Who's Who in Primakov's New Russian Government
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QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2013 by Nils Muižnieks
Strasbourg, 18 September 2013 CommDH(2013)16 2ND QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2013 by Nils Muižnieks Commissioner for Human Rights 1 April to 30 June 2013 Presented to the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly CommDH(2013)16 CONTENTS 1. Overview ....................................................................................................... 3 2. Missions and Visits ....................................................................................... 4 3. Reports and continuous dialogue................................................................ 10 4. Themes ....................................................................................................... 14 5. Other Meetings ........................................................................................... 17 6. Human rights defenders .............................................................................. 18 7. Communication and Information work ......................................................... 19 8. Next three months ....................................................................................... 21 9. Observations and reflections ...................................................................... 22 2 CommDH(2013)16 1. Overview In the second quarter of 2013, I touched upon issues related to police misconduct in a number of country visits, reports and media interventions pertaining to Greece, Russia, Spain, Azerbaijan and Turkey. News reports suggest that the issue is not confined to these countries, but is widespread throughout -
The Russians Are Coming
CCC-LeBaron 1 (1-64) 8/16/02 9:36 AM Page 5 CHAPTER ONE The Russians Are Coming MIGHT NEVER HAVE GONE to Russia had it not been for two phone calls, one Ifax, and a submarine. The first call, in the summer of 1990, was from a friend who led a Boston-based research group called Defense and Disarmament. Together with the Soviet Academy of Sciences, his organization was sponsoring “Swords into Plowshares,” a conference at Harvard University focused on production conversion, military to civilian, in both the United States and the Soviet Union. Would I be interested in addressing that unusual as- sembly? I would indeed. Harvard’s venerable red brick buildings and the placid Charles River seemed an appropriate setting for the subject. But I noticed an important disparity. The Soviets sent high-ranking government officials and senior managers of the factories that produced military hardware. The United States was represented by a sprinkling of middle-level managers from military-industrial companies like General Electric and Raytheon. That the American companies attached little importance or urgency to con- verting from military to civilian production was evidenced by the ranks of their representatives. In their choice of delegation leader, the Soviets sent a very different sig- nal. Vladimir Koblov was first deputy chairman, and soon to be chairman, of 5 CCC-LeBaron 1 (1-64) 8/16/02 9:36 AM Page 6 6 RUSSIA the State Commission on Military Industrial Production of the Council of Ministers of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.) (the “State Commission”). -
Kazakhstan Missile Chronology
Kazakhstan Missile Chronology Last update: May 2010 As of May 2010, this chronology is no longer being updated. For current developments, please see the Kazakhstan Missile Overview. This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. 2009-1947 March 2009 On 4 March 2009, Kazakhstan signed a contract to purchase S-300 air defense missile systems from Russia. According to Ministry of Defense officials, Kazakhstan plans to purchase 10 batteries of S-300PS by 2011. Kazakhstan's Air Defense Commander Aleksandr Sorokin mentioned, however, that the 10 batteries would still not be enough to shield all the most vital" facilities designated earlier by a presidential decree. The export version of S- 300PS (NATO designation SA-10C Grumble) has a maximum range of 75 km and can hit targets moving at up to 1200 m/s at a minimum altitude of 25 meters. -
RUSSIA WATCH Duncan Deville, Guest Editor Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH Duncan DeVille, Guest Editor Graham T. Allison, Director Analysis and Commentary Danielle Lussier, Assistant Editor Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Editorial Staff: Melissa Carr, David John F. Kennedy School of Government Rekhviashvili, Annaliis Abrego, John Harvard University No. 7, March 2002 Grennan Rule of Law in Russia: The Wild East No More? Russian support for U.S. efforts in The new Criminal the war on terrorism has surprised Procedure Code. Long many Western observers. But this advocated by Western legal was not the only recent surprise experts as an important step in the development of the rule of law, from Moscow Western — the new Criminal Procedure Code advocates for the rule of law in will divest power from Russia’s (continued on p. 3) Russia also had much to celebrate in the closing months of 2001. Under IN THIS ISSUE: strong prodding by President Sergei Stepashin, p. 9 Vladimir Putin, the Duma passed several impressive pieces Chairman of the Auditing Chamber of the Russian Federation of reform legislation, including an entirely new Criminal Rule of Law and the Peculiarities of Russia Procedure Code, a potentially revolutionary land reform * law, new shareholder protections in amendments to the Scott Boylan, p. 10 Joint Stock Company Law, and the first post-Soviet Labor Regional Director for Eurasia, U.S. Department of Justice Long Awaited Russian Criminal Procedure Code is Enacted Code. * All of these bills had been stalled in the State Stephen Handleman, p. 13 Duma since the mid-1990s despite — or because of — Time Magazine International former President Boris Yeltsin’s efforts to get them passed. -
