The Concept of Military Alliance
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NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Brexit and the Future of the US–EU and US–UK Relationships
Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships TIM OLIVER AND MICHAEL JOHN WILLIAMS If the United Kingdom votes to leave the European Union in the referendum of June 2016 then one of the United States’ closest allies, one of the EU’s largest member states and a leading member of NATO will negotiate a withdrawal from the EU, popularly known as ‘Brexit’. While talk of a UK–US ‘special relation- ship’ or of Britain as a ‘transatlantic bridge’ can be overplayed, not least by British prime ministers, the UK is a central player in US–European relations.1 This reflects not only Britain’s close relations with Washington, its role in European security and its membership of the EU; it also reflects America’s role as a European power and Europe’s interests in the United States. A Brexit has the potential to make a significant impact on transatlantic relations. It will change both the UK as a country and Britain’s place in the world.2 It will also change the EU, reshape European geopolitics, affect NATO and change the US–UK and US–EU relationships, both internally and in respect of their place in the world. Such is the potential impact of Brexit on the United States that, in an interview with the BBC’s Jon Sopel in summer 2015, President Obama stated: I will say this, that having the United Kingdom in the European Union gives us much greater confidence about the strength of the transatlantic union and is part of the corner- stone of institutions built after World War II that has made the world safer and more prosperous. -
Brazil and the Alliance for Progress
BRAZIL AND THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS: US-BRAZILIAN FINANCIAL RELATIONS DURING THE FORMULATION OF JOÃO GOULART‟S THREE-YEAR PLAN (1962)* Felipe Pereira Loureiro Assistant Professor at the Institute of International Relations, University of São Paulo (IRI-USP), Brazil [email protected] Presented for the panel “New Perspectives on Latin America‟s Cold War” at the FLACSO-ISA Joint International Conference, Buenos Aires, 23 to 25 July, 2014 ABSTRACT The paper aims to analyze US-Brazilian financial relations during the formulation of President João Goulart‟s Three-Year Plan (September to December 1962). Brazil was facing severe economic disequilibria in the early 1960s, such as a rising inflation and a balance of payments constrain. The Three-Year Plan sought to tackle these problems without compromising growth and through structural reforms. Although these were the guiding principles of the Alliance for Progress, President John F. Kennedy‟s economic aid program for Latin America, Washington did not offer assistance in adequate conditions and in a sufficient amount for Brazil. The paper argues the causes of the US attitude lay in the period of formulation of the Three-Year Plan, when President Goulart threatened to increase economic links with the Soviet bloc if Washington did not provide aid according to the country‟s needs. As a result, the US hardened its financial approach to entice a change in the political orientation of the Brazilian government. The US tough stand fostered the abandonment of the Three-Year Plan, opening the way for the crisis of Brazil‟s postwar democracy, and for a 21-year military regime in the country. -
SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS Australia and New Zealand in the Anglo-American World1
8 SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS Australia and New Zealand in the Anglo-American World1 David MacDonald and Brendon O’Connor In this chapter, we argue that the extensive range of Australia’s and New Zealand’s (NZ) foreign policy activities – including their involvement in numerous foreign wars since the Boer War – can be best explained by the special relations both nations have maintained with the broader Anglo-American world. Strong bonds of shared interests, history, culture, and other commonalities have proven durable and demonstrably influential in determining the priorities and actions of both Antipodean countries. The “imagined community” of the Anglo-American world, strengthened by regular economic, military, and diplomatic interactions, possesses significant ideational power. Such bonds have also been affected by emotional beliefs, as Mercer puts it, “a generalization about an actor that involves certainty beyond evidence.” 2 These beliefs are expressed either as positive sentiments towards fellow members of the Anglo-American world, or as distrust of “others” like Japan, Indonesia, or China. The origin and nature of these emotional and ideational ties are key foci of our chapter. Arguably, European settlement of both countries has had a long-term impact, orienting both nations towards Britain, the USA, and other white settler societies (and to a lesser extent non-white British colonies and ex-British colonies) for most of their histories. The resulting strategic culture helps to explain the extremely close security and cultural alliances with the USA and Britain, which we will dissect in detail. Both of our case studies are clearly part of the “West,” even if that West, to echo Peter Katzenstein, is a plural and pluralist entity, often difficult to define as it is evolving and changing. -
Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in Brazil and Argentina : Bargaining for Political Reality
