Oligopoly Dynamics: Official Religions in China
FENGGANG YANG
In the economic approach to the study of reli and free religious exercise, although the reality gious change, the nature of religious economies may fall short of the ideal (Beaman 2003; Beyer is commonly dichotomized into monopoly and 2003; Gill 2003). Equal treatment to all free market. According to Stark and Finke religions, instead of freedom from regulation, (2000), a religious monopoly, enforced by state should be considered the most important meas regulation, breeds a lazy clergy and consequently ure of religious freedom. a less religiously mobilized population. Second, Stark and Finke link together the Conversely, in a deregulated market, that is, a terms 'unregulated and competitive' in catego free market, religious pluralism tends to prevail rizing certain religious economies, but how over monopoly. 'To the degree that religious about religious economies that are both economies are unregulated and competitive, regulated and competitive? Conceptually, this overall levels of religious participation will he is probably the case for oligopoly economies, high' (Stark and Finke 2000: 199). in which only a select few religions are permit This simplistic conceptualization has two ted and the rest are suppressed. Indeed, most problems. First, critics (Bruce 2000; Beaman countries fall into this category nowadays. 2003) have pointed out that there is no com Oligopoly is certainly not monopoly, nor can it pletely unregulated market, and that state reg be equated to pluralism or to a laissez-faire free ulations can be either against religion or for market. Given their prevalence in today's religion. ]n the U.S., for example, the First world, the dynamics of oligopoly economies of Amendment establishes basic rules; and religion deserve much more careful examination. zoning, tax, and other regulations are also Under oligopoly regulation, how do the pertinent to religious organizations. ]n this sense, officially sanctioned religions operate? Is there there is no 'unregulated' religious economy. inter-religious competition? What kind of Nonetheless, it is important to note that U.S. religious groups grow or decline? regulations are not in tended to restrict any Elsewhere (Yang 2006) I have articulated a particular faith, but to ensure equal competition triple market model to account for the religious 636 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION economy of China and similar economies Buddhist Association in 1955; the China under heavy regulation. I argue that 'heavy Islamic Association in 1957; the China Daoist regulation leads not to religious reduction, but to Association in 1957; and the China Catholic complication of the religious market, resulting in Laity Patriotic Committee in 1957, which a tripartite market with different dynamics' later became the China Catholic Patriotic (Yang 2006: 97): a red market (officially permit Committee. Soon after that, existing denomi ted religions), a black market (officially banned national and sectarian systems were banned. religions), and a gray market (religions with an Amalgamation was imposed upon each of the ambiguous legal/illegal status). A red market five religions. comprises all legal or officially permitted religious organizations, believers, and religious activities. It is 'red' because the officially Limited Tolerance and Broad Restriction sanctioned religions are stained with the official Communist ideology, as reflected in the rhetoric Following 13 years of banning all religion from of clergy, the theological discourse, and the the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, the CCP practices of these religious groups. The red reverted to its previous policy of limited toler market is a typical case of oligopoly, in which ance toward religion. In 1982, the CCP issued only a few religions are permitted and heavily the edict 'The Basic Viewpoint and Policy on regulated. Religious Affairs during the Socialist Period of In this chapter I will elaborate on the red Our Country', widely known as 'Document market religions in China. I will first describe No. 19', which has served as the basis for the general status of the officially permitted religious policy until today (Yang 2004). This religions and on the government's control fundamental document grants legal existence apparatus, and then present two cases - a to Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Protestantism, Buddhist temple and a Protestant church. I and Catholicism under the government These descriptions will reveal the dynamics of sanctioned 'patriotic' associations, but not to state favoritism, religious competition, and any group outside the five religious associations, patterns of religious survivals and revivals. nor to other religions. Denominationalism Simply put, state favoritism might have con within a religion is prohibited. Document 19 tributed to the revival of Buddhism, but state proscribes proselytizing outside approved reli discrimination has not stopped the rapid gious premises, and insists that atheist propa growth of Christianity. Indeed, state repression ganda must be disseminated unremittingly. In might be a factor contributing to the popular line with this Document, the PRC Constitution ity of Christianity in the Chinese populace. of 1982 reaffirms freedom of religious belief, but clearly stipulates that only certain religious activities are protected. Since 1982, the CCP and the government have distributed circulars, THE RELIGIOUS OLIGOPOLY OF CHINA enacted ordinances, and issued administrative orders (Potter 2003) that aim to tighten Following the establishment of the People's control over religion. Republic of China (PRe) in 1949, atheist The control apparatus of religion involves ideology compelled the Chinese Communist several government ministries and bureaus, Party (eCP) to impose control over religion. including the Ministry of Public Security Foreign missionaries were expelled, cultic or (police), the Ministry of State Security, the heterodox sects were banned, and major religions Ministry ofCivil Affairs, and the Religious Affairs that were difficult to eliminate were co-opted Bureau (also known as State Administration of into 'patriotic' associations. Through tremen Religious Affairs), and the United Front dous government maneuvers, the China Department (UFD) of the CCP Central Protestant Three-Self! Patriotic Movement Committee. The UFD has a division on Committee was established in 1954; the China religious affairs, which is supposed to frame OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 637 religious policies and to rally religious leaders in reinforcing religious regulations. Religious around the CCP. The day-to-day administration associations must also register with the of religious affairs is in the hands of the Ministry of Civil Affairs, but the registration Religious Affairs Bureau (RAB), The RAB must be stamped first by the RAB. The operates downwards from the central through Ministry of Public Security deals with all illegal provincial and prefecture levels down to religious activities, including any illegal activities county governments, sometimes combined of the five official religions and all activities of with the Commission of Ethnic Affairs at the all other religions. Like political activists and provincial and county levels. At provincial dissident groups, some religious groups and and lower levels, the RAB chief is often an active leaders are also watched by the Ministry associate director of the CCP's United Front of State Security (MSS). Since the early 1990s, Department. the Chinese authorities have made it an integral RAB oversees and manages all day-to-day part of religious policy to guard against religion-related affairs, including approving infiltration by foreign religious organizations the opening oftemples, churches, and mosques, and foreign political entities that
-Catholicism was introduced into China intermittently statistics over the past several decades (see in the seventh century, but it had not spread widely until Table 30.I), we can still see some broad trends. OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 639
Table 30.1 islamic Population l>uddhist Believers Daoist Believers (million)' (million) (million) Early 1950s"" 2.7 0.7 8.0 1956h 3.0 0.8 lO.O Several tens of 10.0' millions' 1982" 3.0 3.0 100 J991' 3.5 45 17.0 1995<1 4.0 10.0 18.0 Clergy' Clergy Clergy Monks/Nuns Monks/Nuns 1982" 3.400 5,900 20,000 27,000 2,600 1995" 4,300 18,000 40,000 200,000 25,700 Churches and Churches and meeting points" meeting points Mosques Temples Temples 1995" 4,377 37,000 36,200 13,000 1,557 -:---:--~--:-~~ SOl/rees: a. Document No. 19; b. LUll (20D!)'; c. White Paper on the Status of Human Rights in Chin;]; d. Li (1999) '. Notes: I. Li (1999) and Luo (2001) are officials of the CCP United Front Dep;]rtment. 2. The numbers of the eJrly 1950s are consistent with nllllgovernmental and non·Chinese publications. 3. No number of Buddhist and Daoist believers is given in most of the years because there is no membership system. The only estimates in 1956 were uttered by the late Chairm;]n Mao Zedong in a published conversation. 4. The number of Muslims is the total population of 10 ethnic minorities that consider Islam as their ethnic religion, although many do not practice or believe. 5. The professional ecclesiastics of ditIerent religions are not totally comp;]rable because Buddhist and Daoist monks and nuns may not interact with lay believers, whereas Catholic priests, Protestant pastors, and Islamic imams are minister ing to the laity. 6. The religious venues of different religions also have very different functions: Churches ;]nd mosques are buildings for regular weekly lay gathering, whereas many temples are monasteries in the mountains that receive occasional pilgrims, and SDme of them are secluded for hermits with few or no outside visitors. The so·called Protestant and Catholic meeting points are mostly congregations with simple, shabby buildings, not necessarily small congregations.