Russia Yello Rdy 4 Py
The Kremlin wants to tackle long-festering problems, and painful reform can’t be avoided much longer. Russia’s Military Retrenchment AP photo/Murad Sezer Agent of change. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched the cut-and- reshape campaign to revitalize Russia’s forces. In this June photo, the By Stewart M. Powell Kremlin leader reviews Russian peacekeeping troops at Pristina airport in Kosovo. USSIA’S military, tapped by the scope and magnitude of which of valuable equipment for sale to President Vladimir Putin for can be glimpsed in a random sam- criminal gangs. a thorough revitalization, is pling of problems: Now, the Kremlin, for the first under pressure to clean up Fighter pilots get 14 hours of time since collapse of the Soviet R its own act. flying time per year. Union a decade ago, seems serious Even staunch advocates of in- Murder claims 500 troops per about tackling problems besetting creased support for Russia’s soldiers, year—18 times the number in US the force. Fueled by humiliating set- sailors, and airmen are turning their armed forces. backs in Chechnya and the disas- guns on the waste and mismanage- Ground station fires knock out trous loss last summer of the subma- ment that have weakened the force ground military communications rine Kursk with all hands, Putin’s in recent years. They say that spend- systems and communications with planned revitalization aims to in- ing more on the military as presently satellites. crease the resources and prestige of constituted will only feed its pen- Commanders sometimes seize the armed forces. -
The Russian Military Faces “Creeping Disintegration”
The Russian Military Faces “Creeping Disintegration” DALE R. HERSPRING There were virtually no units which were combat ready in 1997. —Defense Minister Igor Sergeyev lthough often ignored by observers and pundits, the Russian military plays A one of the most important roles of any institution in that society. The reason is that the armed forces are always the last bastion against anarchy and chaos in any political system. And Russia now is on the verge of collapse and anarchy. In taking a closer look at the Russian military and the role it plays in the Rus- sian political system, I divide my observations into three categories. First is the question of the armed forces themselves. It is impossible to discuss the role of the military without understanding how serious the situation is in Moscow’s armed forces. As those who have spent time working in the military or analyzing military issues know, reversing conditions like those that now characterize the Russian armed forces is not easy. It will take considerable time. The lead time on many weapons systems exceeds five years from planning to production. A second issue is the question of whether there is a serious danger that the Rus- sian military will become involved in politics. Finally, there is the question of what the West can do and should be doing at this point vis-à-vis the Russian military. The Situation Facing the Russian Military Despite Defense Minister Marshal Igor Sergeyev’s comment on 19 July 1999, to the effect that Russia’s armed forces are “combat ready, controllable and capable of ensuring the military security of the country,” the fact is that their situation is nothing short of disastrous.1 Equipment is outdated, officers and men are dispir- ited, thousands of the “best and brightest” are leaving, the budget is in shambles, generals have been politicized in a way unknown in the past, and talk of reform is a farce. -
Concerns in Europe
CONCERNS IN EUROPE January - June 1999 FOREWORD This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe between January and June 1999. Not every country in Europe is reported on: only those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin. The five Central Asian republics of Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are included in the Europe Region because of their membership of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Reflecting the priority Amnesty International is giving to investigating and campaigning against human rights violations against women and children, the bulletin contains special sections on Women in Europe (p.76) and Children in Europe (p.79). A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin. References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News Service Items issued by Amnesty International. This bulletin is published by Amnesty International every six months. References to previous bulletins in the text are: AI Index: EUR 01/01/99 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1998 AI Index: EUR 01/02/98 Concerns in Europe: January - June 1998 AI Index: EUR 01/01/98 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1997 AI Index: EUR 01/06/97 Concerns in Europe: January - June 1997 AI Index: EUR 01/01/97 Concerns in Europe: July - December 1996 AI Index: EUR 01/02/96 Concerns in Europe: January - June 1996 Amnesty International August 1999 AI Index: EUR 01/02/99 2 Concerns in Europe: January - June 1999 ARMENIA Prisoners of conscience (update to information in AI Index: EUR 01/01/99) At the end of the period under review at least nine young men remained imprisoned because their conscience led them into conflict with the law that makes military service compulsory for young males, and offers them no civilian alternative. -
