Reseña De" Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth Century Puerto Rico" De Luis Figueroa," La Esclavitud Menor: La Esclavitud En Los Municipios Del Interior De Puerto Rico En

Centro Journal ISSN: 1538-6279 [email protected] The City University of New York Estados Unidos

Denis, Milagros Reseña de "Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth Century Puerto Rico" de Luis Figueroa, "La esclavitud menor: la esclavitud en los municipios del interior de Puerto Rico en el siglo XIX" de Mariano Negrón Portillo and Raúl Mayo Santana y "Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico" de Guillermo Baralt Centro Journal, vol. XXI, núm. 1, 2009, pp. 236-245 The City University of New York New York, Estados Unidos

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Volume7 xx1 Number 1 spring 2009

review essay

The Problem of Slavery in the Puerto Rican Society

Mi l a g r o s De n i s

Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth Century Puerto Rico

By Luis Figueroa Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2005 304 pages; $55.00 [cloth]

La esclavitud menor: la esclavitud en los municipios del interior de Puerto Rico en el siglo XIX

By Mariano Negrón Portillo and Raúl Mayo Santana San Juan: Centro de Investigaciones Sociales, UPR, 2007 152 pages; $10.00 [paper]

Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico

By Guillermo Baralt [Translated by Christine Ayorinde] Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2007 190 pages; $26.95 [paper]

[ 236 ] Studies on race and racial exclusion cannot be conducted without assessing the REVIEW socioeconomic strategies used by the institutions that were established to maintain the social order. Throughout history, racism has changed and evolved, yet it has remained a dominant and pervasive force in virtually every society. In Puerto Rican society racism is subtle and has being trivialized by proclaiming that the island’s history is based on a long tradition of mestizaje (Blanco 1985 [1942]). The claim that ESSAY the island is a “colorblind” society is another way to disguise a problem that finds its roots on the island’s colonial history and in slavery. It has become a shameful episode, which as Godreau et al. (2008) put it “is thorny and problematic topic for nation building projects.” In the Puerto Rican context, race is characterized and defined as a phenomenon of non-racist racism. While the Puerto Rican government declares the absence of institutionalized racist practices, the conditions of Afro-Puerto Ricans contradict this position. For instance, in the folkloric traditions of the 1940s and 1950s, only those with European ancestry were privileged as constitutive founders of the new nation. The newly projected images and rhetoric coincide with the massive implementation of modernization in Puerto Rico in which dramatic changes took place in the economy and society (Denis 2005). These changes affected the working class, which was comprised mostly of African descent people positively and negatively. Comparable to Latin American scholarship, in Puerto Rico the history of slavery reflects a tendency of being tamed and limited. The history of slavery is as—Godreau et al. pointed out—“instrumental in the reproduction of national ideologies of mestizaje.” In finding a solution to the socioeconomic disadvantages that are characteristic among the Afro-Puerto Rican population, the history of slavery is instrumental (Díaz-Quiñones 1985). But what kind of historical interpretations should one refer that can be useful for public policy making or to understand the dynamics in a society that everyday is turning even whiter, and blackness is suppressed and rejected? How a historian or a social scientist can use those sources that mostly focus on slavery as an economic institution and silence the human aspect of the enslaved? How educators and intellectuals can shift the paradigms of a “colorblind” society without underestimating relevant research on slavery in Puerto Rico? Perhaps in this context one might apply a very critical judgment to that information. It is one’s responsibility. This essay revisits the history of slavery in Puerto Rico using Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico (translated from Spanish), La esclavitud menor and Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico. This essay also analyzes specific aspects on the treatment of slavery, resistance and emancipation that are addressed in each one of the books reviewed. Furthermore, in this narrative is used the mentioned texts to test what historians and social scientists have pointed out somewhere else that a better understanding of the history of slavery help us to “elucidate the roots of contemporary racial inequality and related racial identities” (Godreau et al. 2008). The most recent publications on the topic of slavery in Puerto Rico, Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico (translated from Spanish to English), La esclavitud menor: la esclavitud en los municipios del interior de Puerto Rico, and Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth- Century Puerto Rico highlight some aspects that previous scholars have overlooked: 1) the degree to which slaves in Puerto Rico through rebellions and others manifestations struggled to gain their freedom, 2) the individual and collective lives of former slaves in the subsequent decades after the abolition of slavery, 3) and the correlation between slavery and race in the Puerto Rican society.

