Xi Consolidates Power Amid Friction in US-China Relations March 20, 2018

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Xi Consolidates Power Amid Friction in US-China Relations March 20, 2018 Xi Consolidates Power Amid Friction in US-China Relations March 20, 2018 • The “Two Sessions” (National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference) concluded March 20 in Beijing. • Xi Jinping and the Party's major institutions have steadily deepened authoritarian control as China goes all in on a one-Party state with a market-oriented economy. • US-China relations are cool and getting cooler. Party and State The newly-created National Supervisory Council will extend disciplinary control of the Party to state institutions, further subordinating the Chinese people and their government to the top leadership of the Party. For example, Chinese citizens with low ranking on a new social credit system face the potential of being banned from buying train or plane tickets for a year. The unanimous vote to strip away term limits for president ensures Xi's vision for China's future can take as many years as he and at least a majority of the 25-person Politburo deem necessary. US-China Relations: What to Watch The field of handlers for the US-China relationship is crowded, with Wang Qishan as Vice President, Wang Yi as State Councilor, and Liu He as Vice Premier and top economic advisor. No conclusive word yet on where this leaves former State Councilor Yang Jiechi, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs affirmed Monday that Yang would continue to play a role. [Full cabinet lineup] Newly appointed central bank governor Yi Gang announced there will be a “series of reform and opening measures” in the weeks leading up to the Boao Forum in Hainan in April. Domestic reforms to strengthen Chinese firms are not the same as opening up, which may become even more problematic if the Administration continues to use punitive measures to seek reductions in our bilateral trade deficit with China. We find credible media reports of $60 billion in revenue from new tariffs targeting China for IP infringement using the International Economic Emergency Powers Act to be announced soon, perhaps this week. This time around, in either event, expect Chinese retaliation, which is likely to match the value and scope of US punitive measures. 1 .
Recommended publications
  • China Data Supplement
    China Data Supplement October 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 29 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 36 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 45 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 54 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 61 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 66 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína
    SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína Souhrnná teritoriální informace Čína Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským úřadem ČR v Pekingu (Čína) ke dni 13. 8. 2020 3:17 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriální informace: 1. Základní charakteristika teritoria, ekonomický přehled (s.2) 2. Zahraniční obchod a investice (s.15) 3. Vztahy země s EU (s.28) 4. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR (s.30) 5. Mapa oborových příležitostí - perspektivní položky českého exportu (s.39) 6. Základní podmínky pro uplatnění českého zboží na trhu (s.46) 7. Kontakty (s.81) 1/86 http://www.businessinfo.cz/cina © Zastupitelský úřad ČR v Pekingu (Čína) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína 1. Základní charakteristika teritoria, ekonomický přehled Podkapitoly: 1.1. Oficiální název státu, složení vlády 1.2. Demografické tendence: Počet obyvatel, průměrný roční přírůstek, demografické složení (vč. národnosti, náboženských skupin) 1.3. Základní makroekonomické ukazatele za posledních 5 let (nominální HDP/obyv., vývoj objemu HDP, míra inflace, míra nezaměstnanosti). Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu s akcentem na ekonomickou sféru. 1.4. Veřejné finance, státní rozpočet - příjmy, výdaje, saldo za posledních 5 let 1.5. Platební bilance (běžný, kapitálový, finanční účet), devizové rezervy (za posledních 5 let), veřejný dluh vůči HDP, zahraniční zadluženost, dluhová služba 1.6. Bankovní systém (hlavní banky a pojišťovny) 1.7. Daňový systém 1.1 Oficiální název státu, složení vlády Čínská lidová republika (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo; zkráceně Zhongguo) Úřední jazyk čínština (Putonghua, standardní čínština založená na pekingském dialektu), dále jsou oficiálními jazyky kantonština v provincii Guangdong, mongolština v AO Vnitřní Mongolsko, ujgurština a kyrgyzština v AO Xinjiang, tibetština v AO Xizang (Tibet). Složení vlády • Prezident: Xi Jinping (v úřadu od 14.
    [Show full text]
  • Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
    Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region.
