regional literary presses, and the international popularity of Canadian writers. An exciting era, certainly, but many of the fundamental problems that have plagued publishing and bookselling for the last century have simply turned up in a new guise.
    [Show full text]
  • Indigo Books and Music Inc
    Factsheet: Boycott campaign: Indigo Books and Music Inc. Factsheet Series No. 82, Created June, 2010, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East What is Indigo Books and Music Inc.? Founded in 1996, Indigo Books and Music Inc., a Canadian Company, became the largest Canadian book retail chain at the time of its merger with Chapters Inc. in August 2010. With over 250 stores in ten provinces and one territory, Indigo is the third largest book retailer in North America. This monopolistic company sells under the banners Chapters, The World’s Biggest Bookstore, Coles, SmithBooks, Indigospirit, The Book Company, Pistachio, and chapters.indigo.ca. Heather Reisman and Gerry Schwartz are a couple: she is founder and CEO of the company, while he is president of Onex Inc., and member of the board of directors at Indigo. Between them, they control 68% of the assets of the company Indigo Books and Music Inc. With a net turnover of more than $968 million in 20101, any purchase at Indigo Books and Music generates income for Reisman and Schwartz. What is the HESEG Foundation for Lone Soldiers? Heather Reisman and Gerry Schwartz established the HESEG Foundation for Lone Soldiers in 2005 to encourage foreign soldiers to join the Israeli army and continue their studies in Israel. By issuing scholarships on behalf of the HESEG Foundation for Lone Soldiers, Reisman and Schwartz hope to demonstrate their gratitude and support for the hundreds of « Lone Soldiers » who left their country to join the Israeli military forces. Each year, the HESEG foundation rewards hundreds of “Lone Soldiers” with more than $3 million worth of scholarships for further academic studies in Israel.2 Why boycott Indigo Books and Music Inc.? By supporting and rewarding the « Lone Soldiers », Reisman and Schwartz by means of Indigo Books and Music Inc., indirectly support Israel military efforts in the occupation of the Palestinian territories.
    [Show full text]
  • Immigration & the Origins of White Backlash
    Immigration & the Origins of White Backlash Zoltan Hajnal The success of Donald Trump’s anti-immigrant campaign surprised many. But I show that it was actually a continuation of a long-standing Republican strategy that has targeted immigrants and minorities for over five decades. It is not only a long-term strategy but also a widely successful one. Analysis of the vote over time shows clearly that White Americans with anti-immigrant views have been shifting steadily toward the Republican Party for decades. The end result is a nation divid- ed by race and outcomes that often favor Whites over immigrants and minorities. “They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bring- ing those problems with us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.” ith these now infamous lines about Mexican immigrants, President Trump appeared to set in motion his meteoric rise in the 2016 presi- W dential campaign. Before giving that speech, Trump was floundering. Polls placed him near the bottom of the sixteen-candidate Republican field. But just a month later–after almost nonstop coverage of his immigration remarks– Trump had skyrocketed to first place in the polls. In the primary, Trump won over Republican voters who wanted to deport unauthorized immigrants, and he lost decisively among those who favored a pathway to citizenship. Indeed, immi- gration appeared to fuel his candidacy all the way through the general election. Three-quarters of Trump voters felt that illegal immigrants were “mostly a drain” on American society.
    [Show full text]
  • Trump's Anti-Immigrant Backlash in Broader Perspective Zoltan Hajnal
    Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Backlash in Broader Perspective Zoltan Hajnal, University of California, San Diego There is no denying the powerful role that an anti-immigrant backlash has played for Donald Trump. Before his now infamous speech about Mexican immigrants - “They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists.” – Donald Trump’s presidential campaign was floundering with polls placing him near the bottom of the 16 candidate Republican field.1 But after a month of non-stop coverage of his immigration remarks Trump sky rocketed to first place in the polls. Immigration continued to fuel his candidacy throughout the primary and the general election. His narrow victory rested in no small part on anger about immigration. Three quarters of Trump voters felt that illegal immigrants were “mostly a drain” on American society. Only 11 percent of Clinton supports agreed.2 An anti-immigrant backlash has continued to be central to his presidency which started with an attempted ban on immigration from seven predominantly Muslim countries and has continued with repeal of the DACA program, the elimination of Temporary Protected Status for tens of thousands of Central Americans, a limit on refugees, an increase in the number and scope of deportations, and a plan to build a massive wall along the entire Southern border with Mexico. What is wrong is to see this purely as a Donald Trump phenomenon. The anti-immigrant threat narrative has had a lasting influence on American partisan politics and it will likely to continue to be an important factor in the future. In this essay, I put the anti-immigrant backlash of 2016 into its broader context.