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1996 Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality. Carlos P. Baía University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Baía, Carlos P., "Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality." (1996). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2541. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2541 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. c CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 1996 Political Science © Copyright by Carlos Pereira Bafa 1996 All Rights Reserved CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Approved as to style and content by: Howard Wiarda, Chair Eric Einhorn, Member Eric Einhom, Department Head Political Science ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would not have been possible without the invaluable contributions of Howard Wiarda, Eric Einhorn, Timothy Steingega, Anthony Spanakos, Moise Tirado, Tilo Stolz, Edgar Brignoni, Susan Iwanicki, and Larissa Ruiz. To them I express my sincere gratitude. I also owe special thanks to the United States Department of Education for granting me a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship to complete this research. -
Global Allies: Comparing US Alliances in the 21St Century
GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY EDITED BY MICHAEL WESLEY Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Global allies : comparing US alliances in the 21st century / Michael Wesley (editor). ISBN: 9781760461171 (paperback) 9781760461188 (ebook) Subjects: Balance of power. Alliances. United States--Foreign relations--Asia. United States--Foreign relations--Europe. United States--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Wesley, Michael, 1968- editor. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of Acronyms . vii 1 . Global Allies in a Changing World . 1 Michael Wesley 2 . Japan: From Passive Partner to Active Ally . 15 HDP Envall 3 . Germany: A Lynchpin Ally? . 31 Markus Kaim 4 . Continuity Amidst Change: The Korea – United States Alliance . 45 Youngshik Bong 5 . Denmark’s Fight Against Irrelevance, or the Alliance Politics of ‘Punching Above Your Weight’ . 59 Kristian Søby Kristensen & Kristian Knus Larsen 6 . Crusaders and Pragmatists: Australia Debates the American Alliance . 77 Brendan Taylor & William T Tow 7 . The Challenges and Dynamics of Alliance Policies: Norway, NATO and the High North . 91 Wrenn Yennie Lindgren & Nina Græger 8 . An Ally at the Crossroads: Thailand in the US Alliance System . -
10 Things You Need to Know About NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 10 things you need to know about NATO 1. An International Security Hub: The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is one of the world’s major international institutions. It is a political and military Alliance of 28 member countries from Europe and North America. The Alliance takes all its decisions by consensus. Every member country, no matter how large or small, has an equal say in discussions and decisions. Member states are committed to individual liberty, democracy, human rights and the rule of law. These values are at the heart of NATO’s transatlantic bond. 2. Collective Defence: The greatest responsibility of the Alliance is to protect and defend NATO’s territory and populations. Article 5 of NATO’s founding charter, the Washington Treaty, sets out the Alliance’s collective defence commitment. It states that an attack on one shall be considered an attack on all. Article 5 has been invoked only once in NATO’s history, on 12 September 2001, the day after the terrorist attacks on the United States. 3. NATO’s Command Structure: NATO has a permanent, integrated military command structure where military and civilian personnel from all member states work together. The Alliance has two top-level Strategic Commands (Allied Command Operations, in Mons, Belgium, and Allied Command Transformation, in Norfolk, United States). Under these Strategic Commands are two Joint Force Commands (in Brunssum, Netherlands and in Naples, Italy) that can deploy and run military operations. The Command Structure also includes one air command (Ramstein, Germany), one land command (Izmir, Turkey) and one maritime command (Northwood, United Kingdom). -
An Introduction to the Transatlantic Alliance
NATO transatlantic the Al to lia on n ti ce uc od tr n i n A Public Diplomacy Division 1110 Brussels - Belgium www.nato.int Order publications at [email protected] WIN12EN NATO w Forewordw 5 w Overvieww 6 w Respondingwtowchangew 11 w Awmajorwplayerwinwcrisiswsituationsw 17 w Extendingwsecuritywthroughwpartnershipsw 27 w PursuingwanwOpenwDoorwpolicyw 34 w Tacklingwnewwthreatswwithwnewwcapabilitiesw 37 w Organizationwdynamicsw 43 w AnwAlliancewthatwiswfitwforwpurposew 47 3 We, the political leaders of NATO, are determined to continue renewal of our Alliance so that it is fit for purpose in addressing the 21st Century security challenges [...] Our Alliance thrives as a source of hope because it is based on common values of individual liberty, democracy, human rights and the rule of law, and because our common essential and enduring purpose is to safeguard the freedom and security of its members. These values and objectives are universal and perpetual, and we are determined to defend them through unity, solidarity, strength and resolve. Strategic Concept Lisbon Summit, November 2010 4 “The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently they agree that, if such an attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self-defence recognized by Foreword Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party of Parties so attached by taking forthwith, individual and in concert with the -
Brazilian Military History: Perspectives on History Writing