    [Show full text]
  • China's 2017 Communist Party Leadership Structure & Transition
    China’s 2017 Communist Party Leadership Structure & Transition US-CHINA BUSINESS COUNCIL JUNE 2017 China’s 2017 Communist Party Leadership Structure & Transition June 2017 Executive Summary ● The 19th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) congress, in fall 2017, is expected to mark the beginning of President Xi Jinping’s second, five-year term as China’s top leader and fill other senior political posts. In the past, some second-term party congresses have signaled leadership succession plans for the next congress. ● The party congress not only chooses top party personnel, but also establishes policy priorities for the subsequent five years. These priorities are condensed into a political report delivered by the party’s incumbent top leader on behalf of the Central Committee. ● Leadership turnover could be significant. If previous party congress norms hold, many key national and provincial party leaders could be replaced for reaching the targeted retirement age of 68. This means five of the seven current Politburo Standing Committee members could retire, leaving only President Xi and Premier Li Keqiang to continue. Additionally, at least 11 of the 25 members of the Politburo are likely to retire, based solely on retirement age. Average turnover in the larger Central Committee has been 60 percent, based on age and other factors. ● Changes to the majority of senior positions within the party and the State Council, China’s cabinet, will be announced on an ongoing basis through the National People’s Congress in March 2018. As part of the transition, many key government officials whose work affects trade and commerce in China will retire or be promoted to new positions.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects & Perspectives
    Prospects & Perspectives No. 15 April 8, 2021 Prospects & Perspectives On March 18, Secretary of State Antony Blinken and NSA Jake Sullivan met in Anchorage, Alaska, with Chinese Foreign Minister and State Councilor Wang Yi and Yang Jiechi, director of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission of the CCP. As the participants concluded their opening remarks, it was already clear that relations between China and the U.S. are heading straight for turbulence. Picture source: Ron Przysucha, Wikipedia,<https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/2021%E5%B9%B43%E6%9C%88%E4%B 8%AD%E7%BE%8E%E9%AB%98%E5%B1%82%E6%88%98%E7%95%A5%E5 %AF%B9%E8%AF%9D>. After Anchorage: Whither the Sino-American Relationship? By J. Michael Cole Prospects & Perspectives No. 15 April 8, 2021 O n March 18, Secretary of State Antony Blinken and National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met in Anchorage, Alaska, with Chinese Foreign Minister and State Councilor Wang Yi and Yang Jiechi, director of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission of the Chinese Communist Party. As the participants concluded their opening remarks, it was already clear that relations between China and the U.S. are heading straight for turbulence. Rather than display the kind of flexibility that the Chinese undoubtedly had expected from their American counterparts, Blinken and Sullivan held firm on China’s destabilizing behavior and threatening posture toward the South China Sea, Taiwan, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong, among other issues. For their part, Wang and Yang were uncharacteristically (for this kind of setting) smug, mixing implacability with victimhood and moral equivalence.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 20 • Issue 4 • February 28, 2020
    VOLUME 20 • ISSUE 4 • FEBRUARY 28, 2020 IN THIS ISSUE: Beijing Purges Wuhan: The CCP Central Authorities Tighten Political Control Over Hubei Province By John Dotson……………………………………………………pp. 1-6 Beijing’s Appointment of Xia Baolong Signals a Harder Line on Hong Kong By Willy Lam………………………………………………………...pp. 7-11 Fair-Weather Friends: The Impact of the Coronavirus on the Strategic Partnership Between Russia and China By Johan van de Ven………………………………………………...pp. 12-16 The PRC’s Cautious Stance on the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy By Yamazaki Amane…………………………………………………pp. 17-22 China’s Declining Birthrate and Changes in CCP Population Policies By Linda Zhang…………………………………………………….…pp. 23-28 Beijing Purges Wuhan: The CCP Central Authorities Tighten Political Control Over Hubei Province John Dotson Introduction: The CCP Center Presses a Positive Narrative About Its Response to COVID-19 Following a slow reaction to the initial outbreak of the COVID-19 virus, since late January the zhongyang (中 央), or central authorities, of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have conducted a concerted public relations effort to present themselves as actively engaged in directing efforts to combat the epidemic. This has included the creation of a new senior-level CCP “leading small group” focused on the epidemic (China Brief, February 5), and a messaging campaign to assert that CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping has been personally “commanding China’s fight” against the outbreak (Xinhua, February 2). Senior officials have also made a range 1 ChinaBrief • Volume 20 • Issue 4 • February 28, 2020 of recent public appearances intended to demonstrate zhongyang concern for, and control over, the campaign against the epidemic.