The numbers of believers listed for 1956 and that subscribe to Islam is about 22 million 1982 deserve particular attention. The 1956 today, although many of them may not practice figures are the last official count before the the religion. enforced disbanding of denominations, Specific cases clearly reveal the dynamics of followed by 13 years of efforts to eradicate all the red market religions. In the next two sections religion (1966-1979). The official count in 1will describe a Buddhist temple and a Christian 1982 shows that the numbers of Catholics and church, hoth of which are government Muslims remained the same, while the number approved religious venues. The Christian of Protestant Christians increased 3.75 times church faces many more obstacles to carrying from 800,000 to 3,000,000. out its norma] religious activities, whereas It is widely known that many religious the Buddhist temple has managed to expand people have stayed away from the red market rapidly under government support. but engaged in the black and gray markets (Yang 2006). The China Buddhist Association leaders sometimes claim more than 100 million A THRIVING BUDDHIST TEMPLE Buddhists. Catholics inside and outside China often estimate the number of Chinese Catholics at 10 to 12 millions. Estimates of Protestants Bailin is a Buddhist temple located in Zhaoxian, vary widely, from 50 million to over 100 million, Hebei, about 300 kilometers (186 miles) south The population of 10 ethnic minority groups of Beijing. Before 1988, all the temple buildings 640 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
except a pagoda (swpa) were destroyed. model argues that in an unregulated religious Since 1988, a number of buildings have been market, strict and competitive groups tend to constructed one after another, culminating grow (see Finke and Stark 1992; Finke and with the grandeur of the Ten-Thousand Iannaccone 1993; Iannaccone 1994; Finke Buddha Hall completed in 2003. Within 15 years, 1997; Stark and Finke 2000). However, the a site of ruins was transformed into a sublime thriving Bailin Temple is not strict, for it Buddhist center with a 14-acre (80 mu) has offered Summer Camps free of charge to compound of magnificent buildings in the participants. Nor is its doctrine in high tension traditional Buddhist style of architecture. The with the surrounding culture. To the contrary, number of residential monks has reached Jing Hui has proclaimed a brand of Buddhism around 150, and their outlook and ritual that clearly accommodates the ruling CCP and performance have impressed many domestic its Communist ideology. He emphasizes living and international Buddhist believers. harmoniously with other people, rather than Moreover, Bailin has functioned as the challenging others. center of Buddhist revivals in the whole To explain the success of the Bailin Buddhist Province of Hebei and beyond. By the end of Temple in today's China, it is necessary to 1987, the whole province had only two include - but go beyond - institutional factors Buddhist temples open for religious services; as well as individuals' tactics. The major factors their shabby halls and tatty living quarters in its success include the able leadership of the were in desperate need of renovation, but the well-connected and well-positioned Venerable small income from devotees and tourism was Jing Hui, his articulation and promotion of a not enough even to support the daily life of the marketable brand of Buddhism - the Life few ailing monks who tended the temples. In Chan - with innovative slogans and practices, the whole province, no more than 4,000 lay the financial support of wealthy overseas and Buddhist believers had taken guiyi, a formal domestic donors, and most importantly, the rite of conversion comparable to baptism for political support of government officials. Christians. From that point on, however, Buddhist growth in Hebei has been nothing but extraordinary. For example, within the The Leadership of the Sangha space of two days in May 1988, 461 people in the county of Renxian in Southern Hebei took Traditional Chinese Buddhism has been a the guiyi rite under the Bailin Abbot, the Sangha-centered religion. Following the Venerable Jing Hui (Chan Magazine3 1990,4). Mahayana tradition, the Sangha is composed On 8 January 1995, over a thousand people of celibate monks and nuns living at the took the rite at the Bailin Temple (Chan temple-monastery to carry out their own Magazine 1995, 2). More and more temples practices, to tend the statues of Buddhas and were reopened, restored, or rebuilt throughout Bodhisattvas, and to perform rituals for lay Hebei Province. By the end of 2003, there were worshippers. Some of the lay believers may over 580 Buddhist monks and nuns stationed take the conversion rite of guiyi, but they do at over 280 Buddhist temples open for not belong to, or formally affiliate with, a religious services. Hebei suddenly became one temple. Lay believers who are attracted by the of the provinces with a very active Buddhist Sangha, especially by the abbot, may patronize Sangha (monks and nuns) and lay believers, the temple by making donations to the monks attracting pilgrims from beyond Hebei and or to funds for the construction of temple China. buildings. Most lay believers go to a temple to How did the Bailin Temple achieve such make personal requests, and their donations expansion within a mere 15 years? How could tend to be small and spontaneous. Therefore, a it lead revivals throughout the whole province? temple's existence and expansion depend less In the sociological literature on religious on the number of regular attenders at the growth and decline, the dominant supply-side temple and more on a few wealthy and OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 641 generous donors. A charismatic abbot is thus of various sects and senior monks, as well as critical for a temple's survival and growth. about modern developments of Buddhism in The Venerable Master ling Hui is the indispen China and other societies. Working in this sable magnet in the success story of the Bailin important position helped Jing Hui develop a Temple. He is an entrepreneurial monk who has thorough understanding of political dynamics mobilized multiple resources for his endeavors to and policy subtleties. The chief editor of the revitalize Buddhism. Born in 1933 in Hubei official magazine is the ultimate gatekeeper of Province in South-Central China, he was the information flow within the Chinese abandoned by his parents in dire poverty when Buddhist community. He was responsible for he was only 18 months old. Reared at a Buddhist publishing articles that were both appealing to nunnery, he became a novice monk at age 15. Buddhist believers and acceptable to the CCP A few years later, he took refuge as a disciple of authorities. the Venerable Master Xu Yun, the most revered In October 1987, he accompanied a Japanese Buddhist monk in modern China. In 1956, the Buddhist delegation of over 100 people to visit Chinese Buddhist Academy was established. Jing the lonely stl/pa in Zhaoxian. The pilgrims Hui entered the first class, and upon graduation expressed the wish to restore the Bailin he was admitted to its graduate program. His Temple. They had even raised some funds in talents and diligence were recognized by his Japan for the restoration work. Soon after, classmates and teachers. However, sharing the coincidently, representatives of the Hebei fate of most clergymen in the 1950s and 1960s, in Province's CCP's United Front Department due time Jing Hui was persecuted and sent to a (UFD) and the Religious Affairs Bureau (RAE) camp for reeducation through labor. During the went to Beijing to invite Jing Hui to come to brutal Cultural Revolution period, Jing Hui was establish the Hebei Buddhist Association. Zhao even forced to return to a secular life in his Puchu, the President of the Buddhist Association hometown in Hubei Province. Not until 1979, of