Validity of Congressional-Executive Agreements That Substan Tially
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Columbia Law Review
COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW VOL. 99 DECEMBER 1999 NO. 8 GLOBALISM AND THE CONSTITUTION: TREATIES, NON-SELF-EXECUTION, AND THE ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING John C. Yoo* As the globalization of society and the economy accelerates, treaties will come to assume a significant role in the regulation of domestic affairs. This Article considers whether the Constitution, as originally understood, permits treaties to directly regulate the conduct of private parties without legislative implementation. It examines the relationship between the treaty power and the legislative power during the colonial, revolutionary, Framing, and early nationalperiods to reconstruct the Framers' understandings. It concludes that the Framers believed that treaties could not exercise domestic legislative power without the consent of Congress, because of the Constitution'screation of a nationallegislature that could independently execute treaty obligations. The Framers also anticipatedthat Congress's control over treaty implementa- tion through legislation would constitute an importantcheck on the executive branch'spower in foreign affairs. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... 1956 I. Treaties, Non-Self-Execution, and the Internationalist View ..................................................... 1962 A. The Constitutional Text ................................ 1962 B. Globalization and the PoliticalBranches: Non-Self- Execution ............................................. 1967 C. Self-Execution: The InternationalistView ................ -
An Intersubjective Treaty Power Duncan B
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 90 | Issue 4 Article 1 5-2015 An Intersubjective Treaty Power Duncan B. Hollis Temple University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Duncan B. Hollis, An Intersubjective Treaty Power, 90 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1415 (2014). Available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr/vol90/iss4/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\90-4\NDL401.txt unknown Seq: 1 11-MAY-15 14:02 SYMPOSIUM AN INTERSUBJECTIVE TREATY POWER Duncan B. Hollis* INTRODUCTION How does the Constitution limit the subject matter of the U.S.’s treaties? For decades, conventional wisdom adopted a textual emphasis—prohibitions and other limits on federal authority listed in the Constitution itself (e.g., the Bill of Rights) apply to U.S. treaties.1 In contrast, proposals for subject mat- ter limitations implied by federalism fared less well. The case of Missouri v. Holland is famous precisely because it dismissed the idea of any structural “invisible radiation” from the Tenth Amendment prohibiting treaties on sub- jects falling within the states’ reserved powers.2 The Supreme Court empha- sized that U.S. treatymakers could not only conclude treaties independent of states’ rights concerns, but that the Necessary and Proper Clause authorized © 2015 Duncan B. -
12-158 Bond V. United States (06/02/2014)
(Slip Opinion) OCTOBER TERM, 2013 1 Syllabus NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337. SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES Syllabus BOND v. UNITED STATES CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT No. 12–158. Argued November 5, 2013—Decided June 2, 2014 To implement the international Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling, and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction, Congress enacted the Chemical Weapons Convention Implementation Act of 1998. The statute forbids, among other things, any person knowingly to “possess[ ] or use . any chemical weapon,” 18 U. S. C. §229(a)(1). A “chemical weapon” is “[a] toxic chemical and its precursors, except where intended for a pur- pose not prohibited under this chapter.” §229F(1)(A). A “toxic chem- ical” is “any chemical which through its chemical action on life pro- cesses can cause death, temporary incapacitation or permanent harm to humans or animals. The term includes all such chemicals, regard- less of their origin or of their method of production, and regardless of whether they are produced in facilities, in munitions or elsewhere.” §229F(8)(A). “[P]urposes not prohibited by this chapter” is defined as “[a]ny peaceful purpose related to an industrial, agricultural, re- search, medical, or pharmaceutical activity or other activity,” and other specific purposes. -
A Climate Treaty Without the US Congress: Using Executive Powers to Overcome the ‘Ratification Straitjacket’
