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Dickerson, Don Willis

THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENT, SOCIAL HALLS, INDUSTRY AND COMMUNITY: HOUGHTON COUNTY, , 1837-1916

Michigan State University PH.D. 1983

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University Microfilms International

THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENT, SOCIAL HALLS, INDUSTRY AND COMMUNITY: HOUGHTON COUNTY, MICHIGAN, 1837-1916

By

Don Willis Dickerson

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Interdisciplinary Studies, Departments of History, Art, and Human Environment and Design, College of Arts and Letters

1983 ABSTRACT

THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENT, SOCIAL HALLS, INDUSTRY AND COMMUNITY: HOUGHTON COUNTY, MICHIGAN, 1837-1916

By Don Willis Dickerson

In 1895 Ransom E. Olds built a gasoline automobile in

Lansing, Michigan; and the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company

treated 1,248,051 tons of rock, produced 32,620,976 pounds

of copper and paid 2,000,000 dollars in dividends. These

two seemingly diverse events shaped much of the history and

the future of the State of Michigan.

A large percentage of the automotive industry was fi­

nanced with capital gained through the lumbering and mining

ventures in the State of Michigan, rather than from the banks

of the East Coast of America. But the East, and Boston in

particular, did supply the money and industrial management

of the copper mines in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, and

these mines produced the affluence needed to build some of

the most magnificent theaters in the Midwest of 1900. These

theaters drew artists from the East Coast of America, the continent of Europe and from down the street, while enter­ taining one of the most diverse populations in America.

The Keweenaw Peninsula, located on the northern shore of the Upper Peninsula, contained the richest deposit of copper anywhere on the globe. The area saw one giant in­ dustrial complex emerge as the dominating force. And one man, Alexander Agassiz, ruled the company and the county with an iron hand through a policy of "benevolent paternalism."

This policy was directly responsible for the construction of houses, hospitals, and schools. It also supported a cultural explosion that rocked the state and welded a population of immigrants together as no other force could. All this ac­ tivity took place in an area so harsh and remote that it is inaccessible for almost one half the year, and yet fostered millions of dollars of dividends and salaries. It hosted

Sarah Bernhardt, the Quincy Brass Band and thousands of other entertainers. Sixty thousand people worked, played and built together for a short span of time and then disappeared. The only signs that remain of the past grandeur are silent structures that stand like sentinels of a past age. FOR MY DAUGHTER AMANDA ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This Dissertation was made possible in part by the collection of historical materials at the Library Archives of Michigan Technological University at Houghton, Michigan.

I am particularly indebted to Theresa Sanderson Spence for her help and assistance in locating many items of importance.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... iv

LIST OF TABLES...... v

LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS...... vi

INTRODUCTION - COPPER AND OPERA ...... 1

CHAPTER I - THE TIME...... 6 CHAPTER II - THE SETTING...... 12 CHAPTER III - THE EARLY COMPANY ...... 21 CHAPTER IV - THE MAN...... 31 CHAPTER V - THE COMPANY AND COMMUNITY...... 40 CHAPTER VI - THE PEOPLE ...... 48 CHAPTER VII - THE ETHNIC HALLS...... 58 CHAPTER VIII - THE THEATERS ...... 75 CHAPTER IX - THE ARCHITECTURE...... 97 CHAPTER X - THE STRIKE...... 178

SUMMARY - THE PLACE, THE TIME, AND THE MAN...... 184

APPENDIX I - MINE MATERIAL...... 186 APPENDIX II - A LIST OF THEATERS AND HALLS...... 196 APPENDIX III - ENTERTAINMENT IN ETHNIC HALLS...... 198 APPENDIX IV - LIST OF ETHNIC HALLS AND SOCIETIES THAT USED THEM IN 1900 ...... 201

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTERS ...... 204

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 215

iv LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Population of Calumet School System in 1897...... 45