China, commissioned Jing Hui to go and when the CCP's religious policy reverted from establish the Hebei Buddhist Association and eradication of religion to limited toleration, was revitalize the Bailin Temple and the Linji he able to return to the religious life. Temple, another renowned Buddhist temple in Before coming to Hebei Province, Jing Hui Hebei Province. With Zhao's endorsement and worked as the chief editor of the Fa Yin (Voice evident support from people with some political of Dharma), the official magazine of the clout, Jing Hui accepted the challenge and Buddhist Association of China. Working at the came to Shijiazhuang, the capital of Hebei magazine and being involved in the operation Province, in January 1988. Soon after, the of the Buddhist Association of China for Hebei Buddhist Association was organized, nearly a decade, Jing Hui gained remarkable and Jing Hui became its President. experience and unusual access to various Before going to Hebei, Jing Hui had anraeted resources. some highly educated young people as followers First of all, this mannerly monk was able to or disciples through the Fa Yin magazine. develop personal relationships with various Following the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident, important people, incl uding very senior when the student-led pro-democracy movement monks throughout the country, foreign was crushed by tanks, many college-educated Buddhist leaders, overseas lay Buddhist young people began to turn to religion to search patrons, and government officials in charge of for personal salvation and national direction. religious affairs. The political, religious, and Whereas some urban young people have con financial support of these people was essential verted to Christianity (Yang 2005), a number of for the revitalization of the Bailin Temple. college graduates have become Buddhist monks Secondly, the nature of his work editing the and nuns. ling Hui has attracted several such magazine made it both necessary and possible highly educated young people who have become for ling Hui to become a scholar, knowledgeable his disciples. Overall, it is said that about a third of about the Buddhist theories, ideas, and practices the Bailin Sangha have had a college education. 642 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
A Marketable Brand of Buddhism Buddhism with Chinese cultural characteristics' (Chan Magazine 1993, 1). He further articulated: In late dynastic China, Buddhism became a The ultimate goal of Life Chan i, 'a life of enlighten religion very much detached from the world. ment, 3 life of dedication' (jlJe WIJ ren $!Jcng, feng XlOll The teachings focused on sufferings in the ren s!Jeng) .... 'A life of enlightenment' is continuous world and on how to become free from these improvement of thc quality of oneself _ . and '3 life of sufferings through chanting, rituals, and dedication' is continuous effort to harmonjze self-other relation,. (Chan Magazinc 2002: 6) secluded meditation. Most of the temples were monasteries deep in the mountains. Along To promote his brand of Buddhism, the Life with its increasing withdrawal from the world, Chan, Bailin Temple has been holding the Buddhism declined in Ming and Qing annual Life Chan Summer Camp since 1993. Dynasties. However, throughout its long The week-long camp includes traditional history, some Buddhists have emphasized Buddhist practices such as morning and helping others to achieve enlightenment and to evening chanting, sitting-still meditation, and engage with the world. The Chan sect especially walking meditation. It also has innovative underscores gaining enlightenment in daily life. activities appealing to intellectuals, such as lec In modern times, some Buddhist laymen tures and discussion sessions with scholars and and monks hoped to reform traditional the more scholastic monks. In addition, it Buddhism and make it more relevant in social incorporates the modernized ritual of passing life. The most influential Buddhist reformer in on the candlelight at an evening service, which the first half of the twentieth century was has been popularized by Hsing Yun and his the Venerable Master Tai Xu (1890-1947). Foguangshan sect in Taiwan. The Life Chan He advocated 'Buddhism in the World' Summer Camp has been a great success, with (rcrljiun fojiao). He also instigated such up to 500 participants in recent years, the reforms as establishing Buddhist academies on maximum the temple could accommodate. the model of Christian seminaries and operating It has also become known as the signature charity projects on the model of Christian activity of the Bailin Temple, highly praised by missionary works. One of the most notable the participants, top leaders of the Buddhist contemporary leaders of reformed Buddhism Association of China, overseas and domestic has been the Venerable Master Hsing Yun Buddhist clergy, and university scholars of (1927-), who developed the Foguangshan sect Buddhist studies. and led it in establishing many temples in The summer camp has been free of charge Taiwan, Southeast Asia, and North America. for participants, and the funding has come He refers to his brand of Buddhism as from donations by Hong Kong Buddhist 'Buddhism of Life' or 'Humanist Buddhism' business people. In fact, the summer camp has (rensheng fojiao or renben fojiao). In March been the most effective means for Bailin April 1989, Hsing Yun made his first visit to Temple to attract financial support for its mainland China, together with a 70-person physical expansion. Between 1993 and 2003, delegation. ling Hui, representing the Buddhist the Bailin Temple doubled in size by acquiring Association of China, was among the few adjacent land. who accompanied Hsing Yun and his delega tion on their four-week pilgrimage journey throughout China. Political Support by the Authorities After coming to Bailin Temple, Jing Hui developed his own distinct brand of Buddhism Both the Sangha leadership and having a - the Life Chan (sheng huo chan). In the 'Life marketable brand of Buddhist ideas and Chan Pronouncement', published in the Chari practices have been important for Bailin magazine, he states that learning Buddhism, Temple's revitalization. But the most critical practicing cultivation, and living life should factor for its success has been the political be combined into an organic unity. 'It is support of government officials. OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 643
First of all, without the permission of the being the country's largest wholesale center for authorities, there would have been no recon artefacts used in Buddhism, such as statues, struction of the Bailin Temple. After all, the old incenses, construction materials, musical instru Bailin Temple had been largely destroyed ments, clothes, etc. How many economic ben before the Communists took power, thus it fell efits for the county have been generated by the outside the range of 'implementing the temple-related projects remains to be studied. religious policy' after 1979. The post-1979 The most important support for the Bailin religious policy has been very much restricted Temple, however, comes from officials of the to restoring temples, churches, and mosques to central government. Without the open encour the level immediately before the Cultural agement of the highest authorities, the Bailin Revolution or that of the late 1950s at best. Temple would have been unable to hold the The Bailin Temple was not on the 1983 list of large-scale, high-profile, cross-provincial 'major temples' designated for restoration as activity of the Life Chan Summer Camp. religious venues, which includes only two Without tacit backing by the highest authori Buddhist temples in Hebei - Linji in Zhengding ties, Bailin Temple would have been unable to and Puning in Chengde. Nonetheless, the sustain criticisms from inside the Buddhist Bailin Temple was granted permission for community and from Communist ideologues. restoration - indeed, not only permitted, but Abbot Jing Hui acknowledges: also actively encouraged and supported by the authorities at all levels. Consistent support by the government is the fundamental assurance and guarantee for the expansion of our Although there were very few Buddhist activities. This is because the Life Chan Summer Camp believers in Hebei in the 1980s, the Hebei is a very sensitive activity. M