[ 237 ] Slaves Revolts in Puerto Rico, which its original Spanish publication dates back to the early 1980s, represents a step forward in making accessible to a broader public an influential study about how slaves in Puerto Rico resisted enslavement. In this study the historian Guillermo Baralt sustains that the Haitian revolution was a catalyst agent of all the insurrections and rebellions that took place in Puerto Rico (chapter 1). The text focuses on the period from 1795 to 1873 covering the so-called downfall of Haiti to the abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico (1873). In the late eighteenth-century Puerto Rico’s sugar economy experienced a “radical change.” As a direct consequence of the revolution in Haiti, an increase in the sugar production forced the hacendados to acquire more labor force, that is, enslaved Africans, in order to satisfy the demand for sugar products. This situation brought about a significant increase in the African descent population on the island. Since Spanish colonial times, blacks (free and enslaved) have been subjected to harsh measures of surveillance and social control. During the period immediately following the Haitian Revolution (1810–1850), the colonial government and the hacendados took steps to prevent possible uprisings among the black population (Baralt 2007 [1981]; Moscoso 1995; Nistal-Moret 2000 [1984]). Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico shows repeatedly how the Spanish colonial authorities implemented measures to suppress the enslaved and free black population. An excellent example of this is seen in the numerous decrees and edicts enacted by the Spanish governors right after the first conspiracy erupted. This is from Governor Toribio Montes to the infamous Bando de Prim, better known as the “bando contra la raza Africana.” This proclamation was a code of conduct, which attempted to institutionalize racial control of blacks whether or not they were free or enslaved. Moreover, it entitled the white Puerto Ricans, particular the ruling elite to subjugate and discriminate against blacks. This kind of persecution against people of African descent became the norm of the day. It decisively influenced the racial discourse on the island. Most of the Puerto Rican historiography about slavery has silenced the agency of enslaved people to resist a condition that is not natural.

The subsequent chapters of the book demonstrate that slaves were informed, well organized, and more importantly, they were part of a large network of enslaved people who were fighting to be emancipated. The book executes an interesting portrayal of what African Diaspora scholars call a “culture of resistance” (Craton 1982; Okihiro 1986; Ohadike 2007). Most of the Puerto Rican historiography about slavery has silenced the agency of enslaved people to resist a condition that is not natural. It suggests that slaves rarely revolted (Díaz Soler 2000 [1953]). Documenting about these events breaks with this silencing. Slaves Revolts documents that as part of a “culture of resistance” slaves in Puerto Rico resorted on the same strategies that other slave societies (including marronage, arson, and the

[ 238 ] use of bomba dancing to organize rebellions). This type of information in the way REVIEW that is addressed in the text allows the reader to establish comparisons with other slave societies. At the same time, it deconstructs the misconceptions that Puerto Rico, in comparison to other systems in the Caribbean, slavery was relatively milder (Tannnebaum 1992 [1946]; Flinter 1976 [1832]). In Puerto Rico the slave population revolted. They caused fear and chaos. The white elite were afraid of blacks. ESSAY By rebelling, the slaves made the unthinkable and the unexpected. They broke up the racial and class hierarchies imbedded in the island’s colonial system.

