Is China Imperialist?
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The Discontents of Marxism
Munich Personal RePEc Archive The discontents of Marxism Freeman, Alan London Metropolitan University 30 December 2007 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/48635/ MPRA Paper No. 48635, posted 27 Jul 2013 14:16 UTC The discontents of Marxism Alan Freeman London Metropolitan University Abstract This is a pre-publication version of a full-length review of Kuhn, R. (2007) Henryk Grossman and the Recovery of Marxism. Urbana and U of Illinois. Please cite as Freeman, A. 2008. ‘The Discontents of Marxism’. Debatte, 16 (1), April 2008 pp. 122-131 Keywords: Economics, Marxism, Value Theory, Marxist political economy, Marxist Economics, Kondratieff, Grossman JEL Codes: B14, B31, B51 2008j Grossman Review for MPRA.doc Page 1 of 9 Alan Freeman The discontents of Marxism Review of Kuhn, R. (2007) Henryk Grossman and the Recovery of Marxism By Alan Freeman, London Metropolitan University In 1977, volumes 2 and 3 of Capital and Class, journal of the seven-year old Conference of Socialist Economists, carried Pete Burgess’s translation of Henryk Grossman’s 1941 review article Marx, Classical Political Economy and the Problem of Dynamics. Of this Kuhn (p190) justly remarks ‘It was and remains one of the most impressive critiques of the methodological underpinnings of the body of ideas known as economics in most universities and the media’. The second part of this article offers a devastating dissection of the approach known as ‘general equilibrium’, which now dominates not only orthodox but ‘Marxist’ economics. Had the participants in the next thirty years of debate around Marx’s economic theories treated this article with even normal professional diligence, most of what passes for ‘theory’ in this field would probably never have been written. -
Marx, Historical Materialism and the Asiatic Wde Of
MARX, HISTORICAL MATERIALISM AND THE ASIATIC WDE OF PRODUCTION BY Joseph Bensdict Huang Tan B.A. (Honors) Simon Fraser University 1994 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE SCHOOL OF COMMUN ICATION @Joseph B. Tan 2000 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 2000 Al1 rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. uisitions and Acguiiiet raphii Senrices senrices bibiiihiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li'brary of Canada to BibIiothèque nationale du Canada de reproduceYloan, distriiute or sel1 reproduireyprêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microh, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous papa or electronic formats. la fome de micro fi ch el^ de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author tetains ownership of the L'auîeur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis*Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts iÏom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT Historical materialism (HM), the theory of history originally developed by Marx and Engels is most comrnonly interpreted as a unilinear model, which dictates that al1 societies must pass through definite and universally similar stages on the route to communism. This simplistic interpretation existed long before Stalin and has persisted long after the process of de-Stalinization and into the present. -
Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism a Popular Outline
Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism A Popular Outline Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Written: January-June, 1916 Published: First published in mid-1917 in pamphlet form, Petrograd. Published according to the manuscript and verified with the text of the pamphlet. Source: Lenin’s Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667766. Transcription\Markup: Tim Delaney & Kevin Goins (2008) Public Domain: Lenin Internet Archive 2005. You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source. Table of Contents Preface ....................................................................................................... 4 Preface to the French and German Editions ............................................ 5 I. Concentration of Production and Monopolies..................................... 10 II. Banks and Their New Role ................................................................. 20 III. Finance Capital and the Financial Oligarchy .................................. 33 IV. Export of Capital ............................................................................... 45 V. Division of the World Among Capitalist Associations ........................ 50 VI. Division of the World Among the Great Powers ............................... 57 VII. Imperialism as a Special Stage of Capitalism .................................. 66 VIII. Parasitism and Decay of Capitalism ............................................. -
Theories of American Imperialism: a Critical Evaluation THOMAS WEISSKOPF