The really important moment was after completing the Given this situation, it was indeed delightful Guanyin Hall in 1995, when the Provincial Party for the CCP leaders to find that Jing Hui's Life Secretary made a visit. From then on it has really turned Chan appeals to Buddhist believers. They hope better. .. On 5 November 200l, President Jiang Zernin came to visit us. The situation turned unprecedentedly that other Buddhist leaders will follow his better. His visit itself was a very great support to us. example, and wish that other religions would It was not only helpful for us here, but also helpful for model themselves on the Bailin Temple's the whole Buddhist commlll1lty. approach. In practice, on 23 August 2004, a group Why does the central government support the of 66 Catholic leaders participating in a national Bailin Tcmple? There might be some interest in seminar led by Bishop Ma Yinglin was taken to the positive moral functions of Buddhism during the Bailin Temple. the transition toward a market economy. Meanwhile. the Bailin Temple Sangha has However, the more important reasons to support deliberately and frequently expressed patriot the Bailin Temple appear to be political. One con ism. At major gatherings, the first item of the cerns the outside world: Bailin Temple is used ritual procedure has always becn to play the as a showcase of China's freedom ofreligion. The national anthem. The Bailin monks have also other concerns managing religious affairs: Bailin learned to repeat 'love the country and love the Temple is used as a model of religious accommo religion: with 'love the country' preceding 'love dation to the socialist socicty under CCP rule. the religion: In the long speech given at the First, China has been constantly criticized by Third Conference of the Board of Directors of Western countries for its bad human rights Hebei Buddhist Association on 29 November record, including its restriction of religious 2001, Jing Hui made repeated calls for patriot freedom. To answer Western criticisms, the ism, insisting that the Life Chan is fully com Chinese government published the White Paper patible with the CCP's idealism: about Freedom of Religious Beliefs in 1997 and It is totally possible to make BuddhIsm accommodate several other white papers about the human socialist society. The Buddha told us. the most funda rights situation in China. It has also invited for mental principle of spreading the dharma is 'the proper eign delegations of religious leaders to visit reli theory for the right moment'. The proper theory for the gious sites in China. The Bailin Temple in the right moment requires us to combine the Buddhist 1990s became an excellent showcase for the dharma with the particular social reality and mental reality, to serve the fundamental goal of purifYing purpose of international public relations. Not human hearts, and solemnizing the nation (Chan only do Japanese pilgrims continue to make fre Magazine 2002: 2). quent visits to the Bailin Temple, but European and American delegations have now also been Jing Hui also equates the ideal Communist brought there. During a recent visit, the Society to the 'Pure Land' in Buddhism, saying Politburo member Li Changchun made this that it is the best social system that humans remark: 'We should more often arrange for for have ever devised. Such words arc certainly eigners to come here to see, to let them know, music to the ears of the CCP leaders who are in the real status of religion in China.' pressing need for affirmation of Communist Second, since 1979, restrictions on religious society's ideological goals and for popular organizations have increased (Potter 2003; support of its leadership. In comparison, Kindopp and Hamrin 2004), but restrictive Christians in China are less generous in giving regulations and severe suppression have not lip-service to the ruling Chinese Communist been effective in curtailing religious revivals. Party and its ideology. Adopting an alternative strategy since the mid-1990s, the authorities have tried hard to co-opt religious organizations - 'actively guide A PERSEVERING VILLAGE CHURCH the religions to accommodate the socialist society.' The authorities have encouraged religious leaders to develop new theologies Until recently, the rapid growth of Christianity suitable for the socialist system under CCP rule. in China since the 19805 had occurred mostly OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS; OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 645 in rural areas (Leung 1999). The Wu Village from the church; four loudspeakers were (Wuzhuang, a pseudonym) is a remote village installed on top of its room. Wuzhuang in the southeast corner of Gansu bordering Christianity began a period of rapid growth so Shaanxi Province. From Lanzhou, the capital that by 2000 there were at least a thousand of Gansu Province, it takes more than five Christians in Wuzhuang, who amounted hours by train to reach the city of Tianshui, to about a third of the total village population and one more hour to get to the village by local of3,129. train or two more hours by bus through the spiraling mountain roads. It takes about 18 hours by train from Tianshui to Beijing. Claiming the Anti-Imperialist Heritage Christianity was first brought to the Tianshui area by British missionaries of the China Inland In 1982, religious tolerance was formally Mission at the end of the nineteenth century. reinstated in 'Document No. 19: Wuzhuang In 1898, the Wuzhuang Christian Church was Christians took the circular to the local formed by over 30 converts. By 1949, when the government bureaus and petitioned to get the People's Republic of China was founded, there buildings back. Only after showing this CCP were more than 200 believers in Wuzhuang. document did the local government officials In 1958, the church buildings were confiscated consent. In the process, the Beidao District and occupied by the village government as its TSPM Committee mediated between the gov office and as the elementary school. In 1962, as ernment bureaus and Wuzhuang Christians, the political climate became less tense, about eventually reaching a compromise - returning 40 members came together and began Sunday one of the three church properties. worship services at the then elementary school. In the process of petitioning to reopen the The building was used by the school on church, besides leveraging with 'Document weekdays and by the church on Sundays. No. 19,' Wuzhuang Christians had to offer Beginning in Spring 1964, however, all persuasive justifications that pleased the religious activities were banned in the whole of authorities. Above all, they had to acknowledge Tianshui Prefecture, as well as in many other repeatedly the legitimate authority of the parts of the country. During the Cultural Chinese Communist Party. In their oral Revolution (1966-1976), several Wuzhuang and written presentations, church leaders had Christian leaders were persecuted and jailed, to praise the greatness of the past and including Deacon Wu Ende, who was in prison present CCP leadership, the glory of the CCP's from 1966 to 1973 and who later became an history, and the correctness of the current independent evangelist. CCP policies. Moreover, they had to recite the In the 1970s, Wuzhuang Christians clandes officially imposed slogan 'love our country, tinely gathered at homes in the night. In love our religion' (ai guo ai jiao), with Summer 1975, two young men were baptized 'love our country' preceding 'love our religion,' in the Wei River behind the