Así comenzó el forcejeo racial: The Abolition Dilemma The abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico (1873) is a topic that is mostly focused from the point of view of the planters and the colonial authorities. Again, one cannot deny the relevant role that many of the abolitionists played in this ordeal. Furthermore, one should highlight that in comparison to other slave societies, Puerto Rico placed itself at the avant-garde of the liberal movement in the Spanish colonial Caribbean. The Puerto Rican diputados disagreed with their Cuban counterparts in the Cortes over the issue of the abolition of slavery. For Cuban planters, the abolition of slavery was perceived as an “econocide” because when this proposal was introduced Cuba was enjoying of a boom in its economy (Knight 1970; Ferrer 1999; Pérez 2006). For Puerto Rican Creoles, the abolition of slavery was a matter of finding a suitable solution to the increasing number of a free labor force and also to calm down the external pressure to end slavery (Curet 1985). However, this is not the way that Nistal-Moret (1985) interprets this situation among the Puerto Rican Creole elite. He points out to the fact that the big landowners in Puerto Rico were members of the Conservative Party so supporting the abolition of slavery was not of the interest for this segment of the ruling class. In order to understand aspects related to the abolition of slavery and how it impacted the island’s economy and society, one must take a closer look to the measures that the Spanish colonial authorities took, once again, to please the planter class. The Moret Law (1870) and the Régimen de Coartación reflect the terms related to the gradual abolition of slavery and it was a measure intended to compensate the planters for the loss of their slaves. For that purpose the Spanish colonial authorities, along with the planter class, agreed in creating the general slave registry (registro general de esclavos). This document was a census or physical inventory of slave property throughout the different geographic regions of the island. The relevance of this document relies on the fact that it provides information about the town, name, ownership, and other quantitative data. More importantly, as it going to be discussed later in this essay, the registro (registry) provides information about the ethnicity, skills, age, origin (ethnicity), and marital status of the slaves. In Negrón-Portillo and Mayo-Santana’s most recent publication, La esclavitud menor, the registry is utilized as the main primary source for the study. In this particular instance, the authors shift their focus to the municipalities in the interior of the island and reinforce other studies (Ayala and Bergad 2002; Picó 1993, 1981; Bergad 1984) that highlight the significance of slave labor in the economic activity of the region. The study is also a contribution to the scholarship on slave labor in a region where its economy is not essentially based on the sugar cane production. La esclavitud menor challenges the paradigm that establishes that slave labor was relatively inexistent or less important in the economy of the

[ 239 ] interior (Nistal-Moret 1985) and much attention is given to the free white labor force. In addition, the study provides data that shows the different levels of skills that the slaves executed (men and women) in the haciendas. Another important aspect of the study is the analysis of the slaves’ access to land before the abolition of slavery. In this regard, La esclavitud menor, complements earlier research (Picó 1993, 1981, 1979) that suggests that the new boom in the coffee production in the interior of the island gave white peasants better access to land and ownership. In fact, La esclavitud menor contends that after the abolition of slavery, the libertos (former slaves) were given few or none alternatives after their liberation. Then, this confirms previous research (Mayo-Santana and Negrón-Portillo 1997; Figueroa 2005) that the few alternatives that the freed men were given forced them to immigrate to other parts of the island or to accept the terms of the apprenticeship system. In this sense, in Puerto Rico the transition from slavery to freedom shares a similar pattern than other slave societies where there was not a cohesive structural system to integrate the freed men and women into the society (Scott 2005; Beckles 2004; Beckles and Shepherd 1996). The study of Negrón- Portillo and Mayo-Santana deconstructs traditional silences by showing that direct confrontation of one’s racial selves alters drastically the terms of discussion or identity as Puerto Ricans.

La esclavitud menor enables us to explore an aspect that has been subjected to debate: the racial identity of el jíbaro. This debate about the word jíbaro is worth reflecting on because jíbaro in the true meaning of the word is a person–from any particular color or race– who lives in a rural area or in the mountains, meaning a peasant. For instance, in Puerto Rico, the first jíbaros were the runaway (self-emancipated) Africans or maroons, their descendants, and the communities that they founded in Loíza, Caimito, and Cangrejos, to mention a few (Sued-Badillo and López-Cantós 1986; Mintz and Price 1985; González 1980). As Negrón-Portillo and Mayo-Santana point out in the study, the iconic figure of the white peasant has diminished the socioeconomic role of the slave in the interior of the island (chapter 1). In fact, this is the argument that José Luis González discusses in El país de cuatro pisos y otro ensayos. In El país de cuatro pisos, which was later translated into English, González used the metaphor of a four-storied country for Puerto Rican culture to explain historical dilemmas of power, race, and class. In order to establish his ideas, González added that African and Afro-criollo cultures were the precursors of Puerto Rico’s national identity, which contemporary Puerto Rican intellectuals