Table 2. General Census of Upper Peninsula 1840- 1910...... 48

Table 3. Immigrants to U.S.A...... 30

Table 4. Immigrants to the Upper Peninsula...... 51

Table 5. Ethnic Population in 1900 in Calumet Township...... 52

Table 6. Expenses for Theater 1900 ...... 86

Table 7. Theaters of Houghton County Shortly Before and After 1900...... 88

Table 8. National and Regional Touring Companies and the Theaters They Played...... 89, 90

Table 9. Local Entertainment Around 1900 in Houghton County ...... 91, 92

v LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Log Cabin outside of Jacobsville...... 5 2. Lutheran Church at Jacobsville...... 11 3. Keweenaw Peninsula...... 14 4. Mine Building ...... 20 5. Section of Cliff M i n e ...... 26 6. Alexander Agassiz ...... 30 7. Worker's Homes...... 39 8. Summer Outing ...... 47 9. Men's Club...... 57 10. Tableaux from Miller's H a l l ...... 68 11. Playbill from Parents Meeting at Otter Lake Agricultural School...... 69 12. Playbill from Germania H a l l ...... 70 13. Playbill from Germania H a l l ...... 71 14. Calumet Theater ...... 74 15. Calumet Theater ...... 77 16. Red Jacket Opera House...... 81 17. Advertisement for the Lake Linden Opera House...... 83 18. Lake Linden Opera House ...... 84 19. Calumet Theater Showing Division of Theater and Town Hall...... 85 20. Financial Statement of Calumet Theater...... 87 21. Advertisement for German-American Bowling C l u b ...... 93 22. Captain's House ...... 96 23. Locations 1865...... 106 24. Quincy Mine Locations 1892...... 107 25. Quincy Mine Locations 1902...... 108 26. Quincy Mine and Housing ...... 109 27. Quincy Bathhouse...... 110 28. Franklin School ...... Ill 29. Two Mine Buildings at Quincy S i t e ...... 112 30. Shaft House at Quincy Site...... 113 31. Saltbox House ...... 114 32. Roof Styles ...... 114 33. Saltbox Home in Painesdale...... 115 34. Queen Anne Style H o m e ...... 117 35. Early Gothic Revival H o m e ...... 118 36. High Victorian Gothic Home...... 119 37. Shingle Style Home...... 120 38. East Lake Style Home...... 121 39. Greek Revival Home...... 122

vi Figure Page

40. Georgian Revival...... 123 41. High Victorian Italianate Home...... 124 42. Second Empire (Mansard) Style Home...... 125 43. Stick Style Building...... 126 44. Bungaloid ...... 127 45. Neo-Classical Style ...... 128 46. Traditional Balloon Framing ...... 130 47. C & H Library ...... 132 48. Firehouse in Calumet...... 133 49. Richardsonian Romanesque Style Building .... 134 50. Victorian Eclectic Style...... 135 51. Neo-Classical Revival Building...... 136 52. Commercial Vernacular...... 137 53. Hyva Toivo H a l l ...... 139 54. Lake Linden Opera House ...... 141 55. B.S. Italian H a l l ...... 143 56. B.S. Italian H a l l ...... 145 57. People Theater...... 147 58. Olsen's Hall...... 149 59. Sumomi H a l l ...... 151 60. Crown Theater ...... 153 61. Lyric Theater ...... 155 62. Savoy Theater ...... 157 63. Sobieskiego Hall...... 159 64. Orpheum Theater ...... 161 65. Amphidrome...... 163 66. Kaleva Temple ...... 165 67. Royal Theater ...... 167 68. Calumet Theater . 169 69. WPA Survey Hall over Post Office...... 171,172 70. WPA Survey - "Opera House"...... 173,174 71. WPA Survey of Losselyona H a l l ...... 175 72. Miner at C 6c H ...... • 177

vii INTRODUCTION

COPPER AND OPERA

The Upper Peninsula of Michigan and its copper riches had a strange birth. In 1837 a border dispute between Ohio and Michigan was settled by the Federal Government, and

Michigan became a state. That disagreement led to mili­ tary action between the two parties. In that "war", luckily, only rocks and shouts were used as weapons, so the casualties were not high. The Federally dictated settlement gave the new state of Michigan an area previously belonging to the territory of Wisconsin in exchange for the city of Toledo and a narrow strip of land along the border. An unknown member of the state legislature characterized this "Upper

Peninsula" as a sterile region on the shores of Lake Superior, destined by soil and climate to remain forever a wilderness.