village, the first although many TSPM leaders did not feel baptisms in two decades. Many more people comfortable singing such praises to the followed in their footsteps in the next few CCP and the state. years. After secretly celebrating Christmas in Wuzhuang Christians do not find all 1978, they began Sunday worship services in patriotic rhetoric difficult to say. Besides the daytime - semi-openly - although still illegally. submission to the CCP and the state, patriot By 1980, the number of Christians in ism in the official discourse also includes Wuzhuang had reached 300. anti-imperialism. Wuzhuang Christians have In 1982, Wuzhuang Christians succeeded in had little difficulty about elaborating on this. getting back one of three church properties, In petitioning for the return of their church the one that had been used as the Village buildings, the leaders handed to the authorities Committee Office. A new Village Committee a copy of the church history as narrated by Office compound was then constructed across Elder Wu Shengrong, which includes this 646 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION anti-imperialist story: In 1920, after Wuzhuang religion as an important tool for their strategic Christians had built a sanctuary, a British goal of "peaceful subversion", infiltrating missionary offered a donation and asked the China and causing damage to our country.' church to give the deed to the China Inland Second, 'the separatists are also making use of Mission. religion, attacking the leadership of the Party and the socialist system, threatening the unity At that time, our Elder Wu Buyi realized that it was the of the country and harmony among the ethnic imperiabsts' trick to control OlIr church. We firmly groups.' While Tibetan Buddhism and Uygur refused it, so that their planned plot failed. That was Islam are the references for the second threat, probably the tlrst case of all the churches Iin this area] in which a foreign swindle effort was of no avail Protestantism and Catholicism are the focus of the first threat. Anti-infiltration has become a The description of this incident was well major concern of the authorities in regard to liked by the TSPM and CCP authorities, for it Christianity. was later included in the official publications, Within this social and political context, and History of Christianity in Tianshui and History to ensure continuous legal existence, Christian of Christianity in Gansu Province, as an exam leaders uf the government-approved churches ple of Chinese believers' patriotism in their must repeatedly reiterate their patriotism and struggles against Western missionaries. As a political loyalty to the Chinese Communist matter of fact, that incident was the precursor Party, but they are only willing tu do so to a of the Christian Independence Movement certain extent. (iidujiao zili yundong) , which spread through out China in the second quarter of the twentieth century. The Wuzhuang Church 'Give to Caesar What Is Caesar's, History continues: Give to God What is God's'
[n the year 1927. when the !\ational Revolutionary Besides the anti-imperialist heritage, Wuzhuang Movement was at its c1im"x. Brother Tong Liu-ge of Christians also stress that they do love the Tianshui initiated the independence movement of the Chinese nation and are good citizens. They Chinese churches from the control ofWestern missionaries. He called Chinese believers to establish Chinese indige would quote what Jesus said, 'give to Caesar nous churches with four measures: Self-governing. what is Caesar's, and to God what is God's' self-supporting, self-evangelizing, and self-standing (Matthew 22: 21). An often preached message (zili, independence). So our village church became the to tht' congregation is 'all those who believe in 'Independent Christian Church of Chin,,' and formally the Lord are obedient to the laws and regula cut off all ties with foreign missionaries. The irnperialists' control of our church passed into history. tions.' Indeed, the accountant of the Wuzhuang Village Committee confirmed that 'These Jesus However, in spite of the heritage of believers are all honest, good fellows, and really Christian independence, Chinese authorities easy to deal with.' This pattern of civic obedi continue to treat Protestant and Catholic ence and social charity among Christians has Christians with greater suspicion than other been reported by several studies published in religious believers in regard to their political China (Xu and Li 1991; hng 1995; Wang 1987). loyalty. Christians are stilJ referred to as heliev However, obedience to the government does ers of a 'foreign religion: The CCP worries that not mean that Wuzhuang Christians are Chinese Christians may be used by foreign willing to abandon their faith. Rather, it means hostile forces that seek to 'peacefully subvert that as long as they are given the space to practice the socialist system.' their religion, they will be good citizens. While In 1991, the CCP circulated Document No.6 they are willing to 'give to Caesar what is Caesar's' 'A Further Notice to Better Deal with Religious they also insist on 'giving to God what is God's.' Affairs'. It declares that China faces two kinds The Chinese authorities unquestionably of political threats related to religion. First, demand political loyalty above all c!se, including 'overseas enemy forces have always been using religious piety toward God. Li Dezhu, the OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 647
Deputy Minister of the Central United Front than in cities. Urban churches are more easily Department of the CCP, once said, 'In regard and closely supcrvised by government officials. to religion, when the national and the people's For example, following offlCial guidelines or interests are violated, there is but one principle hints, ministers at the churches in Tianshui to follow: Stand by the interests of the nation City have avoided preaching on certain topics. and the people. No amhiguity is permittcd on Pastor Wei of the Beidao Church told us: this point. No damage to the statc is allowed There arc some topics that are not suitable to talk about with whatever excuses' (Li 1996: 13). Such a at the present. The Religious Affairs Bureau has given demand places Christians in the government me hints again.'t topics like the doolJlsday, the tinal approved churchcs in an impossible situation, judgment, and the creation of the world. I should talk forcing thcm to choose between compromising aboLtlthem as little as possible, if at all. But we hold that, thcir faith and going against the authorities. if it is in the Bible, we should talk about it. r am against the so-called 'construction of theological thinking'. That Fortunately, Christians do not have to deal stuff belongs to tht' unbelieving type. with this problem everyday. In the reform era, it seems that as long as Christian leaders reiterate Thc 'construction of theological thinking' is patriotic slogans and show respect to the CCP a theological movement promoted by Bishop authorities on formal occasions, they do not have Ding Guangxun, the chief leader of the TSPM to take the slogan 'love the state first' to heart or in the reform era. Bishop Ding has spoken on change anything in their religious beliefs and various occasions and published the Collection pral1ices. The current leader, Elder Liu Guizhu, of Ding Guangxun in 1998. His central idea is said, 'The authoritics often hold meetings to to make Christianity compatible with the emphasize the importance of"loving our country socialist society under Communist rule, which and loving our religion". But as I see it, these meet would be achieved by emphasizing thc notion ings are nothing but formality and superficiality.' of love above everything elsc. Underground It is interesting to note Elder Liu's name. Christians have rejected this idea as giving up His given name is Guizhu, which in Chinese faith in Christ. Some aboveground church literally