President Obama's Power to Enter a Legally Binding Agreement Without
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Originalism and the Ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment
Copyright 2013 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 107, No. 4 ORIGINALISM AND THE RATIFICATION OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT Thomas B. Colby ABSTRACT—Originalists have traditionally based the normative case for originalism primarily on principles of popular sovereignty: the Constitution owes its legitimacy as higher law to the fact that it was ratified by the American people through a supermajoritarian process. As such, it must be interpreted according to the original meaning that it had at the time of ratification. To give it another meaning today is to allow judges to enforce a legal rule that was never actually embraced and enacted by the people. Whatever the merits of this argument in general, it faces particular hurdles when applied to the Fourteenth Amendment. The Fourteenth Amendment was a purely partisan measure, drafted and enacted entirely by Republicans in a rump Reconstruction Congress in which the Southern states were denied representation; it would never have made it through Congress had all of the elected Senators and Representatives been permitted to vote. And it was ratified not by the collective assent of the American people, but rather at gunpoint. The Southern states had been placed under military rule, and were forced to ratify the Amendment—which they despised—as a condition of ending military occupation and rejoining the Union. The Amendment can therefore claim no warrant to democratic legitimacy through original popular sovereignty. It was added to the Constitution despite its open failure to obtain the support of the necessary supermajority of the American people. -
Amending the U.S. Constitution by State-Led Convention
AMENDING THE U.S. CONstItutION BY StatE -LED CONVENTION INDIANA’S MODEL LEGIslatION DIstRIbutED BY: INDIANA SENatE PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE DAVID LONG AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION BY STATE‐LED CONVENTION: BACKGROUND INFORMATION U.S. CONSTITUTION, ARTICLE V: The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. AMENDING THE U.S. CONSTITUTION: Article V of the U.S. Constitution provides two paths for amending the Constitution: Path 1: o Step 1: Two-thirds of both houses of Congress pass a proposed constitutional amendment. This sends the proposed amendment to the states for ratification. o Step 2: Three-fourths of the states (38 states) ratify the proposed amendment, either by their legislatures or special ratifying conventions. Path 2: o Step 1: Two-thirds of state legislatures (34 states) ask for Congress to call “a convention for proposing amendments.” o Step 2: States send delegates to this convention, where they can propose amendments to the Constitution. -
The Constitution of the United States [PDF]
THE CONSTITUTION oftheUnitedStates NATIONAL CONSTITUTION CENTER We the People of the United States, in Order to form a within three Years after the fi rst Meeting of the Congress more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Constitution for the United States of America. Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut fi ve, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland Article.I. six, Virginia ten, North Carolina fi ve, South Carolina fi ve, and Georgia three. SECTION. 1. When vacancies happen in the Representation from any All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Sen- Election to fi ll such Vacancies. ate and House of Representatives. The House of Representatives shall chuse their SECTION. 2. Speaker and other Offi cers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Mem- bers chosen every second Year by the People of the several SECTION. -
A Climate Treaty Without the US Congress: Using Executive Powers to Overcome the ‘Ratification Straitjacket’
Crawford School of Public Policy Centre for Climate Economics & Policy A climate treaty without the US Congress: Using executive powers to overcome the ‘Ratification Straitjacket’ CCEP Working Paper 1513 Nov 2015 Luke Kemp Fenner School of Environment and Society, The Australian National University Abstract The issue of US ratification of international environmental treaties is a recurring obstacle for environmental multilateralism, including the climate regime. Despite the perceived importance of the role of the US to the success of any future international climate agreement, there has been little direct coverage in terms of how an effective agreement can specifically address US legal participation. This paper explores potential ways of allowing for US legal participation in an effective climate treaty. Possible routes forward include the use of domestic legislation such as section 115 (S115) of the Clean Air Act (CAA), and the use of sole-executive agreements, instead of Senate ratification. Legal participation from the US through sole-executive agreements is possible if the international architecture is designed to allow for their use. Architectural elements such as varying legality and participation across an agreement (variable geometry) could allow for the use of sole-executive agreements. Two broader models for a 2015 agreement with legal participation through sole-executive agreements are constructed based upon these options: a modified pledge and review system and a form of variable geometry composed of number of opt-out, voting based protocols on specific issues accompanied with bilateral agreements on mitigation commitments with other major emitters through the use of S115 and sole-executive agreements under the Montreal Protocol and Chicago Convention (Critical Mass Governance). -
Domestic Relations, Missouri V. Holland, and the New Federalism