But this area's hidden wealth of copper, iron and timber, destined it to become a busy industrial and cultural center for almost forty years.^

The Great Lakes that surround the Upper Peninsula gave the region an outlet to the markets of the East Coast of

America. The steamers and sailing vessels that carried the cargoes of copper, iron and timber to the ports of the

East, also brought back the workers, foremen, managers and culture of New England and Europe. The immigrants and native born who flocked to the mine fields of the Keweenaw Penin­ sula brought many things with them, not the least of which was the desire for entertainment and the need for links 2 with their homelands.

These workers found ready employment in the rich copper fields. The deposits were first mined during the Civil War.

Then after the war the fledgling industry of electrical power continued the need for copper as a conductor and genera­ tor of electric current. The profits to be made were enor­ mous, and so were the risks. After many of the early ven­ tures failed one giant complex emerged, the Calumet and Hecla 3 Mining Company. 4 This company was guided by one man, Alexander Agassiz.

He was a scientist and museum curator from Harvard University in Boston, Massachusetts. Even though he managed one of the world's great industrial complexes, he always thought of himself as a zoologist.

At the Calumet and Hecla he fostered a policy of benevolent paternalism. This policy not only provided employment, but also supplied many of the physical and cultural needs of the workers, immigrant and native born alike. The immigrant element was drawn from almost every country in Europe.3 They brought their skills and cultures to this harsh, remote section of America. They built social halls to ease their homesickness, and, in time, these halls became important links in the chain of entertainment of the

Peninsula.

These social halls supplied only a part of the cultural outlet for a population of sixty thousand. The copper rich economy soon fostered an environment that erected magnifi­ cent theaters. Sarah Bernhardt and John Philip Sousa were only two of the many stars who traveled to the copper fields to play in the Calumet, the .Kerredge or the Lyric theaters.7

These were only the "big three" opera houses. The county also contained some eighteen smaller ones; and all of these theaters depended on the "local variety" of entertainment for the majority of plays, performances, and events.

The Keweenaw Peninsula of 1900 was not only rich in mineral and material but also cultural wealth. In a short period of time a region "...destined by soil and climate to remain forever a wilderness” not only did not remain forever a wilderness, but instead became one of the centers of commerce and culture of the nation.

I first discovered some of this cultural richness in the restored Calumet theater in the fall of 1977. Hy initial intent was just to document other theaters in the region.

This was to be done through archival and "on the spot" re­ search. Once I began many questions arose: what was the source of the population and economic base, why were the structures built and who were some of the principal people involved? Once some of these first questions were answered, others sprang to the surface. The question of the anglo and ethnic interaction seemed to be an issue most popular his­ torians had laid to rest. The prevailing thought was that the populations did not intermix. There seemed to be surface evidence that they did not, such as the separate social halls, the separate theaters, the separate newspapers, and the foreign language sections of libraries. To answer this question and others, I had to dig deeper into the fabric of the society. The answers to the first mentioned questions, an insight into the cultural history of the Peninsula, the locations of some twenty-one theaters and twenty-nine social halls, a discussion of the entertainment and a description of the architectural styles of the region, constitute the text of this dissertation. 5 CHAPTER I

THE TIME

In the year of 1900, the population of the Keweenaw

Peninsula of Michigan read of the Boxer Rebellion in China.

In 1901 the thirteen newspapers of the region headlined the assassination of President McKinley in Buffalo at the Pan-

American Exhibition. But, in 1902, the transplanted popu­ lation of Bostonians and immigrants read of the building of a new theater, the Kerredge.* On September 5 that theater opened to the illumination of a thousand electric lights, some shining down on the brick facade of a theater as grand as any in the Midwest.