Crawford School of Public Policy Centre for Climate Economics & Policy A climate treaty without the US Congress: Using executive powers to overcome the ‘Ratification Straitjacket’ CCEP Working Paper 1513 Nov 2015 Luke Kemp Fenner School of Environment and Society, The Australian National University Abstract The issue of US ratification of international environmental treaties is a recurring obstacle for environmental multilateralism, including the climate regime. Despite the perceived importance of the role of the US to the success of any future international climate agreement, there has been little direct coverage in terms of how an effective agreement can specifically address US legal participation. This paper explores potential ways of allowing for US legal participation in an effective climate treaty. Possible routes forward include the use of domestic legislation such as section 115 (S115) of the Clean Air Act (CAA), and the use of sole-executive agreements, instead of Senate ratification. Legal participation from the US through sole-executive agreements is possible if the international architecture is designed to allow for their use. Architectural elements such as varying legality and participation across an agreement (variable geometry) could allow for the use of sole-executive agreements. Two broader models for a 2015 agreement with legal participation through sole-executive agreements are constructed based upon these options: a modified pledge and review system and a form of variable geometry composed of number of opt-out, voting based protocols on specific issues accompanied with bilateral agreements on mitigation commitments with other major emitters through the use of S115 and sole-executive agreements under the Montreal Protocol and Chicago Convention (Critical Mass Governance). -
Domestic Relations, Missouri V. Holland, and the New Federalism
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 12 (2003-2004) Issue 1 Article 5 December 2003 Domestic Relations, Missouri v. Holland, and the New Federalism Mark Strasser Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Family Law Commons Repository Citation Mark Strasser, Domestic Relations, Missouri v. Holland, and the New Federalism, 12 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 179 (2003), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol12/iss1/5 Copyright c 2003 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj DOMESTIC RELATIONS, MISSOURI v. HOLLAND, AND THE NEW FEDERALISM Mark Strasser* INTRODUCTION Over the past several years, the United States Supreme Court has been limiting Congress's power under the Commerce Clause and under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.' During this same period, the Court has emphasized the importance of state sovereignty and has expanded the constitutional protections afforded the states under the Tenth and Eleventh Amendments. 2 These developments notwithstanding, commentators seem confident that the treaty power is and will remain virtually plenary, even if the federal government might make use of it to severely undermine the dignity and sovereignty of the states.3 That confidence is misplaced. While it is difficult to predict what the Court would do were an appropriate opportunity to present itself, the doctrinal explanations that would be necessary to support a much less robust treaty power would be much easier to make than most commentators seem to realize, even if one brackets recent developments in constitutional law. -
Congress's Treaty-Implementing Power in Historical Practice
William & Mary Law Review Volume 56 (2014-2015) Issue 1 Article 3 10-2014 Congress's Treaty-Implementing Power in Historical Practice Jean Galbraith Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, and the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Jean Galbraith, Congress's Treaty-Implementing Power in Historical Practice, 56 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 59 (2014), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol56/iss1/3 Copyright c 2014 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr CONGRESS’S TREATY-IMPLEMENTING POWER IN HISTORICAL PRACTICE JEAN GALBRAITH* ABSTRACT Historical practice strongly influences constitutional interpretation in foreign relations law, including most questions relating to the treaty power. Yet it is strikingly absent from the present debate over whether Congress can pass legislation implementing U.S. treaties under the Necessary and Proper Clause. Drawing on previously unexplored sources, this Article considers the historical roots of Congress’s power to implement U.S. treaties between the Founding Era and the seminal case of Missouri v. Holland in 1920. It shows that time after time, members of Congress understood the Necessary and Proper Clause to provide a constitutional basis for a congressio- nal power to implement treaties. Notably, both supporters and opponents of a strong treaty power accepted Congress’s power to implement treaties under the Necessary and Proper Clause, even though they did so for quite different reasons. This consensus helped lead to the growing practice of treaty non-self-execution, a practice that in turn has led Congress to play an increased role in treaty implementation. -