means 'belongs to the Lord.' It is a leaders havc also resisted the movement as name that Chinese Christians can immediately blurring distinctions between Christians and recognize for its Christian identity. However, non-Christians. Both underground Christians he is known to the government officials as Liu and aboveground critics say that the impor Guozhu, which in Chinese means 'a pillar of tance of 'justification by faith' should not be the state' or 'a pillar of the nation,' a commonly compromised for whatever reasons. recognizable patriotic name. Among Wuzhuang Pastor Wei, who had been imprisoned as a Christians, Elder Liu is known only as Guizhu, young man for three years in a 'reform his Christian identity. He also referred to him through-labor camp' in Xinjiang, has becn self as Guizhu when we talked with him. It Chairman of the Beidao District TSPM appears to us that to accommodate the author Committee since the TSPM was reopened in ities' demand for patriotism, Elder Liu chose to 1982. While he was detcrmined to resist this use the patriotic name 'a pillar of the particular ideological movement for the 'con state/nation' for the formal registration of the struction of theological thinking; his non church and for official occasions. This kind of coopcration had obviously generated heavy acknowledgement of political loyalty may seem pressure on him. He has had to prepare himself superficial, but that seems to be good enough psychologically to step down if the situation for government officials. became worse. In comparison, the leaders of the village church in Wuzhuang have felt little such pres Keeping State Intrusion at Arm's Length sure. First, they really have no position to lose. Their leadership status has been attained very Government's control over religious organiza much through members' trust nourished over tions has been less effective in the rural areas a long time. Even if an official title of Eldership 648 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION or Deaconship were removed by an order from wanted Wu Shenzhao to keep an eye on the above, that would not take away their influence church and report any violation of regulations. and trust among the members. Second, the He was used as a means of state control. TSPM and government officials have made The Wuzhuang Church acquiesced to the infrequent visits to this remote village. appointment. While the rest of the church Therefore, the indirect hints or even explicit leaders and lay members have been careful guidelines of the RAB have made little impact not to antagonize Wu Shenzhao, they have on the content or mode of the pulpit message managed to circumvent his power and influence delivered at the Wuzhuang Church. effectively by distancing themselves from him. Nonetheless, Wuzhuang Christians conform Most of the church affairs have been decided as much as possible to the requirements of the by the senior Elder, Liu Guizhu. Believers Religious Affairs Bureau and the Three-Self would not go to Wu Shenzhao for anything Patriotic Movement Committee. This mani important to church life. fests itself in many routine arrangements of church affairs such as holding regular meetings to study state policies, regulations, and laws Facing the Village Communist Chiefs and having a 'fixed place' to hold activities, 'fixed persons' in leadership and membership While the village church has managed to keep and 'fixed areas' for ministry. The 'three fixes' state intrusions from above at arm's length, are to restrict evangelization across adminis Wuzhuang Christians have to face fellow trative borders. Apparently, the Wuzhuang villagers day by day. In this ancient village that Church has observed this regulation even has a majority of Wu families, clan ties are though they do not like it. actually not very strong. The power of the However, Wu Ende, the former deacon who village has been in the hands of the Chinese was jailed for six years during the Cultural Communist Party cadres. Although Christians Revolution, traveled around the Tianshui comprise one-third of the village population, Prefecture to evangelize in his new status as a they have no share in the political power. They layman. In fact, tens of thousands of nameless have stayed away from village politics in the evangelists have been active in the vast rural hope that this would avert interference with areas since the 1970s. Believers call them their religious practice from other villagers. 'brothers' and 'sisters,' 'uncles' and 'aunts' However, their unbending beliefs set off open (Aikman 2003). These nameless evangelists antagonism from the village Party chief. While have led the revivals in rural areas, which have their faith gave them the strength to endure in multiplied the number of Christians in China silence, the Party chief's abuses, the larger polit in the last few decades. Wu Ende was just ical atmosphere for social stability ensured one of them. Since he does not hold a position their peaceful existence in the village. at the church, the authorities could not Without a clan temple (ci tang) or long-term impose pressure on the church to stop his clan association in the village, the CCP author evangelization. ities retain the actual political power. With a Another example of the Wuzhuang Church's population of over three thousand, Wuzhuang conformity to official requirements concerned is considered a large village and entitled to the appointment of an Elder. State regulations have five official positions. The most powerful require church Elders and Deacons to obtain is the Secretary of the CCP Village Branch the approval of the higher level TSPM (cun zilisilu), followed by the Chairman of committee and the RAB. When the Wuzhuang the Village Committee (cun weiilui ziluren), the Church was to elect Elders and Deacons in Vice Chairman of the Village Committee, the 1996, the Beidao TSPM under the instruction Director of Agricultural Production (silezilallg), of the Beidao RAB handpicked a Wuzhuang and the Accountant. The villagers are organized believer, Wu Shenzhao, and appointed him as into eight Production Brigades (shengchan dui). one of the three Elders. The TSPM and RAB Although about a third of the villagers are OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 649
Christian, no Christian has ever held any of the Temple Management Council members. In the five administrative positions; and only one of following years, instead of collecting a separate the current eight brigade leaders is a Christian. temple tax from each household, laoshuji The Party Secretary position naturally requires ordered it to be lumped together with other CCP membership, and the CCP Constitution taxes and fees. Because there were so many items has been clear that CCP members must uphold of taxes and fees without clear explanations, atheism. The Party cadres at the village do not villagers commonly could not tell which item like to share power with Christians. First, they are was for what purpose. Christians suspected not compatible in ideology. Second, Christians that the lump sum taxes might include the do not smoke or drink, which would make temple tax, but they never could confirm it, the CCP cadres feel uncomfortable on social thus they did not confront laoshuji regarding occasions or at the dinner table. it. The only thing they could do was to pray to However, Wuzhuang Christians have God to stop the whole Fuxi worship thing. expressed little desire to occupy any of the After the incident of tax resistance, laoshuji official positions. According to church leaders, became openly antagonistic to Wuzhuang Christians have been afraid of being corrupted Christians. He intentionally and regularly and committing sins against God if they turned on the loudspeakers on the roof of the stepped into the quagmire of power. They have Village Committee Office when the church was also been afraid of being suspected of having holding a worship service or some other political ambition. In