Theories of American Imperialism: A Critical Evaluation THOMAS WEISSKOPF contended that the issue is whether or not the I. Introduction key United States &dquo;requires&dquo; imperialism in order in Almost a decade of overt war in Indochina; some sense to survive.[5] While these may be military interventions in Greece, Iran, Lebanon, important and interesting issues in their own right, the Congo, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Colum- they do not seem to me to go to the heart of the bia, Guatemala, Panama, Bolivia, China, Korea theoretical distinction between radical and ortho- and Thailand; military missions throughout most dox approaches. of the &dquo;free world&dquo;; and American economic I believe that what fundamentally unites dominance of countless Third World countries radical theorists is an insistence on analyzing have combined to impress upon all but the most societies as integrated social systems in concrete recalcitrant observer the truth in the assertion that historical circumstances. The radical approach in the postwar period the United States has been a differs from the orthodox approach to the social formidable imperialist power. Indeed, a brief sciences in the Western world (1) by emphasizing review of American history points to a pattern of the interdependence of different spheres of a imperialist behavior that goes back long before the society rather than compartmentalizing these postwar period to the very beginning of the Federal spheres and treating them independently, and (2) republic.[l] That the United States is now and has by analyzing a society in terms of its specific insti- long been an imperialist power is a proposition that tutional structure rather than in terms of abstract is no longer subject to serious debate. -
Describe and Explain the Growth of Imperialism in General and Its Impact on Africa in Particular
Describe and explain the growth of imperialism in general and its impact on Africa in particular. Also, with reference to selected examples, describe and account for the colonial rivalries that consequently developed. Imperialism- is “where one country possesses, governs or controls other countries beyond its own borders.” At the start of the 20th century, nations started to engage in ‘aggressive pursuit of colonies, accompanied by their intense rivalry with one another and motivated by notions of their own racial and intellectual superiority to the peoples whom they sought to control.’ Their aim was to build up their power and wealth through the conquering of various countries which they perceived as inferior. Imperialism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was characterised by the Industrial Revolution that was occurring at roughly the same time. Industrialisation and technology changed the very nature of imperialism- through the development of military, communications and transportation technologies. Thus imperialism grew at a rapid rate. This new imperialism was characterised by an enormous inequality in the distribution of power. In fact, so much so, that the period between 1870 and 1914 became known as the ‘age of imperialism’. There were no conventions that regulated the rapid and aggressive rate at which the European powers ‘scrambled’ for territories. Source 1- The Mad Scramble for Africa, by David Bainbridge Source 1 is a cartoon depicting various European nations each pulling on a blanket-like Africa, each wanting a piece of it. The source is reliable as it is not biased, simply depicting what was happening at that time. -
The Prospective Foreign Policy of a Corbyn Government and Its U.S. National Security Implications
SEPTEMBER 2019 The Prospective Foreign Policy of a Corbyn Government and its U.S. National Security Implications DR. AZEEM IBRAHIM © 2019 Hudson Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. For more information about obtaining additional copies of this or other Hudson Institute publications, please visit Hudson’s website, www.hudson.org. ABOUT HUDSON INSTITUTE Hudson Institute is a research organization promoting American leadership and global engagement for a secure, free, and prosperous future. Founded in 1961 by strategist Herman Kahn, Hudson Institute challenges conventional thinking and helps manage strategic transitions to the future through interdisciplinary studies in defense, international relations, economics, health care, technology, culture, and law. Hudson seeks to guide public policy makers and global leaders in government and business through a vigorous program of publications, conferences, policy briefings and recommendations. Visit www.hudson.org for more information. HUDSON INSTITUTE 1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Fourth Floor Washington, D.C. 20004 P: 202.974.2400 [email protected] www.hudson.org Cover: A flag supporting Labour Party leader, Jeremy Corbyn flies with Big Ben in the background during the “Not One Day More” march at Parliament Square on July 1, 2017 in London, England. (Chris J Ratcliffe/Getty Images) SEPTEMBER 2019 The Prospective Foreign Policy of a Corbyn Government and its U.S. National Security Implications DR. AZEEM IBRAHIM AUTHOR Dr. Azeem Ibrahim is a Research Professor at the Strategic Studies Policy, Chicago Tribune, LA Times and Newsweek. He is also the Institute, U.S. Army War College and member of the Board of author of “The Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar’s Hidden Genocide” Directors at the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation (Hurst 2016) and “Radical Origins: Why We Are Losing the War and Political Violence at the Department of War Studies at Kings Against Islamic Extremism” (Pegasus 2017). -