Laws As Treaties?: the Constitutionality of Congressional-Executive Agreements, 99 MICH
Michigan Law Review Volume 99 Issue 4 2001 Laws as Treaties?: The Constitutionality of Congressional- Executive Agreements John C. Yoo University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Legal History Commons, President/Executive Department Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation John C. Yoo, Laws as Treaties?: The Constitutionality of Congressional-Executive Agreements, 99 MICH. L. REV. 757 (2001). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol99/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAWS AS TREATIES?: THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS John C. Yoo* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 758 I. CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS AND THE INTERNATIONALIST VISION .......................... ....................................... 764 A. The Current Importance of Congressional-Executive Agreements ................................................................ ....................... 764 1. The Explosion of Congressional-Executive -
The Jeffersonian Treaty Clause
Boston University School of Law Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2006 The Jeffersonian Treaty Clause Gary Lawson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.bu.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Law Commons BOSTON UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW WORKING PAPER SERIES, PUBLIC LAW & LEGAL THEORY WORKING PAPER NO. 05-13 THE JEFFERSONIAN TREATY CLAUSE GARY LAWSON GUY SEIDMAN This paper can be downloaded without charge at: The Boston University School of Law Working Paper Series Index: http://www.bu.edu/law/faculty/papers The Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://ssrn.com/abstract=748104 THE JEFFERSONIAN TREATY CLAUSE Gary Lawson* Guy Seidman** 2006 U. ILL. L. REV. – (forthcoming) TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: THE “NECESSARY AND PROPER” EXERCISE OF THE FEDERAL TREATY POWER II. TAKING INTERPRETATION SERIOUSLY: DEFINING “REASONABLE OBSERVER ORIGINALISM” III. TAKING THOMAS JEFFERSON SERIOUSLY: DEFINING THE IMPLEMENTATIONAL TREATY POWER A. Avoiding False Starts B. The Ties that Bind C. Jefferson Speaks IV. TAKING TEXT SERIOUSLY: UNCOMFORTABLE TRUTHS ABOUT THE TREATY CLAUSE V. TAKING STRUCTURE SERIOUSLY: THE TREATY POWER AS AN EXECUTIVE POWER A. Vested Power as Granted Power 1. A Tale of Two Articles: Legislative and Judicial Vesting 2. Of Cabbages and Kings: Vesting Executive Power a. Defending Executive Vestments I (or The President, the Administration, and the Wardrobe) b. Defending Executive Vestments II (or Executive Power Existentialism and Foreign Affairs) c. Tailoring Executive Vestments B. Location, Location, Location: The Article II Treaty Clause C. The Limits of Executive Power: Implementation and Reasonableness 1. Execution as Implementation 2. The Principle of Reasonableness 3. -
Status of Forces Agreements: the American Experience
St. John's Law Review Volume 35 Number 2 Volume 35, May 1961, Number 2 Article 7 Status of Forces Agreements: The American Experience Edward D. Re Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/lawreview This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in St. John's Law Review by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STATUS OF FORCES AGREEMENTS: THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE EDWARD D. IRE " INTRODUCTION O Fthe many legal problems that followed the close of World War II, few indeed have been so thoroughly examined, if not vehemently debated, as those stemming from the station- ing of American servicemen on friendly foreign soil. Per- haps no treaty has been so severely criticized as the NATO Status of Forces Agreement. It has been stated that "this unprecedented Agreement reflects a callous disregard of the rights of American Armed Forces personnel," and that it amounts to "penalizing the American soldier in an effort to please our NATO allies."' The legal criticism fundament- ally stemmed from the belief that "the rule of international law as laid down by Chief Justice John Marshall [in the Schooner Exchange case] . is that troops of a friendly nation stationed within the territory of another are not subject to the local laws of the other country, but are subject only to their own country's laws and regulations for the govern- ment of the armed services . -
Presidential Power Over International Law: Restoring the Balance