[ 240 ]

associate with the jíbaro. González challenges the socio-historic discourse about REVIEW the symbol of the jíbaro as the foundation of the Puerto Rican identity. He argues that the association of jíbaro with a white person is disputable; that the poor white peasant—today called jíbaro—who lived in the rural areas coexisted culturally with the African Creoles and they “were certainly a poor peasantry forced to adopt a lifestyle similar to that of other poor people previously living in the country, ESSAY similar to the slaves’ lifestyle.” The study of Negrón-Portillo and Mayo-Santana deconstructs traditional silences by showing that direct confrontation of one’s racial selves alters drastically the terms of discussion or identity as Puerto Ricans. It this sense chapter four of the study explores the different level of racial and physical characterizations of the slaves. The authors refer to their previous studies (1992, 1997) that discuss issues of race, gender, color and class within the slave system. According to Negrón- Portillo and Mayo-Santana, in Puerto Rico, La esclavitud menor offers important information to understand how skin color has contributed to the dilemma of racial identity among black Puerto Ricans. The data analyzed in La esclavitud menor, suggest that there is a correlation between skin color and the task assigned to the slaves (Tables 21–24). Again, this trend can be interpreted in various ways. First, one might suggest that the island’s slave system shares similarities with other slave societies where racial nomenclatures created hierarchies based on skin pigmentation. For example, people of darker complexion are usually assigned to more difficult tasks or they are mostly at the bottom of the society, while those of lighter complexion have better chances to get better positions. According to Negrón-Portillo and Mayo- Santana, color hierarchies contributed to black Puerto Ricans to associate blackness with slavery causing an identity crisis that forced them to distance themselves from their black/African roots. In other words, the embracing of the mestizaje, meaning blanquearse, was perhaps the only option to improve their chances into the free society. Another way to put it is that a greater degree of whiteness facilitates a better position in the society. This kind of rationale is going to be reflected in both racial groups the whites and the blacks. For blacks slavery was a constant reminder of their suffering and oppression and they are going to do whatever was necessary to erase that stigma. The white Puerto Rican elite would ensure of keeping blacks at the bottom. A very popular Puerto Rican saying that recites “y a el negro hay que manternerlo en su lugar” perfectly gathers that attitude.

Y los abandonaron a su propia suerte: The Post-emancipation Struggle The difficulties that today black Puerto Ricans confront in achieving social mobilization might be find its explanation by examining the precarious conditions that former slaves encountered after the abolition of slavery. In the first chapters of Slavery, Sugar and Freedom, the historian Luis A. Figueroa outlines the distinctive patterns in organization of work among the slaves in the municipality of Guayama. Overall, the book examines the dynamic from slavery to freedom to free labor in the region of Guayama, which was one of the most important sugar cane producers in the island. The historian draws upon legal documents, such as the liberto records, apprenticeship contracts, and other archival sources to establish that Guayama was not a typical Puerto Rican municipality. The study gives voice to the emancipados in terms of their agency in pursuing their freedom. In addition, the study demonstrates that in terms of economic activity Guayama, along with the coastal municipalities of