Theory of History in Which the Proletariat Inevitably End up the Dominant Order; This Has Proven Historically to Be False
9/24/07 Marxism • Marxism is many different kinds of theories at once: • theory of history in which the proletariat inevitably end up the dominant order; this has proven historically to be false. • a critique of capitalism. This body of theory can be relevant to literature, but we’re not going to get into it explicitly. Barry and Richter give some sense of this; for the midterm, I’ll have you learn some terms so that you’ll be at least somewhat conversant with this kind of thinking if you run into it again. • a sort-of-literary theory. I say “sort of” because what Marx and others theorize is larger than literature: “consciousness and its expressions,” which would include not only literature but all of the arts, religion, politics, law, and so on. This is the part of Marxist theory we’re going to center on, because it raises a really huge problem for post-NC Theory in general, or least for all political theories (and we know that, as Barry says, “politics is pervasive” in post-NC theory, so ALL Theory is political according to this view). • Starting point: 410: “In the social production…determines their consciousness.” Some things to point out: • base/superstructure. “Relations of production”--economic system, more or less. At the most fundamental level, people have to survive, and the way we do that as a species is to produce stuff. But we don’t do that on our own; we do it as part of some kind of economic system that we are born into. -
Rosa Luxemburg and the Global Violence of Capitalism
Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 6(2) Fall 2010: 160-172 Copyright © 2010 The Author(s) SPECIAL SECTION ON ROSA LUXEMBURG’S POLITICAL ECONOMY Rosa Luxemburg and the Global Violence of Capitalism PAUL LE BLANC Department of History and Political Science, LaRoche College. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, United States Abstract: Rosa Luxemburg’s pungent honesty is evident in her critical-minded and ‘unorthodox’ analysis of the economic expansionism of imperialism that arose out of the accumulation of capital. Despite an idiosyncratic reading and critique of Marx’s Capital, she sought to defend and advance the revolutionary perspectives of classical Marxism. Criticisms and counterpoised analyses offered by Rosdolsky, Bukharin, Lenin, and Robinson have not diminished what are generally seen as brilliant contributions. Militarism, war, and inhumanity are perceived as essential to imperialism in her analyses, and imperialism is seen as central to the nature of capitalism. Luxemburg’s account of global economic development reflect impressive economic insight, historical sweep, and anthropological sensitivity that impress critics as well partisans. Résumé : Le franc parler de Rosa Luxemburg est évident dans ses analyses critiques et ‘hétérodoxes’ de l’expansionnisme économique de l’impérialisme qui a émergé de l’accumulation du capital. Malgré une lecture idiosyncratique et critique du Capital de Marx, elle cherchait à défendre et à avancer les perspectives révolutionnaires du marxisme classique. Les critiques et contre-analyses offertes par Rosdolsky, Boukharine, Lénine et Robinson n’ont pas diminué des contributions communément admises comme brillantes. Dans ses analyses, le militarisme, la guerre et l’inhumanité sont perçues comme essentiels à l’impérialisme et l’impérialisme occupe une place centrale dans la nature du capitalisme. -
Imperialism: the Highest Stage of Capitalism by V.I
Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism By V.I. Lenin Lenin wrote Imperialism in the first half of 1916, while in exile in Switzerland. The historical and political context is important to understanding the significance of the work. World War I was a momentous event, which plunged the international labour movement into crisis, as the workers’ leaders failed to analyse it correctly and to politically arm the working class to fight the brutal imperialist war. Many of the leaders of the Second International, who had capitulated to social chauvinism, portrayed imperialism as simply a “bad” policy implemented by one or another country’s capitalist government, or a consequence of nationalistic attitudes. In Imperialism Lenin cut through this confusion and politically rearmed the most advanced workers with a materialist analysis of how predatory wars, annexationism, etc. flowed directly from capitalism in its monopoly stage. He outlined the processes through which the “old” capitalism, characterised by free market competition, has been replaced by imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism. Imperialism is characterised by the domination of monopolies and finance capital on an international scale, with the export of capital leading to the big imperialist powers carving up the world. That competition would eventually give way to monopolistic domination was something that Marx and Engels had predicted in advance. The fact that Marx and Engels’ predictions were borne out by history is a testament to the strength of the dialectical materialist method and to the continuity of theory stretching from the founders of scientific socialism to Lenin and the Bolsheviks. Throughout the book, as he outlines his analysis of imperialism, Lenin also attacks petit-bourgeois reformists and social chauvinists like Kautsky for their failure to provide a Marxist explanation of imperialism, and consequently their failure to take an independent working class position on the eve of WWI, which was the ultimate betrayal that killed the Second International. -