This scaled down replica of the Illinois Theater of

Chicago was the dream of a father and son, William and Ray

Kerredge, of Hancock, Michigan. Ray had been the manager of the Old St. Patrick's Hall, but had difficulties in booking productions of any merit because of the poor fa­ cilities. He felt a new theater would draw the kinds of productions he wanted to stage. He and his father also believed that the peninsula could support another first- rate theater, even though there were two others, very large and well furnished, and the three within twelve miles of one another. Combined, they would be able to seat seven percent of the entire population of the county at any given time. With their unshakable faith in the new theater and in the community in general, this father and son commissioned the 2 architectural firm of Oscar Cobb and Sons of Milwaukee.

Town funds had financed the other large theaters, but the

Kerredge was a first, a private venture on "the Grand Scale."

When the theater opened in 1902, the crowd indicated that the faith and gamble had been justified.

That opening night audience was a strange but typical mixture for the county. Mine captains and their ladies resplendent in their "new duds," even a representative of the great Alexander Agassiz and his colossus (the Calumet and

Hecla Mine), doctors, lawyers, and German storekeepers saw

Finns, Italians, Swedes, and peoples from almost every loca­ tion on the globe that night. The cost of a seat imposed the only segregation on that evening. The price of a box seat, forty dollars, was enormous, and could be afforded by only a few. The middle class patrons chose the parquet seats for ten dollars or the cheaper balcony at two and one-half. The working class, who made up the majority of the county, se- 3 lected the gallery seats for a dollar and half. People soon filled the theater to its capacity of 2,065. The most impressive sight at the Calumet theater was the huge stage.

It was forty feet deep, sixty-six feet high and seventy feet wide. The many incandescent lights assured the management that the patrons would not miss any of the Renaissance style decor. What caught the eye of most was the hand-painted pro­ scenium arch between the curtain and the orchestra. Once the noise subsided, the first play the house staged, "The Tempest,” began. The house was full, and the many who were turned away at the door never saw the magic of that play, 4 starring Frederick Warde and Louis James.

This was not the first of such nights in the county.

There had been two others earlier, at the Calumet and at the Lyric Opera Houses. They were the two other jewels in the crown of the Peninsula. These three theaters made up a circuit which allowed touring regional and national com­ panies to play this remote area, companies such as The Frank

Tucker Theatrical Company, James H. Browne Dramatic Company,

Mrs. Brune and Company, Sarah Bernhardt and Company, and the original "Funny Girl," Fanny Brice (and Co.).

These theaters were not just store fronts, but monu­ ments to the copper wealth and culture of the peninsula in the early 1900s. Architects from Detroit and Milwaukee built these magnificent structures. These theaters saw some of the most important plays and personages of their time, such actresses as Madam Helena Modjeska starring in "Macbeth," and dramas the like of "Twelfth Night," "The Heart of Chicago,"

"Faust," "A Doll's House," "King Richard III," and numerous comic operas. Names that all Americans knew and loved, like

John Philip Sousa, saw the copper fields of the Keweenaw.^

Most of the entertainment in the many theaters was the home grown kind; however, this in no way diminished their glitter. In total there were twenty-one theaters in this county of sixty thousand souls.

What was there about this remote peninsula on the shores of Lake Superior which could foster such appreciation of 9 the arts? To approach that question, one must first look at the people who were to become the theaters' patrons, and then their means of livelihood. This peninsula saw one of the greatest influxes of immigrants, in ratio to existing population, in the entire country. This happened within thirty years, or in less than a generation.^ There was no time for a quiet and slow assimilation. Their impact was felt in dramatic ways and quickly. Some avenues were closed to these immigrants, while others took on greater significance than elsewhere in America. Other groups, even though American born, were as alien to this land as the foreign born.