The Russian Transition Challenges for German and American Foreign Policy
THE RUSSIAN TRANSITION CHALLENGES FOR GERMAN AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY Washington, DC Conference Report Conference Report 9-10 June 1999 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University Conference Report THE RUSSIAN TRANSITION CHALLENGES FOR GERMAN AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY Washington, D.C. 9-10 June 1999 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University The American Institute for Contemporary German Studies (AICGS) is a center for advanced research, study, and discussion on the politics, culture, and society of the Federal Republic of Germany. Established in 1983 and affiliated with The Johns Hopkins University but governed by its own Board of Trustees, AICGS is a privately incorporated institute dedicated to independent, critical, and comprehensive analysis and assessment of current German issues. Its goals are to help develop a new generation of American scholars with a thorough understanding of contemporary Germany, deepen American knowledge and understanding of current German developments, contribute to American policy analysis of problems relating to Germany, and promote interdisciplinary and comparative research on Germany. Executive Director: Jackson Janes Research Director: Carl Lankowski Development Director: Laura Rheintgen Board of Trustees, Cochair: Steven Muller Board of Trustees, Cochair: Harry J. Gray The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©1999 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-45-8 This AICGS Conference Report paper is made possible through grants from the German Program for Transatlantic Relations. Additional copies are available at $5.00 each to cover postage and processing from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite 420, 1400 16th Street, NW, Washington, D.C. -
National Missile Defense: Russia's Reaction
Order Code RL30967 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web National Missile Defense: Russia’s Reaction Updated June 14, 2002 name redacted Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress National Missile Defense: Russia’s Reaction Summary In the late 1990s, the United States began to focus on the possible deployment of defenses against long-range ballistic missiles. The planned National Missile Defense (NMD) system would have exceeded the terms of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Recognizing this, the Clinton Administration sought to convince Russia to modify the terms of the Treaty. But Russia was unwilling to accept any changes to the Treaty. It also decried the U.S plan to deploy NMD, insisting that it would upset strategic stability and start a new arms race. Russia claimed that the ABM Treaty is the “cornerstone of strategic stability” and that, without its limits on missile defense, the entire framework of offensive arms control agreements could collapse. Furthermore, Russia argued that a U.S. NMD system would undermine Russia’s nuclear deterrent and upset stability by allowing the United States to initiate an attack and protect itself from retaliatory strike. The Clinton Administration claimed that the U.S. NMD system would be directed against rogue nations and would be too limited to intercept a Russian attack. But Russian officials questioned this argument. They doubted that rogue nations would have the capability to attack U.S. territory for some time, and they believed that the United States could expand its NMD system easily. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
Russia's Military Reform: Political Trajectories
Russias Military Reform: Political Trajectories By Assoc. Prof., dr. Raimundas Lopata and Assoc. Prof., dr. Ceslovas Laurinavicius* ussias state and identity crisis that was cut but not reformed. Igor strategic deterrence under one command commenced with the end of the cold Rodionovs tenure (defence minister in and to reduce the number of military war has inevitably touched the military 1996-1997) was marked mainly by his in- districts1 . of the state. creasingly strident complaints of the mea- However, several factors played a ma- Military reform has been discussed over gre finances available to the army and ad- jor role in the trajectory of the military the last decade in Russia, with decidedly vocated preparations for a theatre-wide development: the Kosovo crisis, the sec- mixed results. In practice, reform has pri- conventional war with NATO. The most ond Chechnya War and the Kursk sub- marily meant further cuts in the size of significant steps toward not just a smaller marine catastrophe. the armed forces (from 5,1 million to 1,2 but also restructured military have taken Russia, as response to the NATO op- million) with some moderate organiza- place under Igor Sergeyev (defence min- eration in Kosovo, laid a new emphasis tional changes. Reform under Pavel ister in 1997-2001). Further cuts were en- on a nuclear deterrence, which should Grachev (defence minister in 1992-1996) acted in a more logical fashion - assem- compensate for the weakness of the con- basically amounted to a gradual hollow- bling of a small number of permanent ventional forces. At the meeting of Rus- ing out of the military structure inher- readiness divisions has been started, it sias Security Council on the 29th of April ited from the Soviet Union.