the current ideological gathering. He would broadcast revolutionary and political conditions, Christians have to show songs or Qinqiang opera at the highest no interest in politics at aU to avoid inviting possible volume. The Christians simply kept trouble. quiet about the very intrusive loudspeakers. Even though Wuzhuang Christians have In 1995, as church membership increased, tried hard to avoid problems, they have the Wuzhuang Church renovated and enlarged nevertheless stumbled into various troubles. the sanctuary, added a chapel, and replaced the The most difficult ones in the reform era worn-out mud walls of the yard with new involved the laoshuji, the previous Party brick walls. They also built a covered gate, on Secretary of the village. His antagonism toward top of which they erected a tall cross in bright the church started in the mid-1980s when the red. The cross faces the loudspeakers silently, authorities decided to endorse and foster the folk yet sturdily. It is a symbol of perseverance and practice ofworshipping Fuxi - the progenitor of determination. The renovated church visibly Chinese civilization - in restored temple buildings outshone the Village Committee Office across and during festivals that would attract tourists the street. This made laoshuji unhappy. and contribute towards solidarity among Moreover, adding oil to the ure, a feng shui Chinese at home and abroad. The laoshuji master in the village told him that the taller imposed a temple tax on all villagers in order church gate overshadowed the Village to help finance Fuxi worship, but Christians Committee Office, which would bring bad refused to comply. luck to the Village Committee. This made They told him that as believers in God they laoshuji depressed. He made several attempts would not be involved in any idol worship. to stop its erection or to destroy it. He asked Uncle Fu explained to us: 'If it were charity for the town government to send officials to disaster relief, we all would be willing to contribute. Wuzhuang and to issue an order to tear down But we absolutely will not give any money for the walls and gate. Some officials came and idolatry.' Indeed, Wuzhuang Christians have inspected the church. Surprisingly, however, noticeably stayed away from the festivals on they told laoshuji that having the new walls Guatai Mountain. Their refusal angered and gate was not a big deal. They ignored his laoshuji. He took it as a sign of the lack of request and left, which enraged him. After that, submission to his power as the Party Secretary. in addition to turning on the loudspeakers, he He also felt a loss of face in front of his fellow sometimes stood in front of the Village 650 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
Committee Office and swore at Christians preconditions for a group's legal existence. as they were walking into the church. In the oligopoly where equal treatment of all The Christians simply ignored his provocation religions is not the norm, state favoritism is and went to their gathering. During some probably inevitable. The two case studies show evening services, laoshuji walked into the that the Chinese authorities have shown church and ordered the group to leave, accus favoritism toward Buddhism and imposed ing the crowd of disturbing the neighbors' greater restrictions on Christianity. As a result, sleep. The Christians simply acquiesced the Buddhists seem to be more willing to 'because we believe the Lord will redress embrace Communist ideology and subscribe the injustices for us.' Two months after to the current political rhetoric, whereas interrupting a revival meeting in July 1998, the village Christians are acquiescent to the however, laoshuji died suddenly and unexpectedly. authorities but also trying to keep some According to Elder Liu, distance from the ideology and politics in general. Having lived through the more difficult years Even nonbelievers felt that it was very strange. They said of attempted eradication and suppression, that it WJ' because he offended our Cod. It was Cod's Christians have learned to live in peace with punishment of him. After that, many people became fearful [of the Christian God]. In the past some nonbe out giving up their faith. Indeed, Wuzhuang lievers would curse us In front of us or behind our Christians feel genuinely grateful for the backs. But they dared no more. improved political condition nowadays. After all, the overall situation has indeed improved Not only did average villagers seem to have in comparison with the earlier decades under learned the lesson of not insulting Christians, Communist Party rule. It is still far from the the new Party Secretary also resorted to ideal of religious freedom, but the social space assuagement. At Christmas 1998, he led all the for religious practice has enlarged. village cadres to the church and conveyed The survival and perseverance of the greetings to Christians on this special occasion Wuzhuang Christian Church show that of their most important festival. He also reform-era China has followed a religious brought a gilt board to the church, on which policy of tolerance with restrictions, but were inscribed the words 'everlasting friend the restrictions have not been very effective. ship' (youyi chang cun). Under his new leader In order to attain and maintain a status oflegal ship, the loudspeaker has also come on less existence, the church has had to resort to the freq uently. patriotic rhetoric imposed by the authorities, The new Party Secretary's efforts at assuage conform to numerous ordinances and guide ment do not signify any change of the overall lines, and acquiesce to the appointment of a religious policy. As a new chief of the village, he church elder by the Religious Affairs Bureau needed to consolidate his power. He knew that through the Three-Self Patriotic Movement Christians were cooperative citizens on civic Committee. Nonetheless, the Wuzhuang matters. He understood that it would do no Church has managed to keep state intrusions good to antagonize this large mass of Christian at arm's length. Wuzhuang Christians have villagers. The goodwill visit and the gilt board exercised extraordinary forbearance, especially were gestures intended to end the bad relations in dealing with the village Communist Party under the old Party Secretary. chief. State discrimination has not stopped the rapid growth of Christianity. Interestingly, because many Chinese perceive the government as corrupt and regard the Communist ideology DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION with disbelief, state repression of Christianity is probably a factor contributing to the popularity In the red market of religion in China, political of Christianity in the Chinese populace. submission to the government and theological Unlike the struggling village church, the accommodation to the ruling ideology are success of the Bailin Buddhist Temple has OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS; OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 651 resulted largely from explicit support by gov to Islam. Similarly, ling Hui's effort to spread ernment officials at central, provincial and Buddhism in Cangzhou Prefecture, where there county levels. However, oligopoly is not are many Muslims and Catholics, has not been monopoly. Political support itself is not enough very successful. to guarantee Buddhist revivals. In addition to Also telling is the failed revival effort of winning the political support of the authorities, Venerable Jing Hui in Baoding City. Upon Abbot Jing Hui has also tried hard to maintain arrival in Hebei, one of Jing Hui's first assigned his legitimacy in orthodox Buddhism. In this tasks was to organize the Buddhist association regard, inheriting the ancient Bailin Temple for the Prefecture of Baoding, which happens that had been eminent for a distinctive to be the very center of underground Catholics tradition of Zhaozhou Chan is very helpful. in China (Madsen 1998, 2003). Several Meanwhile, Jing Hui has repeatedly empha Baoding Municipal and Prefecture bureaus sized his discipleship status under the blocked attempts to return and restore the Venerable Xu Yun, who was probably the most Great Compassion Hall (da ci gel for religious revered monk among the Buddhist Sangha and services. One of the arguments was that the laity in modern China. These claims of reli Great Compassion Hall was not a functional gious capital have helped the Bailin Temple to temple in the 1950s and 1960s, so that it was market his brand of Life Chan Buddhism. not within the scope of,implementing the reli The apparent blooming of the Bailin Temple gious policy' meant to return pre-Cultural is not a result of fair competition in a free Revolution religious properties to religious market. Instead, the authorities have provided organizations. Therefore, lacking political sup consistent support. If such support is lacking, an port at the local level makes Buddhist growth even more famous Buddhist temple would not impossible. have been able to thrive. Indeed, the more As a temple in a highly regulated economy, famous Linji Temple, which is located in the the success of the Bailin Temple has clear limita same prefecture but in a different county, has not tions. While the Life Chan doctrine pleases the been as successful. Linji Temple in Zhengding is authorities, other Buddhists regard it as a com known as the original temple of an important promise and have criticized the Bailin activities, Chan sect - the Linji sect - and thus it enjoys a although the criticisms were muted after more prestigious status within Buddhism. It was President Jiang Zemin's visit in 2001. Another one of the only two Buddhist temples in Hebei limitation is that Bailin is not a local congrega Province that were included in the 1983 list of tion. Most of the participants of the signature 'major temples' designated for restoration as activity - the Life Chan Summer Camp - come religious venues. That list was suggested by the from afar, often from other provinces. Most of Buddhist Association of China, approved by the the major donors have been overseas Chinese State Religious Affairs Bureau, and decreed by Buddhist businesspeople. How long the Bailin the State Council, which is the highest cabinet of Temple can maintain the continuous support of the Chinese government. When Venerable Jing these distant devotees remains to be seen. Hui was sent to Hebei Province, the President of Meanwhile, economic marketization is now the Buddhist Association of China commis well underway in most of China, and this has sioned him to restore both Bailin Temple and led to further relaxation of state control over the Linji Temple. However. Linji Temple has private life of citizCI1s. In the more market retained its shabby halls. The key obstacle is that driven coastal provinces, Christians and others the County Government of Zhengding has not seem to enjoy greater freedom to practice their provided the same kind of political and other religion. Moreover, to follow international support as the Zhaoxian Government. In norms, the authorities have made 'rule hy law' lhengding, there is a large population of or the 'rule of law' an official goal in deepening Muslims, and the Religious Affairs Bureau direc reforms. Although these reforms have been 'two tor of Zhengding was from the hui ethnic group. steps forward and one step backward,' things Hui is one of the ten ethnic groups that subscribe seem to have been moving in the direction of 652 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
greater freedom. Taking a broad and long-term Finke, Roger 1997. 'The Consequences of Religious view, we have seen - and will likely see more Competition: Supply-Side Explanations for progress toward greater freedom of religion in Religious Change.' Pp. 45-64 in Assessing China. The oligopoly of five religions increas Rational Choice Theories of religion, edited by L. A. Young. New York: Routledge. ingly faces challenges from both domestic and Finke, Roger and Rodney Stark 1992. The Churching international forces in the globalization era. As ofAmerica, 1776-1990: Winners atld Losers in Our long as China maintains its orientation toward Religious Economy. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers a market economy and global integration, it is University Press. only a matter of time before the authorities have Finke, Roger and Laurence R. Iannaccone 1993. to open up the religious market toward other 'Supply-Side Explanations for Religious Change.' religious groups outside the five 'patriotic' asso The Arlnals of the American Association for ciations and toward other religions. Political and Social Science 527: 27-39. Gill, Anthony J. 2003. 'Lost in the Supermarket: Comments on Beaman, Religious Pluralism, and What It Means to Be Free.' journal for the NOTES Scierltific Study of Religion 42 (3): 327-32. Huang, Jianbo and Fenggang Yang 2005. 'The Cross Faces the Loudspeakers: A Village Church L The case studies come from my collaborative work with Dedong Wei (Yang and Wei 2005) and lianbo Huang Perseveres under State Power.' Pp. 41-62 in State, (Huang and Yang 2005) of Renmin University of China. Market, and Religions irl Chinese Societies, edited I would like to acknowledge and thank them for their by Fenggang Yang and Joseph B. Tamney. fieldwork contribution. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston, MA: Brill 2. The Three-Selfs are self-administration, self-support, Academic Publishers. and self-propagation. Iannaccone, Laurence R. 1994. 'Why Strict Churches 3. Chan magazine is the official publication of the Are Strong.' American Journal of Sociology 99: Hebei Buddhist Association. The full texts of every issue 1180-1211. have been online at IIttp://www.chancn.com/magllz;l1e1 Jing, Jiuwei 1995. 'A Trip to West Yunnan.' Heavenly illdex.asp (accessed on September 13, 2004). Citations to Breeze (Nanjing) 154 of the joint edition: 1. this magazine will be indicated by the year and issue number only. Kindopp, Jason and Carol Lee Hamrin 2004. God and Caesar in China: Policy Implicatiol1s of Church-State Tensions. Washington, DC: REFERENCES Brookings Institution Press. Leung, Ka-lun 1999. The Rural Churches of Mainland China Since 1978. Hong Kong: Alliance Aikman, David 2003. jesus in Beijing: How Bible Seminary Press. Christianity Is Transforming China and Changing Li, Dezhu 1996. 'Hold on to "Love our Country, the Global Balance of Power. Washington, DC: Love our Religion; Unite and Make Progress" Regnery. and Strengthen the Self-Construction of the Bays, Daniel H. 2003. 'Chinese Protestant Religious Organizations in order to Make Christianity Today.' The China Quarterly 174 (2): Religion Compatible to Socialist Society.' 488-504. Pp. 11-14 in Love Our Country, Love Our Beaman, Lori G. 2003. 'The Myth of Pluralism, Religion; Unite and Make Progress-Symposium Diversity and Vigor: The Constitutional Privilege in Northeast of the Religious Organization Leaders, of Protestantism in the United States and edited by Central United Front Department. Canada.' journal for the Scientific Study ofReligion Beijing: Hua Wen Press. 42 (3): 311-25. Li, Pingye 1999. '90 Niandai Zhongguo Zongjiao Beyer, Peter 2003. 'Constitutional Privilege and Fazhan Zhuangkuang Baogao' (A Report of the Constituting Pluralism: Religious Freedom in Status of Religious Development in China in the National, Global, and Legal Context.' journal for 1990s). Journal of Christian Culture (Beijing) the Scientific Study of Religion 42 (3): 333-40. 2: 201-22. Bruce, Steve 2000. 'The Supply-Side Model of Luo, Guangwu 2001. 1949-1999 Xin Zhongguo Religion: The Nordic and Baltic States.' Journal Zongjia0 Gongzuo Dashi Gailan (A Brief for the Scientific Study of Religion 39 (1): 32-49. Ol'erview of Major Events of Religious Affairs in OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 653
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