OONA A. HATHAWAY Presidential Power over International Law: Restoring the Balance ABSTRACT. The vast majority of U.S. international agreements today are made by the President acting alone. Little noticed and rarely discussed, the agreements are concluded in a process almost completely hidden from outside view. This state of affairs is the result of a long- term transformation. Over the course of more than a century, Congress gradually yielded power to the President to make international agreements. Each individual delegation of authority relinquished only a small measure of power, while freeing members of Congress to focus on matters that were more likely to improve their reelection prospects. But the cumulative effect over time left Congress with little power over international lawmaking. As a result, the President is now able to make law over an immense array of issues -including issues with significant domestic ramifications -by concluding binding international agreements on his own. This imbalance of power violates democratic principles and may even lead to less effective international agreements. To correct this imbalance, this Article proposes a comprehensive reform statute that would normalize U.S. international lawmaking by reorganizing it around two separate tracks. International agreements that are now made by the President alone would proceed on an administrative track and would be subject to what might be called the "Administrative Procedure Act for International Law." This new process would offer greater openness, public participation, and transparency, but not overburden lawmaking. A legislative track would include two existing methods for concluding international agreements: Senate-approved Article II treaties and congressional-executive agreements expressly approved by both houses of Congress. -
Treaty Interpretation and the False Sirens of Delegation
Rejoinder Treaty Interpretation and the False Sirens of Delegation John C. Yoot INTRODUCTION In an earlier Essay published in this Review, Politics as Law?: The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, the Separation of Powers, and Treaty Interpretation ("Politics as Law"), I examined the principles that govern the interpretation of treaties.' The issue had last received intense academic and political attention in the 1980s, when President Ronald Reagan sought to interpret the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty ("ABM Treaty") to allow the development of a space-based defense against nuclear missiles.2 Politics as Law argued that the separation of powers requires that the public lawmak- ing system treat statutes and treaties differently, and it maintained that the Constitution endows the President with broad powers over treaty interpre- tation.3 Politics as Law turned to materials from the Framing to show that the treaty power was understood by the Constitution's ratifiers to be an executive power and that early practice (particularly President Washington's Neutrality Proclamation) demonstrated the executive branch's control over interpretation.' Finally, Politics as Law applied this approach to the current controversy over the ABM Treaty and national missile defense and concluded that the President's authority over treaties Copyright © 2002 California Law Review, Inc. California Law Review, Inc. (CLR) is a California nonprofit corporation. CLR and the authors are solely responsible for the content of their publications. f Professor of Law, School of Law, University of California, Berkeley (Boalt Hall) (on leave); Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice. The views expressed here are those of the author alone and do not represent the views of the U.S. -
The Solution to the Filibuster Problem: Putting the Advice Back in Advice and Consent
Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 54 Issue 4 Article 17 2004 The Solution to the Filibuster Problem: Putting the Advice Back in Advice and Consent Laura T. Gorjanc Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Laura T. Gorjanc, The Solution to the Filibuster Problem: Putting the Advice Back in Advice and Consent, 54 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 1435 (2004) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol54/iss4/17 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. THE SOLUTION TO THE FILIBUSTER PROBLEM: PUTTING THE ADVICE BACK IN ADVICE AND CONSENT INTRODUCTION Today, hostility reigns in Washington. This is so, less than three years after a period of virtually unparalleled national unity following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Now, with Congress and the nation almost evenly divided politically, rela- tions between the Republicans and Democrats in Washington are as discordant as ever. As one pundit put it, "[c]ynicism is back in full force. Extraordinary political partisanship and acrimony are back."' This "extraordinary political partisanship and acrimony" is best evidenced by the recent wranglings over several nominees for prestigious and powerful federal courts of appeals appoint- ments. In the past year, Democrats successfully filibustered six of President Bush's nominees 2 and the Republicans responded with an all-night "talkathon" meant to publicly condemn the Democ- rats' filibusters.