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie: the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. Capital: an asset (including money) owned by an individual as wealth used to realize a fnancial proft, and to create additional wealth. Capital exists within the process of economic exchange and grows out of the process of circulation. Capital is the basis of the economic system of capitalism. Capitalism: a mode of production in which capital in its various forms is the principal means of production. Capital can take the form of money or credit for the purchase of labour power and materials of production; of physical machinery; or of stocks of fnished goods or work in progress. Whatever the form, it is the private ownership of capital in the hands of the class of capitalists to the exclusion of the mass of the population. Class: social stratifcation defned by a person's relationship to the means of production. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bf/Pyramid_of_Capitalist_System.png Class struggle: an antagonism that exists within a society, catalyzed by competing socioeconomic interests and central to revolutionary change. Communism: 1) a political movement of the working class in capitalist society, committed to the abolition of capitalism 2) a form of society which the working class, through its struggle, would bring into existence through abolition of classes and of the capitalist division of labor. Dictatorship of the Proletariat: the idea that the proletariat (the working class) has control over political power in the process of changing the ownership of the means of production from private to collective ownership as part of a socialist transition to communism. -
Karl Marx's Conception of International Relations
Knrl Marx's Conception of International nelations Karl Marx's Conception of International Relations Regina Buecker Even though Marx was not widely read during his own time and Marxism, as a political system may be outdated, at least from the present perspective, Karl Marx remains an iconic figure of the 19th century. One of its most influential and controversial philosophers, his thinking has influenced not only the ideology of former and present communist countries, but also the international system as a whole. His theories have had a deep impact on academic studies, and while he did not address the field of international relations directly, much may be derived from his writings on certain phenomena, such as colonialism and nationalism, which are crucial in international relations. The purpose of this paper is to provide a better understanding of Marx's notions of international society. In the following essay, a short overview of Marx's world, concept of man, the state, class and international relations will be given. Finally, the relevance and contributions of Marx's thought to the theory and practice of international relations is analyzed. Historical Context Europe, during Marx's life, was a place "of tremendous social, political and economic change".1 Until Bismark declared on "18th January 187l...the foundation of the German Empire ... " Germany was divided into 38 states of different size and power, and was economically underdeveloped. Almost within one generation, Germany overtook Britain, with respect to 'dynamic development'. The Prussian government, the major political and military unit in Germany, in Marx's time, was conservative and opposed to most reforms.2 Marx was born in 1818 in Trier, a Prussian city near the French border. -
Mode of Production and Mode of Exploitation: the Mechanical and the Dialectical'
DjalectiCalAflthropologY 1(1975) 7 — 2 3 © Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam — Printed in The Netherlands MODE OF PRODUCTION AND MODE OF EXPLOITATION: THE MECHANICAL AND THE DIALECTICAL' Eugene E. Ruyle In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material produc- tive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstruc- ture and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that deter- mines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.2 The specific economic form, in which unpaid surplus labor is pumped out of the direct producers, determines the relation of rulers and ruled, as it grows immediately out of production itself and in turn reacts upon it as a determining agent. .. It is always the direct relation of the owners of the means of production to the direct producers which reveals the innermost secret, the hidden foundation of the entire social structure.3 In the first of these two passages, Marx in crypto-Marxist bourgeois social science, and appears to be arguing for the sort of techno- then by exploring the possibilities of supple- economic determinism which has become menting the "mode of production" approach increasingly fashionable in bourgeois social with a "mode of exploitation" analysis.