    [Show full text]
  • Episode 13: Women Hello and Welcome to the Death Penalty
    Episode 13: Women Hello and welcome to the Death Penalty Information Center’s series of podcasts, exploring issues related to capital punishment. In this edition, we will be discussing women and the death penalty. Have women always been represented on death row in the United States? When was the first woman executed? Yes, in theory women have always been eligible for the death penalty in the United States, though they have been executed far less often than men. The first woman executed in what is now the U.S. was Jane Champion, in 1632. She received the death penalty in Virginia for murder. The first woman executed in the modern era of the death penalty was Velma Barfield. She was given a lethal injection in North Carolina in 1984. Do death penalty laws treat men and women differently? No. The laws are written in a gender-neutral way. However, the federal government forbids the execution of a woman who is pregnant. The U.S. has also ratified a treaty with a similar provision. In some countries, criminal laws are specifically written to affect women and men differently. What percentage of death row inmates are women? What percentage of executions involve women? As of October 31, 2010, there were 55 women on death row. They made up 1.7% of all death row inmates. In all of American history, there have only been 569 documented executions of women, out of over 15,000 total executions. Since 1976, twelve women have been executed, accounting for about 1% of executions during that time.
    [Show full text]
  • P7 TA-PROV(2010)0351 World Day Against the Death Penalty
    P7_TA-PROV(2010)0351 World Day against the Death Penalty European Parliament resolution of 7 October 2010 on the World day against the death penalty The European Parliament, – having regard to Protocol No 6 to the Convention for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms concerning the abolition of the death penalty, of 28 April 1983, – having regard to the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty, of 15 December 1989, – having regard to its previous resolutions on the abolition of the death penalty, in particular that of 26 April 2007 on the initiative for a universal moratorium on the death penalty1, – having regard to its resolutions of 26 November 2009 on China: minority rights and application of the death penalty2, of 20 November 2008 on the death penalty in Nigeria3, of 17 June 2010 on executions in Libya4, of 8 July 2010 on North Korea5, of 22 October 2009 on Iran6, of 10 February 2010 on Iran7, and of 8 September 2010 on human rights in Iran, in particular the cases of Mohammadi Ashtiani and Zahra Bahrami8, – having regard to United Nations General Assembly Resolution 62/149 of 18 December 2007 calling for a moratorium on the use of the death penalty, and United Nations General Assembly Resolution 63/168 of 18 December 2008 calling for the implementation of the 2007 General Assembly resolution 62/149, – having regard to the UN Secretary-General’s report to the General Assembly on moratoriums on the use of the death penalty, of
    [Show full text]
  • WWE: Redefining Orking-Classw Womanhood Through Commodified Eminismf
    Wright State University CORE Scholar The University Honors Program Academic Affairs 4-24-2018 WWE: Redefining orking-ClassW Womanhood through Commodified eminismF Janice M. Sikon Wright State University - Main Campus Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/honors Part of the Women's Studies Commons Repository Citation Sikon, J. M. (2018). WWE: Redefining orking-ClassW Womanhood through Commodified Feminism. Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Affairs at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in The University Honors Program by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WWE: Redefining Working-Class Womanhood 1 WWE: Redefining Working-Class Womanhood through Commodified Feminism Janice M. Sikon Wright State University WWE: Redefining Working-Class Womanhood 2 Introduction World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) is the largest professional wrestling promotion in the world (Bajaj & Banerjee, 2016). Their programs air in 20 languages in over 180 countries, and in the United States approximately 11 million people watch their programs each week (“FAQ,” n.d.). These programs include six hours of televised weekly events and 16 annual pay- per-view events (“WWE Reports,” 2017). In the first quarter of 2017 the company grossed $188.4 million (“WWE Reports,” 2017). They have close ties with the current presidential administration, as Small Business Administrator Linda McMahon was the CEO of the company from 1980 to 2009 (Reuters, 2009) and President Trump has made several appearances on WWE programming in the past (“Donald Trump,” n.d.).