    [Show full text]
  • New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform
    Signaling Change: New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform Barry Naughton Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are now the two top leaders in China. Both have moved quickly to break with the Hu-Wen Administration and signal their support for dramatic new economic reforms. The structure of the new Politburo Standing Committee appears to support their aspirations. Neither Xi nor Li has yet committed to specific reform measures, and the obstacles to reform are formidable. However, both Xi and Li have committed to a process that will lead to the creation of a reform program by late 2013. From the standpoint of economic reform policy, the outcome of the 18th Party Congress was clear and unambiguous. The two top leaders, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, emerged from the Congress with a substantial degree of room to maneuver. Both leaders quickly displayed their willingness to break with what had become business as usual under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. Xi and Li, each in his own way, moved quickly to express their intention to support a revitalized program of economic reform. Xi Jinping has received most of the attention, which is certainly appropriate. Xi has brought a more direct and personal style to the top job, a refreshing change of pace that has generally been welcomed both in China and abroad, and has shown that he intends to keep an eye on economics. Li Keqiang has also begun to signal his intentions. Although Li’s approach is more understated—in part because he will not actually step in as Premier until the March National People’s Congress meetings—his comments merit close attention.
    [Show full text]
  • FICHA PAÍS China República Popular (De) China
    OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS China República Popular (de) China La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comunicación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios, no defendiendo posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. OCTUBRE 2020 los grupos étnicos de usar sus propias lenguas; hay seis lenguas principales China en China, además del Mandarín. Moneda: La moneda oficial de la República Popular China es el Renminbi (RMB), que se traduce como “moneda del pueblo, o Yuan (CNY). Cotización media del euro en 2019, 1 euro/ 7,73. Religión: Las religiones tradicionales de China son el Taoísmo y Budismo; RUSIA el Confucianismo es un sistema de conducta con enorme influencia en la KAZAJISTÁN historia del país. Estimaciones de los practicantes de las distintas creen- cias son difíciles de realizar. No obstante algunos cálculos señalan: Taoísmo MONGOLIA Heilongjlang (aprox. 20 millones); Budismo (aprox. 100 millones); Cristianismo: Católicos Urumchi Mongolia Interior Jilin (aprox. 5 millones), Protestantes, (aprox. 15 millones); Musulmanes: (aprox. KIRGUISTÁN 20 millones). Gansu PEKÍN COREA DEL NORTE Ningxia Hebel Forma de Estado: República. COREA DEL SUR PAKISTÁN Qinghai Presidente: Xi Jinping (desde marzo de 2013). Tibet Henan (Xizang) Vicepresidente: Wang Qishan (desde marzo de 2018). Anhui Sichuan Shanghai Primer Ministro: Li Keqiang (desde marzo de 2013). Zhejiang NEPAL Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores: Wang Yi (desde marzo 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • China's New Top Government Leaders
    China’s new top government leaders China’s state leaders were revealed on March 18th, 2018 at the conclusion of the 13th National People’s Congress (NPC). Most notably, the NPC approved a constitutional change abolishing term limits for China’s president Xi Jinping. Below are background profiles for the seven top government leaders. Compiled by Cheng Li and the staff of the John L. Thornton China Center at Brookings 1 Xi Jinping 习近平 Born 1953 Current Positions • President of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) (2013–present) • General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) (2012– present) • Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) (2012–present) • Member of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) (2007–present) • Chairman of the National Security Committee (2013–present) • Head of the Central Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms (2013–present) • Head of the Central Leading Group for Foreign Affairs and National Security (2013–present) • Head of the Central Leading Group for Taiwan Affairs (2012–present) • Head of the Central Leading Group for Financial and Economic Work (2013–present) • Head of the Central Leading Group for Network Security and Information Technology (2014–present) • Head of the CMC Central Leading Group for Deepening Reforms of National Defense and the Military (2014–present) • Commander in Chief of the Joint Operations Command Center of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) (2016–present) • Chairman of the Central Military and Civilian Integration Development Committee (2017– present) • Member of the Politburo (2007–present) • Full member of the Central Committee of the CCP (2002–present) Personal and Professional Background Xi Jinping was born on June 15, 1953, in Beijing.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Discourse Analysis of the US and China Political Speeches
