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Oligopoly Dynamics: Official Religions in China

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Oligopoly Dynamics: Official Religions in China Oligopoly Dynamics: Official Religions in China FENGGANG YANG In the economic approach to the study of reli­ and free religious exercise, although the reality gious change, the nature of religious economies may fall short of the ideal (Beaman 2003; Beyer is commonly dichotomized into monopoly and 2003; Gill 2003). Equal treatment to all free market. According to Stark and Finke religions, instead of freedom from regulation, (2000), a religious monopoly, enforced by state should be considered the most important meas­ regulation, breeds a lazy clergy and consequently ure of religious freedom. a less religiously mobilized population. Second, Stark and Finke link together the Conversely, in a deregulated market, that is, a terms 'unregulated and competitive' in catego­ free market, religious pluralism tends to prevail rizing certain religious economies, but how over monopoly. 'To the degree that religious about religious economies that are both economies are unregulated and competitive, regulated and competitive? Conceptually, this overall levels of religious participation will he is probably the case for oligopoly economies, high' (Stark and Finke 2000: 199). in which only a select few religions are permit­ This simplistic conceptualization has two ted and the rest are suppressed. Indeed, most problems. First, critics (Bruce 2000; Beaman countries fall into this category nowadays. 2003) have pointed out that there is no com­ Oligopoly is certainly not monopoly, nor can it pletely unregulated market, and that state reg­ be equated to pluralism or to a laissez-faire free ulations can be either against religion or for market. Given their prevalence in today's religion. ]n the U.S., for example, the First world, the dynamics of oligopoly economies of Amendment establishes basic rules; and religion deserve much more careful examination. zoning, tax, and other regulations are also Under oligopoly regulation, how do the pertinent to religious organizations. ]n this sense, officially sanctioned religions operate? Is there there is no 'unregulated' religious economy. inter-religious competition? What kind of Nonetheless, it is important to note that U.S. religious groups grow or decline? regulations are not in tended to restrict any Elsewhere (Yang 2006) I have articulated a particular faith, but to ensure equal competition triple market model to account for the religious 636 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION economy of China and similar economies Buddhist Association in 1955; the China under heavy regulation. I argue that 'heavy Islamic Association in 1957; the China Daoist regulation leads not to religious reduction, but to Association in 1957; and the China Catholic complication of the religious market, resulting in Laity Patriotic Committee in 1957, which a tripartite market with different dynamics' later became the China Catholic Patriotic (Yang 2006: 97): a red market (officially permit­ Committee. Soon after that, existing denomi­ ted religions), a black market (officially banned national and sectarian systems were banned. religions), and a gray market (religions with an Amalgamation was imposed upon each of the ambiguous legal/illegal status). A red market five religions. comprises all legal or officially permitted religious organizations, believers, and religious activities. It is 'red' because the officially Limited Tolerance and Broad Restriction sanctioned religions are stained with the official Communist ideology, as reflected in the rhetoric Following 13 years of banning all religion from of clergy, the theological discourse, and the the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, the CCP practices of these religious groups. The red reverted to its previous policy of limited toler­ market is a typical case of oligopoly, in which ance toward religion. In 1982, the CCP issued only a few religions are permitted and heavily the edict 'The Basic Viewpoint and Policy on regulated. Religious Affairs during the Socialist Period of In this chapter I will elaborate on the red Our Country', widely known as 'Document market religions in China. I will first describe No. 19', which has served as the basis for the general status of the officially permitted religious policy until today (Yang 2004). This religions and on the government's control fundamental document grants legal existence apparatus, and then present two cases - a to Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Protestantism, Buddhist temple and a Protestant church. I and Catholicism under the government­ These descriptions will reveal the dynamics of sanctioned 'patriotic' associations, but not to state favoritism, religious competition, and any group outside the five religious associations, patterns of religious survivals and revivals. nor to other religions. Denominationalism Simply put, state favoritism might have con­ within a religion is prohibited. Document 19 tributed to the revival of Buddhism, but state proscribes proselytizing outside approved reli­ discrimination has not stopped the rapid gious premises, and insists that atheist propa­ growth of Christianity. Indeed, state repression ganda must be disseminated unremittingly. In might be a factor contributing to the popular­ line with this Document, the PRC Constitution ity of Christianity in the Chinese populace. of 1982 reaffirms freedom of religious belief, but clearly stipulates that only certain religious activities are protected. Since 1982, the CCP and the government have distributed circulars, THE RELIGIOUS OLIGOPOLY OF CHINA enacted ordinances, and issued administrative orders (Potter 2003) that aim to tighten Following the establishment of the People's control over religion. Republic of China (PRe) in 1949, atheist The control apparatus of religion involves ideology compelled the Chinese Communist several government ministries and bureaus, Party (eCP) to impose control over religion. including the Ministry of Public Security Foreign missionaries were expelled, cultic or (police), the Ministry of State Security, the heterodox sects were banned, and major religions Ministry ofCivil Affairs, and the Religious Affairs that were difficult to eliminate were co-opted Bureau (also known as State Administration of into 'patriotic' associations. Through tremen­ Religious Affairs), and the United Front dous government maneuvers, the China Department (UFD) of the CCP Central Protestant Three-Self! Patriotic Movement Committee. The UFD has a division on Committee was established in 1954; the China religious affairs, which is supposed to frame OLIGOPOLY DYNAMICS: OFFICIAL RELIGIONS IN CHINA 637 religious policies and to rally religious leaders in reinforcing religious regulations. Religious around the CCP. The day-to-day administration associations must also register with the of religious affairs is in the hands of the Ministry of Civil Affairs, but the registration Religious Affairs Bureau (RAB), The RAB must be stamped first by the RAB. The operates downwards from the central through Ministry of Public Security deals with all illegal provincial and prefecture levels down to religious activities, including any illegal activities county governments, sometimes combined of the five official religions and all activities of with the Commission of Ethnic Affairs at the all other religions. Like political activists and provincial and county levels. At provincial dissident groups, some religious groups and and lower levels, the RAB chief is often an active leaders are also watched by the Ministry associate director of the CCP's United Front of State Security (MSS). Since the early 1990s, Department. the Chinese authorities have made it an integral RAB oversees and manages all day-to-day part of religious policy to guard against religion-related affairs, including approving infiltration by foreign religious organizations the opening oftemples, churches, and mosques, and foreign political entities that <lre suspected approving special religious gatherings and of using religion as a means of political activities, and approving the appointment of infiltration. leaders in the religious associations. In practice, It is clear that the red market is not an open the RAB usually rules through the religious market, nor a free market. Only five religions associations. The associations of the five official are permitted. Many restrictions are imposed religions are nongovernmental organizations on government-sanctioned churches, temples, in name but they function as an extension and and mosques. They include 'monitoring by the delegation of RAB. For example, in principle, state, required political study for pastors land the provincial-level Three-Self Patriotic other religious ecclesiastics], certain restrictions Movement Committee (TSPM) holds the on acceptable topics for preaching and inter­ power to ordain ministers, but no one can be vention in church personnel matters' (Bays ordained without prior approval from the 2003: 492). Some restrictions are explicit in provincial RAB. The prefecture- or county­ law, others are implicit in CCP circulars, and level TSPM appoints the senior pastor of local many are arbitrarily decided by local officials. churches, but the appointment must be first Explicitly, Article 36 of the Constitution of the approved by the same level RAB. More impor­ PRC (in effect since 1982) maintains: The state tantly, the national, provincial, prefecture, and protects normal religious activities. No one county level TSPMs are separate organizations may make use of religion to engage in activities independent from each other. That is,
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