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: D History, Archaeology & Anthropology Volume 21 Issue 2 Version 1.0 Year 2021 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Brazilian Military History: Perspectives on History Writing By Fabio da Silva Pereira Universidade Salgado de Oliveira Abstract- The article aims to present historiographical perspectives for Military History theory. For this, the researchers had access to specialized bibliography to contextualize classics of the three strands, analyzing how history is written from the 19th century to contemporary times. The Traditional, Marxist, and New History currents, concomitant with examples described in works in Military History, received decisive contributions to professional improvement in scientific activity throughout this period. In this way, it provides young researchers with the opportunity to innovate and find new information to deepen the historical knowledge of Military History issues: leaders, institutions, mentality, and values. Keywords: brazilian historiography, theory of history, brazilian military history, history writing. GJHSS-D Classification: FOR Code: 430299 BrazilianMilitaryHistoryPerspectivesonHistoryWriting Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2021. Fabio da Silva Pereira. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Brazilian Military History: Perspectives on History Writing Fabio da Silva Pereira Abstract 1- The article aims to present historiographical it is possible to understand that currently, what we call perspectives for Military History theory. -
Luso-American Relations, 1941--1951" (2012)
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Doctoral Dissertations Student Scholarship Fall 2012 Shifting alliances and fairweather friends: Luso- American relations, 1941--1951 Paula Celeste Gomes Noversa. Rioux University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation Recommended Citation Rioux, Paula Celeste Gomes Noversa., "Shifting alliances and fairweather friends: Luso-American relations, 1941--1951" (2012). Doctoral Dissertations. 674. https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation/674 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SHIFTING ALLIANCES AND FAIRWEATHER FRIENDS: LUSO-AMERICAN RELATIONS, 1941-1951 BY Paula Celeste Gomes Noversa Rioux BA, University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth, 1989 MA, Providence College, 1997 DISSERTATION Submitted to the University of New Hampshire In Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History September, 2012 UMI Number: 3533704 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3533704 Published by ProQuest LLC 2012. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. -
NATO's Enlargement to the East: an Analysis of Collective Decision-Making EAPC-NATO Individual Fellowship Report 1998-2000
NATO's Enlargement to the East: An Analysis of Collective Decision-making EAPC-NATO Individual Fellowship Report 1998-2000 Frank Schimmelfennig Dr. Frank Schimmelfennig Institut für Politikwissenschaft Technische Universität Darmstadt Residenzschloss D-64283 Darmstadt Germany Tel.: (49) (7121) 670487 Fax: (49) (7121) 907138 E-Mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifs.tu-darmstadt.de/pg/regorgs/regorgh.htm 2 Acknowledgments I gratefully acknowledge funding for the research presented here by an EAPC-NATO Fellowship for the period 1998-2000. I am highly indebted to my interview partners (see list in the appendix) for sharing their precious time and their insights with me. I further thank Karen Donfried, Chris Donnelly, Gunther Hellmann, Johanna Möhring, and Frank Umbach for helping me to get in contact with the interviewees and Thomas Risse and Klaus Dieter Wolf for supporting my application for the fellowship. 1 1 Introduction At NATO's Madrid summit of July 1997, at which the alliance decided to invite the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland to become members, Czech deputy minister of foreign affairs Vondra approached a group of U.S. senators participating at the summit on behalf of the Senate NATO Observer Group and asked them, "Why did you choose us?" The answer he got was, "We like you, we think you like us, and then you talked it into our heads for so long that we could not do otherwise." (Interview Member of CEEC Delegation to NATO) This little anecdote could serve as an epigraph for the analysis of the collective decision- making process on NATO's Eastern enlargement which is the subject of this report. -
07, Problems of Coalition Warfare: the Military Alliance Against
'The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the US Air Force, Department of Defense or the US Government.'" USAFA Harmon Memorial Lecture #7 “Problems of Coalition Warfare: The Military Alliance Against Napoleon, 1813 – 1814” Gordon A. Craig, 1965 For some six generations now, the campaigns of 1813 and 1814 in Germany and France have exercised a powerful fascination over the minds of historians, and it is understandable that this should be so. It would be difficult to find another time in the modern age as full of dramatic crises as the autumn that saw Napoleon's strength and reputation broken at Leipzig and the spring that witnessed his brilliant but unavailing attempts to break out of the ring of steel that forced him towards surrender. To members of an older generation, the spectacle of this greatest of Great Captains fighting tenaciously but with shrinking resources to save the New Order he had created possessed all the qualities of classical tragedy, and they studied the details of his last campaigns with admiration for the flashes of inspiration that lightened the gathering pall of defeat and with sympathy for the desperate twistings and turnings that preceded the end. "The campaign of 1814," wrote a British historian in a book that appeared almost exactly a century after the events it described, "is certainly a wonderful example of what Napoleon's genius could do in circumstances which . had become so desperate that no other general of the time would have even attempted to make head against them."1 Napoleon doubtless has as many admirers today as when that judgment was written fifty years ago.