Differential Coding in Property Words: a Typological Study
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Differential coding in property words: A typological study Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng Leipzig University 5.3.2020 Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 1 / 53 Outline 1 Introduction 2 Comparative concepts 3 Differential coding types and the attributive prominence hierarchy 4 The semantic map of property concepts: an MDS analysis 5 Conclusions Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 2 / 53 Outline 1 Introduction 2 Comparative concepts 3 Differential coding types and the attributive prominence hierarchy 4 The semantic map of property concepts: an MDS analysis 5 Conclusions Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 3 / 53 Introduction The phenomenon: Subclass-conditioned differential coding in property words For instance: (1) Savosavo (Solomons East Papuan, Papunesia) a. pa ngai vaka=na [No marker] one big ship=nom 'a big ship' (Wegener 2012, 69) b. pa savanga sua kola [Marked by a relativizer] one be.long rel stick 'a long stick' (Wegener 2012, 336) In the previous literature, such phenomena are called `split adjectives' (Wetzer 1992, 1996; Stassen 1997) or `adjective classes' (Dixon 2004a), but have not been subject to much inquiry. Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 4 / 53 Aims and methodology This talk aims at: providing a systematic typological investigation of subclass-conditioned differential coding in property words. building semantic maps for property concepts identifying universal tendencies in the mapping between form and meaning. The methodology Grammar mining → Construction-specific (attributive and predicative constructions) → Sample: 232 constructions of 50 geographical and genealogical diverse languages worldwide. Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 5 / 53 The sample 50 languages 39 language families 6 macro-areas { Africa (13) { N.America (7) { S.America (7) { Papunesia (9) { Eurasia (8) { Australia (6) Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 6 / 53 Outline 1 Introduction 2 Comparative concepts 3 Differential coding types and the attributive prominence hierarchy 4 The semantic map of property concepts: an MDS analysis 5 Conclusions Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 7 / 53 Adjectives and Property words The adjective has long been regarded as a mixed category, with [+N] and [+V] as its characterizing features.(Chomsky, 1970) Crosslinguistically, substantial variation is observed regarding the size, syntactic behaviour, and semantic scope of adjectives. In many Indo-European languages, adjectives are considered to constitute an open word class, while in some other languages, only a restricted set of words are regarded as adjectives. For instance, in Zialo there are only five adjectives: g`Ol`a 'big', k´ul´o 'small', k´ul´ok´ul´o 'very small', n´ı´ın´a 'new', p~ad`a 'good, beautiful', p´Ol´O 'old' (Babaev, 2010). Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 8 / 53 Adjectives and Property words Dixon's seven semantic types Despite the crosslinguistic variation, Dixon (1982) suggests that there are 7 semantic types that tend to be included in the word class of adjectives: dimension (big, small. ) age (old, young. ) value (good, bad. ) colour (white, black. ) physical property (hot, cold. ) human propensity (happy, sad. ) speed (quick, slow. ) Hallonsten Halling (2018) claims that speed is a core semantic type for adverbs. → speed is excluded in the present study. Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 9 / 53 Semantic targets Property words A property word is a lexeme that denotes a descriptive property, such as age, dimension, colour, value, physical property and human propensity, and that can be used to narrow the reference of a noun. (Based on Dixon 1982,Haspelmath 2010) 28 Semantic targets used in this study age young, new, old (animate), old (inanimate) dim big, small, long, short col white, black, red, green val good, bad, beautiful, ugly phy hot, cold, soft, heavy, dry hum happy, sad, clever, stupid, angry, crazy, afraid Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 10 / 53 Substantive marker and function indicator Grammatical markers are morphemes which have less concrete referential meaning than content words (Meillet 1912; Traugott 1980). Two types of grammatical markers: Substantive markers Function indicators → Based on the distinction between structural coding and behavioural potential in Croft (1991, 2001). Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 11 / 53 Function indicators (structural coding): { indicate the unusual association between the semantic class and pragmatic function. { no substantive information { typical types of function indicators 1 attributivizer 2 predicativizer (copular) e.g. Das Kleid ist sch¨on. Substantive markers (behavioural potential): { bear substantive information { typical types of substantive markers 1 nominal substantive marker: related to nominal domain (e.g. gender/number/case/definiteness) 2 verbal substantive marker: related to verbal domain (e.g. TAM) e.g. ein sch¨ones Kleid Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 12 / 53 Croft's theory According to Croft, the coding of lexical categories varies according to the prototypicality of the correlation between semantic classes and pragmatic functions. Table 1: Semantic properties of prototypical lexical classes (Croft, 1991, 55) syntactic category noun adjective verb semantic class object property action pragmatic function reference modification predication Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 13 / 53 When the association between semantic classes and pragmatic functions is not a prototypical one, languages may show function-indicating morphosyntax. Table 2: Function-indicating morphosyntax (Croft, 1991, 67) Reference Modification Predication Objects unmarked genitive, adjectiviza- predicate nominals nouns tion, PP Properties deadjectival unmarked adj predicate adjectives nouns Actions action nomi- participles, relative unmarked verbs nals, comple- clause ments, infini- tives, gerunds Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 14 / 53 Table 3: English examples (Croft 1991) Reference Modification Predication Object vehicle vehicular be a/the vehicle Property whiteness white be white Action destruction destroying/destroyed destroy Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 15 / 53 Outline 1 Introduction 2 Comparative concepts 3 Differential coding types and the attributive prominence hierarchy 4 The semantic map of property concepts: an MDS analysis 5 Conclusions Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 16 / 53 Differential coding illustrations Type 1. Differential coding of function indicators in the attributive position: (2) Cavine~na(Pano-Tacanan, South America) a. badi nana moon young 'new moon' (Guillaume, 2008, 469) b. wika arida=ke hook big=rel 'the big hook' (Guillaume, 2008, 360) Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 17 / 53 Differential coding illustrations Type 2. Differential coding of function indicators in the predicative position: In some languages, a copula only occurs under certain conditions (e.g. past tense). For example, in Cherokee (Iroquoian, North America): (4) The past tense (3) The present tense a. a-aliihe´el`i´ik-v´vPi a. a-aliihe´el`i´ika 3-be.happy-pst 3-be.happy.prs 'He was happy.' 'He is happy.' b. ka-alij´o´ohita jikees-v´vPi b. aki-alij´o´ohita 3-fat cop-pst 1-fat 'He was fat' 'I am fat.' (Montgomery-Anderson, 2008, 269, 279, 493) Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 18 / 53 Differential coding illustrations Type 3. Differential coding of substantive markers in the attributive position (5) Neverver (Austronesian, Papunesia) a. niterikh lele ang child small the 'the small child' (Barbour, 2012, 112) b. netan i-rvikh thing 3.real.sg-good 'good thing' (Barbour, 2012, 391) Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 19 / 53 Differential coding illustrations Type 4. Differential coding of substantive markers in the predicative position (6) Yimas (Lower Sepik-Ramu, Papunesia) a. yan imprampat yua-ra arak. those basket.vii.pl good-vii.pl cop.vii.pl 'Those baskets are good.' (Foley, 1991, 189) b. na-na-kuck-n 3sg-definitive-be.happy-prs 'He is happy.' (Foley, 1991, 446) Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 20 / 53 Semantic types and grammatical markers Figure 1: The semantic variation of Figure 2: The semantic variation of attributive function indicators predicative function indicators Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 21 / 53 Semantic types and grammatical markers Figure 3: The semantic variation of Figure 4: The semantic variation of nominal substantive markers verbal substantive markers Y`eJ`ıngt´ıng (Leipzig University) DGfS, University of Hamburg 5.3.2020 22 / 53 The attributive prominence hierarchy Based on this, the following attributive prominence hierarchy can be proposed: age> dimension, colour> value > physical property > human propensity From left to right, the attributive prominence decreases. A property word is `attributive prominent' means: 1 it is less likely to occur with an attributivizer 2 it is less likely to occur with a verbal substantive marker