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 12 (2003-2004) Issue 1 Article 5 December 2003 Domestic Relations, Missouri v. Holland, and the New Federalism Mark Strasser Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Family Law Commons Repository Citation Mark Strasser, Domestic Relations, Missouri v. Holland, and the New Federalism, 12 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 179 (2003), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol12/iss1/5 Copyright c 2003 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj DOMESTIC RELATIONS, MISSOURI v. HOLLAND, AND THE NEW FEDERALISM Mark Strasser* INTRODUCTION Over the past several years, the United States Supreme Court has been limiting Congress's power under the Commerce Clause and under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.' During this same period, the Court has emphasized the importance of state sovereignty and has expanded the constitutional protections afforded the states under the Tenth and Eleventh Amendments. 2 These developments notwithstanding, commentators seem confident that the treaty power is and will remain virtually plenary, even if the federal government might make use of it to severely undermine the dignity and sovereignty of the states.3 That confidence is misplaced. While it is difficult to predict what the Court would do were an appropriate opportunity to present itself, the doctrinal explanations that would be necessary to support a much less robust treaty power would be much easier to make than most commentators seem to realize, even if one brackets recent developments in constitutional law. -
Laws As Treaties?: the Constitutionality of Congressional-Executive Agreements, 99 MICH
Michigan Law Review Volume 99 Issue 4 2001 Laws as Treaties?: The Constitutionality of Congressional- Executive Agreements John C. Yoo University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Legal History Commons, President/Executive Department Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation John C. Yoo, Laws as Treaties?: The Constitutionality of Congressional-Executive Agreements, 99 MICH. L. REV. 757 (2001). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol99/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAWS AS TREATIES?: THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS John C. Yoo* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 758 I. CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS AND THE INTERNATIONALIST VISION .......................... ....................................... 764 A. The Current Importance of Congressional-Executive Agreements ................................................................ ....................... 764 1. The Explosion of Congressional-Executive -
Constitution of the United States of America, As Amended
110TH CONGRESS DOCUMENT " ! 1st Session HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES No. 110–50 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA As Amended Unratified Amendments Analytical Index E PL UR UM IB N U U S PRESENTED BY MR. BRADY OF PENNSYLVANIA July 25, 2007 • Ordered to be printed UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 2007 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-001 [ISBN 978–0–16–079091–1] VerDate Aug 31 2005 11:11 Dec 10, 2007 Jkt 036932 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5229 Sfmt 5229 E:\HR\OC\36932.XXX 36932 cprice-sewell on PROD1PC72 with HEARING E:\seals\congress.#15 House Doc. 110–50 The printing of the revised version of The Constitution of the United States of America As Amended (Document Size) is hereby ordered pursuant to H. Con. Res. 190 as passed on July 25, 2007, 110th Congress, 1st Session. This document was compiled at the di- rection of Chairman Robert A. Brady of the Joint Committee on Printing, and printed by the U.S. Government Printing Office. (ii) VerDate Aug 31 2005 11:19 Dec 10, 2007 Jkt 036932 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 7601 Sfmt 7601 E:\HR\OC\932.CC 932 cprice-sewell on PROD1PC72 with HEARING CONTENTS Historical Note ......................................................................................................... v Text of the Constitution .......................................................................................... 1 Amendments -
Status of Forces Agreements: the American Experience
St. John's Law Review Volume 35 Number 2 Volume 35, May 1961, Number 2 Article 7 Status of Forces Agreements: The American Experience Edward D. Re Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/lawreview This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in St. John's Law Review by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STATUS OF FORCES AGREEMENTS: THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE EDWARD D. IRE " INTRODUCTION O Fthe many legal problems that followed the close of World War II, few indeed have been so thoroughly examined, if not vehemently debated, as those stemming from the station- ing of American servicemen on friendly foreign soil. Per- haps no treaty has been so severely criticized as the NATO Status of Forces Agreement. It has been stated that "this unprecedented Agreement reflects a callous disregard of the rights of American Armed Forces personnel," and that it amounts to "penalizing the American soldier in an effort to please our NATO allies."' The legal criticism fundament- ally stemmed from the belief that "the rule of international law as laid down by Chief Justice John Marshall [in the Schooner Exchange case] . is that troops of a friendly nation stationed within the territory of another are not subject to the local laws of the other country, but are subject only to their own country's laws and regulations for the govern- ment of the armed services . -
The Constitutionality of Legislative Supermajority Requirements: a Defense