[ 241 ] Ponce and Mayagüez, experienced an accelerated increase in the sugar industry, which was developed upon the large importation of slave labor. For the author, the Bourbon reforms were instrumental to the transformations and changes that took place in the period. He points out that the opening of new ports, the easing of restrictions on slave imports, the creation of a land market, and the granting of the Royal Cédula of 1815, contributed to a boost in the economy. In this context, the book presents an important tool to further the argument of how the royal reforms and the cédulas were an attempt to subordinate and diminish the strong presence of the black population in the island. The Cédula de Gracia of 1815 was another of the series of decrees enacted during the Spanish colonial period that affected the black population. This document was an attempt by the Spanish Crown to reward the inhabitants of Puerto Rico for their loyalty to Spain during the Wars of Independence in Spanish America. The document promoted free trade, agriculture, and the migration of white and blacks. The fact that the cédula promoted the migration of blacks and whites triggered a noteworthy discussion. While Zenón-Cruz (1974) and González (1980) have argued that the cédula was a way to “bleach” the island, Kinsbruner (1996) voices his opposition to the racial dimension of the cédula. He argues that the promotion of migration was “equal to both whites and blacks.” He also noted that in terms of the land distribution, white colonists received an additional allotment for each slave equal to one-half of its own allotment. Although mulattos were of African descent, they benefited from the system (via land allotments) if they owned slaves. Thus, although the promotion of migration apparently was equal, the benefits were unequal and they were conditions based on “free people of color” ownership of slaves. Kinsbruner implies that there was an obvious tendency of giving preferential treatment to white immigrants and even the free people of color might be eligible, the Cédula did not proportion full benefits in comparison to whites. The Cédula of 1815 was a strategy to secure to the white elite class its supremacy as a ruling group. The migration of Peninsulares became a racial and technological backup for a threatened white/Creole elite minority. The last two chapters of Sugar, Slavery and Freedom could be used as compelling evidence to this essay’s argument that post-emancipation period as an event did not produce any immediate success to former slaves. On the contrary, it aggravated a situation of extreme inequality in wealth distribution, ownership and possession of land, and terms and conditions on the labor market. In Chapter six the author makes an excellent analysis of the limited success that former slaves had in gaining access to land. Based on the cases that the author examined, the former slaves could not retain the land for long time. More importantly, hardships of the emancipated people on obtaining land prevented them to become self-sufficient, and it became an obstacle for their “peasantization.” In Figueroa’s view, the stories of former slaves to acquire land “reveal the dynamics of proletarianization.” Patterns of residential settlement among former slaves are also discussed in this chapter. One might find interesting to highlight that due to the limitation of freed blacks to acquire land in more attractive places, they began to establish their enclaves in barriadas or slums at the outskirts of the town. Documentation consulted by Figueroa points out to the fact the designation of land for the emancipated to build their houses was on the hands of the municipal council. This situation suggests the development of a segregation system and that

[ 242 ] although the same research also mentions that some of the former slaves REVIEW managed to establish in the townships, traditionally these enclaves were the worst in the area. What this part of the study shows is that former slaves did everything possible to be far from the plantations and begin a new life. Their expectations were not different at all from other former slaves in the

Caribbean region who were seeking to better their lives. ESSAY Finally, the last chapter of the study offers interesting analysis of the social tensions on the post-emancipation period. It also explores the various ways that the colonial authorities implemented as measures of social control. Comparable to other post emancipation societies in the hemisphere, in Puerto Rico, the elites along the municipal authorities implemented measures to restrict former slaves’ activities, such as moving around without proper documentation, and even enjoying bomba and plena music. Still, with this repressive environment freed men and women developed strategies of survival and resistance. As a very popular saying recites, “no se quedaron da’os.”

Conclusion In Puerto Rico slavery was part of the colonial structure. It shaped race relations. When reevaluating the history of slavery in Puerto Rico, one should not be misled by the apparent distinctions of this institution on the island. Yes, it was different, but still it was a social disease. The publications discussed above test the hypothesis that the measures taken by the colonial authorities and the planters after the abolition of slavery have proven to be an example of the institutionalization of racism on the island. These three publications balance the historiography of slavery in Puerto Rico to the rest of the Caribbean. La esclavitud menor contributes to the scholarship on the role of slave labor in the interior of the island. It opens more discussion about the presence of African/ black in the mountains. Based on the study, the area had considerable enclaves of slaves so the mountain was not a white emigrant domain. Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico maintains its integrity of the Spanish version. It was about time that this influential study was made available to English speaking public. There is so much to draw from this publication but the essay limited its review to the slave’s leading role in pursuing their freedom. The limitations of gaining access to land and decent contracts for free labor reflect that the society and the colonial authorities were committed neither to assist former slaves nor to reach a compromise to facilitate their transition to freedom. The data discussed in Figueroa’s Sugar, Slavery and Freedom clearly provides important evidence to the hypothesis on racial/class exclusion of black Puerto Ricans. This exclusion began when Africans were brought under enslavement and were maintained under such horrible conditions for hundreds of years. So after the abolition of slavery, what was left for former slaves? What choices did they have? Baralt and Figueroa’s research coincides on their analysis of Creole elites efforts to restrict social activities among blacks. Still, today in Puerto Rico, African ancestry people are struggling to maintain a place of respect in the island’s culture and national identity. The history of slavery is one of survival and resistance. Today, Afro-Puerto Ricans’ struggle translates into contesting marginalization and silencing from the island’s national identity. The new research about the history of slavery in Puerto Rico can contribute to target the issue of race relations in the society.

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