    [Show full text]
  • Will Saudi Arabia's Social Revolution Provoke a Wahhabi Backlash
    Viewpoints No. 126 Will Saudi Arabia’s Social Revolution Provoke a Wahhabi Backlash David B. Ottaway Middle East Fellow Wilson Center May 2018 Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman has been fast-tracking a wave of social reforms that the ultraconservative Wahhabis and their supporters may not be able to withstand. While many, especially women, hail the reforms, the kingdom’s top religious leaders are fiercely denouncing them on religious grounds, provoking fears of a severe Wahhabi backlash. Middle East Program 1 Saudi Arabia’s new de facto ruler, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, is pushing his country at breakneck speed into major social reforms, rousing concern about a backlash from the kingdom’s ultra-conservative Wahhabi religious establishment, the bedrock of the ruling House of Saud for over two and a half centuries. Senior clerics who were speaking out loudly against these reforms have been summarily silenced or thrown into jail, but they have millions of followers on social media who have yet to be heard from. The 32-year-old crown prince is in the process of engineering a fundamental shift in the social and political base of the al-Saud family from this powerful religious constituency to a new generation of educated youth and women befitting a country where two-thirds of the population is under 30 years of age. Yet his new base of popular support is still inchoate and he is using a popular mandate for reform to promote a new form of autocratic governance. Indeed, Saudi Arabia is witnessing an unprecedented centralization of power in the hands of just one prince who brooks no opposition or even the slightest hint of criticism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge and Promise of Using
    The author(s) shown below used Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice and prepared the following final report: Document Title: The Challenge and Promise of Using Community Policing Strategies to Prevent Violent Extremism: A Call for Community Partnerships with Law Enforcement to Enhance Public Safety, Final Report Author(s): David Schanzer, Charles Kurzman, Jessica Toliver, Elizabeth Miller Document No.: 249674 Date Received: January 2016 Award Number: 2012-ZA-BX-0002 This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice. To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this federally funded grant report available electronically. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. THE CHALLENGE AND PROMISE OF USING COMMUNITY POLICING STRATEGIES TO PREVENT VIOLENT EXTREMISM A Call for Community Partnerships with Law Enforcement to Enhance Public Safety David Schanzer Charles Kurzman Jessica Toliver Elizabeth Miller Triangle Center on Terrorism and Homeland Security Sanford School of Public Policy, Duke University JANUARY 2016 THE CHALLENGE AND PROMISE OF USING COMMUNITY POLICING STRATEGIES TO PREVENT VIOLENT EXTREMISM A Call for Community Partnerships with Law Enforcement to Enhance Public Safety This project was supported by Award No. 2012-ZA-BX-0002, awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Comune Di Villadose Provincia Di Rovigo
    DELIBERAZIONE DEL CONSIGLIO COMUNALE COMUNE DI VILLADOSE PROVINCIA DI ROVIGO C O P I A ORDINE DEL GIORNO A DIFESA DI SAKINEH MOHAMMADI ASHTIANI.- Nr. Progr. 61 Data 27/10/2010 Seduta Nr. 13 Adunanza ORDINARIA Seduta PUBBLICA di PRIMA convocazione L'anno DUEMILADIECI questo giorno VENTISETTE del mese di OTTOBRE alle ore 21:00 convocata con le prescritte modalità, Solita sala delle Adunanze si è riunito il Consiglio Comunale. Fatto l'appello nominale risultano: Cognome e Nome Ass. Pres. Cognome e Nome Ass. Pres. ALESSIO GINO X SCHIBUOLA LISA X BELLINI MASSIMO X RIZZATO GIANPIETRO X ROMAGNOLO MARTINA X SANTELLA GIORGIA X CALLEGARO ROBERTO X BRAZZO GIANNI X BARBIERI MATTEO X LIONELLO MICHELE X SOLDÀ RENZO X SIVIERO MARTINA X RENESTO LUCA X FERLIN FABRIANO X PAPARELLA ILARIA X STOCCO FRANCESCO X GIORDANI STEFANO X TOTALE Presenti n. 15 TOTALE Assenti n. 2 Assessori Extraconsiliari ____________________ Presente Assenti Giustificati i signori: BRAZZO GIANNI, SIVIERO MARTINA Assenti Non Giustificati i signori: Nessun convocato risulta assente ingiustificato Assiste alla seduta incaricato della redazione del verbale il SEGRETARIO COMUNALE del Comune, Sig./Sig.ra Dott. ERNESTO BONIOLO. Vengono designati al ruolo di scrutatori i Signori: BELLINI MASSIMO, GIORDANI STEFANO, STOCCO FRANCESCO In qualità di SINDACO, il Sig./Sig.ra GINO ALESSIO assume la presidenza e, constatata la legalità della adunanza, dichiara aperta la seduta invitando il Consiglio Comunale a deliberare sugli oggetti iscritti all'ordine del giorno. DELIBERAZIONE DEL CONSIGLIO COMUNALE NR. 61 DEL 27/10/2010 OGGETTO: ORDINE DEL GIORNO A DIFESA DI SAKINEH MOHAMMADI ASHTIANI.- Il Sindaco illustra i contenuti dell’”Ordine del giorno a difesa di Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani” proposto dalla Giunta Comunale; In merito il Sindaco legge anche la dichiarazione del Consigliere Martina SIVIERO , datata 25.10.2010 e pervenuta in pari data al prot.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded All Articles Containing the Subject Term “Women” from These Two Outlets During the Specified Time Period
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6cd8w9w8 Author Terman, Rochelle Layla Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame By Rochelle Layla Terman A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and the Designated Emphasis in Gender and Women’s Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Ron E Hassner, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Steven Weber Professor Raka Ray Summer 2016 Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame Copyright 2016 by Rochelle Layla Terman Abstract Backlash: Defiance, Human Rights and the Politics of Shame by Rochelle Layla Terman Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Ron E Hassner, Chair This dissertation examines the causes and consequences of international “naming and shaming”: a ubiquitous tactic used by states and civil society to improve interna- tional human rights. When does international shaming lead to the improvement in hu- man rights conditions, and when does it backfire, resulting in the worsening of human rights practices or a backlash against international norms? Instead of understanding transnational norms as emanating from some monolithic “international community,” I propose that we gain better analytic insight by considering the ways in which norms are embodied in particular actors and identities, promoted and contested between specific states in relational terms.
    [Show full text]