The Constitutionality of Legislative Supermajority Requirements: A Defense John 0. McGinnist and Michael B. Rappaporttt INTRODUCTION On the first day of the 104th Congress, the House of Representatives adopted a rule that requires a three-fifths majority of those voting to pass an increase in income tax rates.' This three-fifths rule had been publicized during the 1994 congressional elections as part of the House Republicans' Contract with America. In a recent Open Letter to Congressman Gingrich, seventeen well-known law professors assert that the rule is unconstitutional.3 They argue that requiring a legislative supermajority to enact bills conflicts with the intent of the Framers. They also contend that the rule conflicts with the Constitution's text, because they believe that the Constitution's specific supermajority requirements, such as the requirement for approval of treaties, indicate that simple majority voting is required for the passage of ordinary legislation.4 t Professor of Law, Benjamin N. Cardozo Law School. tt Professor of Law, University of San Diego School of Law. The authors would like to thank Larry Alexander, Akhil Amar, Carl Auerbach, Jay Bybee, David Gray Carlson, Lawrence Cunningham, Neal Devins, John Harrison, Michael Herz, Arthur Jacobson, Gary Lawson, Nelson Lund, Erela Katz Rappaport, Paul Shupack, Stewart Sterk, Eugene Volokh, and Fred Zacharias for their comments and assistance. 1. See RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, EFFECTIVE FOR ONE HUNDRED FOURTH CONGRESS (Jan. 4, 1995) [hereinafter RULES] (House Rule XXI(5)(c)); see also id. House Rule XXI(5)(d) (barring retroactive tax increases). 2. The rule publicized in the Contract with America was actually broader than the one the House enacted. -
TO SIGN OR NOT to SIGN Lesson Plan to SIGN OR NOT to SIGN
TO SIGN OR NOT TO SIGN Lesson Plan TO SIGN OR NOT TO SIGN ABOUT THIS LESSON AUTHOR On Constitution Day, students will examine the role of the people in shaping the United States Constitution. First, students National Constitution Center will respond to a provocative statement posted in the room. They will then watch a video that gives a brief explanation of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, or listen as the video transcript is read aloud. A Constitution poster is provided so students can examine Article VII and discuss it as a class. The elementary and middle school educator will then guide students through a read-aloud play depicting two Constitutional Convention delegates who disagreed about ratifying the Constitution. High school students will review support materials and have a class debate about why delegates should or should not have signed the Constitution in 1787. The class will then discuss the ratification process. The lesson closes with an opportunity for students to sign the Constitution, if they choose, and to discuss what it means to sign or not sign. TO SIGN OR NOT TO SIGN 2 BaCKGROUND GRADE LEVEL(S) September 17, 1787 was the final day of the Constitutional Convention, when 39 of the men present in Philadelphia Elementary, Middle, High School chose to sign the document. Signing put their reputations on the line. Their signatures gave weight to the document, ClaSSROOM TIME but it was the subsequent ratification contest that really 45 minutes mattered. Ratification embodied the powerful idea of popular sovereignty—government by the people—that has been at the heart of the Constitution from its inception until today. -
Pocket Veto ‑ General” of the White House Records Office: Legislation Case Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 1, folder “Pocket Veto ‑ General” of the White House Records Office: Legislation Case Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Exact duplicates within this folder were not digitized. Digitized from Box 1 of the White House Records Office Legislation Case Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library 1/30/76 Mr. Jones: FYI and retentiono Original was sent to Mr. Schmults today for appropriate handling. Katie ®ffin' of tqr .Attomry <Grnrral llht.s~ingtnn, D.<!:. 20~30 January 29, 1976 The President The White House Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: The Department of Justice is presently involved in a case which raises the question whether a President may lawfully use . a pocket veto during intra-session an6 inter-session adjournments of Congress. That case, Kennedy v. Jones, is now pending in the District Court for the District of Columbia and concerns two bills uhich were pocket vetoed, the first by President Nixon during the sine die adjournment of the 1st Session of the 93rd Congress, which lastea-19 days, and the other by you during a 32-day intra-session recess taken by both Houses of the 93rd Congress. -
10 the Honorable Blake Carpenter State Representative, 81St District
December 4, 2019 ATTORNEY GENERAL OPINION NO. 2019- 10 The Honorable Blake Carpenter State Representative, 81st District P.O. Box 350 Derby, KS 67037 Re: Constitution of the State of Kansas—Legislative—Majority for Passage of Bills; Votes to Ratify Federal Constitutional Amendments or Apply for Congress to Call a Federal Constitutional Convention Synopsis: The supermajority requirement of Article 2, § 13 of the Kansas Constitution is precatory language. The Kansas Legislature may by rule adopt a two- thirds vote requirement to ratify federal constitutional amendments or apply for Congress to call a federal constitutional convention. Cited herein: Kan. Const., Art. 2, § 13; U.S. Const., Art. V. * * * Dear Representative Carpenter: As State Representative for the 81st District, you request our opinion regarding the supermajority requirement in Article 2, § 13 of our state constitution. Specifically, you ask whether the Kansas Constitution may “provide for additional requirements” for ratification of a federal constitutional amendment beyond what is required by Article V of the United States Constitution. For the reasons discussed below, we believe the state constitution’s supermajority requirement cannot bind the Legislature when it is exercising the federally delegated power of ratifying an amendment to the federal constitution or applying for Congress to call a federal constitutional convention under Article V. Rather, the effect of the supermajority requirement is merely precatory, or in other words an expression by the people of Kansas of their desire that the Legislature muster a two-thirds vote in each house to ratify federal constitutional amendments or apply for Congress to call a convention for proposing federal constitutional amendments.