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Fur Trade Social Inequality and the Role of Non-Verbal Communication / By * FUR TRADE SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND THE ROLE OF NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION James Scott Hamilton B.A. (Hons.) Brandon University 1979 M.A. University of Alberta 1985 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUlREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of ARCHAEOLOGY O James Scott Hamilton 1990 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name : James Scott ~amilton *' Degree : Ph.D. (Archaeology) Title of Thesis: FUR TRADE SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND THE ROLE OF NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION Examining Committee: Chairman : Jack D. Nance nut. R. el ad mar^ Professor Senior Super~ris.nr ~av?V. Bur,Ley Professor nathan Driver Robin Fisher Professor. Jarpes Deetz Professor Department of Anthropology University of California (Berkley) External Examiner &b loj 1940 Date Approved PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis or diissertation (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and make partial single copies only for such users response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that( permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. understood that copying publication this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Bissertation: Fur Trade Social Inequality and the Role of Non-Verbal Communication Author : blgnaT;ur, James Scott Hamilton Name December 10, 1990 Date Abstract The British North American fur trade is explored to address variability in the physical form and layout of trade posts and the material culture recovered from these sites. Two trade companies, the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company, are the primary focus of study. The period between 1780 and 1821 is of central concern, and is characterized as a time of intensive European competition and rapid expansion of the trade hinterland. The number of men and trade posts needed to carry out the trade increased sharply, resulting in a dramatic increase in the scale and cost of operations primarily due to large payroll and transportation-related expenses. When considering British-based fur trade companies, work-related social hierarchies are of particular importance. These hierarchies were much more than the organizational structure that assured the orderly operation of the fur trade. Given the isolated nature of the trade posts, and the "pre-Industrial Revolution" authority structure of both major companies, the work-related hierarchy coloured non-work social relations between the ranks, and figured prominently in defining one's social position in the community. In the case of the North West Company, sharp distinctions based on ethnic affiliation, literacy and social role divided the officers from the labourers. The shareholders and senior clerks were predominantly Anglo-Scots, while some of the clerks, and most of the guides, interpreters, steersmen and labourers were French Canadian. In spite of the important work roles of these latter employees, they had little or no prospect of promotion into the senior ranks. Anglo-Scots clerks with patronage links rapidly moved into posiiions of responsibility and authority, even becoming shareholders over the heads of much more experienced men of both English and French background. Nepotism and rank-related economic inequities in the North West Company coloured inter-rank relations, and created a measure of social tension. It is proposed that the North-West Company, in particular, sought to control this inter- rank tension by using the built environment and material culture to symbolize and reinforce the status and authority of all men of officer rank. This non-verbal communication of social position and authority was expressed in the physical layout of the posts, and in the size, position and furnishings of buildings exclusively used by the officers. Differential access to portable European luxury goods also was important. Rank-related privileges are readily apparent at the major posts under the charge of the senior officers. However, it is uncertain whether the need to reinforce the authority of junior clerks at the small and remote wintering posts outweighed the costs of transporting luxury goods inland. The comparatively junior members of the officer group were vulnerable to inter-rank tension due to their social isolation, limited trading experience and reliance upon highly experienced labourers. Thus, if material culture was used to non-verbally communicate and reinforce social position, then it would be particularly important to do so at the small wintering stations. Historic documents are used to identify mechanisms which asserted rank and authority in the more logistically important trade posts, and archaeological data are used to explore the dynamics of no&erbal communication of social position in the remote wintering posts. I conclude this study by proposing that informally derived mechanisms were used to assert status distinctions. European luxury goods have a small but persistent archaeological presence at most remote wintering posts. However, non-conventional means of status distinction, that were either inexpensive or unaffected by transportation costs, appear to be much more visible. These non-conventional mechanisms of symbolizing social position include carefully maintained social isolation, differential dress and work role, distinctive refuse disposal behaviour, and sometimes unequal access to preferred local food. I de'dicate this work to the memory of my brother, Gerry Hamilton. Aug 14, 1962 - Aug 28, 1990 Acknowledgements A number of people and institutions have contributed immensely to this dissertation in providing me with access to data and collections, copies of unpublished papers, and general encouragement and feedback. Particularly valued has been the assistance of David Arthurs, Doug Birk, David E)urley, Knut Fladmark, John Foster, David Hems, Olga Klimko, Greg Monks, Ed Oerichbauer, Heinz Psyzczyk, and David Riddle. The input of these and other individuals has contributed greatly to my understanding of the fur trade, and helped clarify my sometimes naive perspectives. Other important individuals include members of the local communities located near many of the archaeological sites described in this report. In my experience with Pine Fort, the Souris Mouth Forts and Rocky Mountain Fort, these individuals have played a very important role in protecting sites, generously offering "site leads" to archaeological crews, and providing invaluable infrastructural support to the archaeologists. Most valuable to my own field work are Morley and Alice Brown, and the Cullen family of Treesbank, Manitoba, and members of the North Peace Historical Society of Fort St. John, B.C. The Department of Archaeology at Simon Fraser University provided me with employment in the excavation and analysis of Rocky Mountain Fort for much of my two years in residence there. The Manitoba Historic Resources Branch is also acknowledged for funding five years of research at Brandon House, and for providing me with access to the 1 collections and copies of the data. Dr. Leigh Syms, curator of Archaeology at the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature, provided access to the Pine Fort and Rivi&reTremblante collections, and guided me through the intricacies of the CHIN data base system. 1 To a large measure, completion of this work is due to the encouragement and support of ) my colleagues in the Department of Anthropology at Lakehead University. I also want to thank Dr. John Whitfield, Dean of Arts and Science at Lakehead University, for his ) patience and understanding as I failed to complete my defence before my first contract expired. Thanks also to Ken Dawson for allowing me to occasionally pilfer his personal 1 library. I also owe a special debt to Carol Otte of the Lakehead University Computer Centre for her efforts in downloading data from tape, transforming it into a usable format, and explaining the process to me in plain English. Finally, I wish to thank Bev Hamilton for her patience and fortitude over many years as I worked on this and other projects. Her role in this process has been enormous. Not only has she had to deal with the frequent moves and financial uncertainty that are the part of any I graduate student's life, but she has also shouldered more than her share of the responsibility for the care of our two children during my many extended absences doing field work, and frequent evenings and weekends of analysis and writing. Table of Contents Approval Page ...i Abstract 111 Dedication v Acknowledgements vi Table of Contents vii List of Tables X List of Figures xi Ch 1 INTRODUCTION THE RESEARCH PROBLEM THE THESIS SCOPE AND ORGANIZATION Ch 2 THE FUR TRADE IN HISTORIC CONTEXT GENERAL BACKGROUND SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL CONTEXT THE NWC AND HBC: COMMONALITIES AND CONTRASTS THE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM WORK-RELATED SOCIAL HIERARCHIES LOGISTICAL STRUCTURE SUMMARY Ch 3 COGNITIVISM, NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION AND THE MAINTENANCE OF AUTHOFXIY IN THE NWC INTRODUCTION THE MEDIEVAL BASIS OF FUR TRADE SOCIAL STRUCTURE SOCIAL RANKING AND AUTHORITY IN THE NWC THE SYMBOLIC CONTENT OF MATERIAL CULTURE Buildings and Possessions as Symbols of Authority and Status SUMMARY Ch 4
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