    ISSN 1798-4769 Journal of Language Teaching and Research, Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 435-445, May 2020 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1103.12 A Critical Discourse Analysis of the US and China Political Speeches—Based on the Two Speeches Respectively by Trump and Wang Yi in the General Debate of the 72nd Session of UN Assembly Lei Zhu Fudan University, Shanghai, China; Shanghai University of Political Science and Law, Shanghai, China Wei Wang Shanghai Jianqiao University, Shanghai, China Abstract—The research attempts to analyze two political discourses delivered respectively by American president Donald Trump and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in the 72nd session of UN assembly. With Fairclough’s 3-Dimensional Discourse Model as the analytical framework, we make an investigation into the two political discourses so as to gain insights into the interplay of discourse, ideology and society, by examining linguistic characteristics of text, discursive and social practice dimensions. On the first dimension of text, we find that both leaders prefer Judgment resources to the other two resources within the Affect System in their remarks, by resorting to the new advancement in Systemic Functional Grammar—Martin’s Attitude subsystem under his Appraisal framework, and closely examining the interpersonal metafunctions, coupled with statistical measures. Within the Judgment subsystem, there exist significant differences between the two speeches in terms of Tenacity+ resources. On the dimension of discursive practice, our research reveals that both leaders use a great number of intertextuality resources in the remarks. Besides, both leaders have a preference to the sub-category of “The Original Producer of Discourse being the Speaker’s Compatriots” under the category of “Intertextuality”.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-China Relations in 2019
    76 | ASIA SOCIETY POLICY INSTITUTE THE AVOIDABLE WAR 6. U.S.-China Relations In 2019 AN ADDRESS TO THE ASIA SOCIETY NEW YORK CITY DECEMBER 5, 2018 China’s President Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Nicolas Asfouri. AFP. Getty Images. 2017. ASIA SOCIETY POLICY INSTITUTE THE AVOIDABLE WAR | 77 TODAY IN WASHINGTON, D.C., the United States, and the world marks the passing of President Bush Sr. President George H. W. Bush was a truly remarkable president. For those of us engaged in the business of the world—the first Gulf War, the end of the Cold War, and the reboot of the U.S.-China relationship in the early 1990s after the implosions of 1989—President Bush Sr. was a truly remarkable American, and a truly remarkable American president. And we honor him this day. Over the last 12 months, much of Asia has been turned on its head through the new dynamics we have witnessed in U.S.-China relations and on North Korea. It was only 12 months ago that the United States and North Korea appeared to be on the verge of armed conflict as “Rocket Man” was threatened by President Trump with “fire and fury” over the North’s continued nuclear weapons program. Twelve months later, President Trump and Kim Jong-un appear to be the best of friends following their historic summit in Singapore, and despite the fact that there seems to have been negligible substantive progress on denuclearization, the thaw in inter-Korean relations has been unprecedented.
    [Show full text]
  • Asia Focus #3
    PROGRAMME ASIE QUELLE COMPOSITION DU POLITBURO ET DU COMITÉ CENTRAL CHINOIS APRÈS 2017 ? Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL CRSH UNIVERSITÉ DE MONTREAL OCTOBRE 2016 Septembre 2016 ASIA FOCUS #3 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #3 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2016 lors que 2016 se termine et que la campagne anticorruption agressivement menée par la tristement célèbre « jiwei » [纪委] a pris fin, il ne reste que A quelques mois pour finaliser la sélection interne des cadres qui seront appelés à être élus en novembre au Politburo ainsi qu’au Comité central. Cela dit, depuis la fin de 2015, nous avons pu remarquer un certain durcissement, voire même un « repli » de la part de Xi, tant dans son attitude face au pouvoir (p. ex. retour aux idiomes/symboles maoïstes, méfiance ouverte de l’Occident, attitude de plus en plus inflexible en matière de structures internationales, etc.), que dans son attitude envers certains patriarches du Parti, notamment Jiang Zemin (président de la République populaire entre 1993 et 2003) et Hu Jintao (président de 2003 à 2013), ainsi qu’envers les autres forces en présence sur la scène politique chinoise (par exemple la Ligue des jeunesses communistes [共青团]1, la « faction du pétrole » [石油帮]2, la bande Shanghai [ 上海帮], la bande du Jiangxi [江派], etc.). Ce dernier a également resserré son emprise non seulement sur Beijing – par le biais de son proche collaborateur Wang Xiaohong [王 小洪]3-, mais bien aussi sur le pays en entier. Tandis que le temps d’« abattre les tigres » [打虎] et que les déraillements de la jiwei sont encore perceptibles, en particulier dans la province du Hebei4, fort est de constater que l’impact n’est pas celui escompté, sauf dans les cas de Su Shulin [苏树林]5 et Jiang Jiemin [蒋洁敏]6, et qu’il ne sera pas vraiment possible d’évaluer les dégâts de cette campagne avant la formation du Comité central de 2022.
    [Show full text]