The Keweenaw Peninsula proved to be one of the richest copper deposits on the face of the earth.^ This richness was to be exploited, primarily by one giant "benevolent Q octopus". This entity, the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company, was controlled by one personality for most of its productive life. This man Alexander Agassiz, even though the president of one of the greatest industrial complexes in the world, primarily*considered himself a museum scientist, and even became Director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Q Harvard University. After the first few years he devoted only his summers to running the giant Calumet and Hecla mine. Yet he still completely controlled the region, while developing and implementing a policy of "benevolent pater­ nalism," a policy that benefited and also hamstringed the region for years after his death. This "benevolent pater­ nalism" coupled with the wealth of the copper deposits formed 10 the cornerstone of all the theaters and halls in Houghton

County for almost fifty years. 11

V______:______J CHAPTER II

THE SETTING

The political history of this peninsula began with the

Northwest Ordinance of 1787. This document fixed the boun­

daries of the future states of the Territory. It also stated

that the southern boundaries of what were to be Wisconsin

and Michigan was a straight line running east and west at

the lower tip of Lake Michigan. This entitled Michigan to

Toledo plus a strip of Ohio. The Congress of the United

States had violated this "unalterable" compact twice before

by including Chicago in Illinois, and granting to Indiana

an additional ten-mile strip, running across her northern

limits.^

At the time of the induction of Michigan into the

Federal Union, Jacksonian Washington was deeply involved with the upcoming election of 1836. Andrew Jackson's pro­

tege and hand-picked candidate for the presidency, Martin

Van Buren, was opposed not only by a candidate from Ten­ nessee, but also by William Henry Harrison of Ohio. Jackson

had no wish to antagonize the voters of Ohio by granting a

disputed strip of land that Ohio considered part of its

state to the new state of Michigan. So he violated the

ordinance again, and the would-be state of Michigan was told 2 it was welcome to join the Union, but only minus Toledo.

12 13

This news caused an indignant roar throughout the state.

State officials called a convention and voted unanimously

against joining the Union, unless the disputed area was

included. It also backed its words by dispatching a company

of militia from Detroit to the mouth of the Maumee River.

Ohio did likewise, and civil war seemed at hand. Shouts

took the place of bullets, and both sides seemed content to wait for a new judgment from Congress. That judgment was

soon in coming and favored Ohio. The politicians of Michigan were convinced to withdraw the army, and a disgruntled Michi- 3 gan was admitted to the Union in 1837 minus Toledo.

Congress's reward to the new state was again another violation of the ordinance. It ceded to Michigan twenty-

five thousand square miles of the territory of Wisconsin, bordered on the north by Lake Superior and on the south by

Lake Michigan. The new state felt this territory was totally useless! The words of an anonymous state legislator in

1837 express these feelings well, "a sterile region on the

shores of Lake Superior, destined by soil and climate to remain forever a wilderness." As Seward's Folly proved to be a bonanza, so did this 25,000 square miles, known as the

Upper Peninsula.

One area on the Lake Superior side of the Upper Penin­ sula is known as the Keweenaw Peninsula and is comprised of Houghton and Keweenaw counties. This peninsula juts out like a finger into Lake Superior and is known for a cold climate, snow, and, most importantly, copper. The deposit runs the length of the peninsula, forming a center line. It 14 proved to be one of the richest finds of this mineral any- 4 where in the world.

Lake Superior

UPP6R P6NINSUIA o f nriic

I Houghton County Copper Ronge

The story of the mining of copper on this peninsula began three thousand years ago. These early miners' identities were a mystery to the early Chippewa in the

1600's and remain a mystery to modern archaeologists. But the sites of these ancient pits mark the location of almost 15 every major twentieth century mine. The first Europeans, the French, found this ancient copper, in the form of uten­ sils and tools, of great interest and speculated on the ex­ istence of other minerals and even gems.^

The native Americans' (Chippewas) legends of mineral wealth seemed to have had a magical effect on these early

Europeans. Perhaps the greatest of these myths tells of

Messibizzi, who lived on a floating island of solid copper called Michicopoten.^ The myths and artifacts of the Chip­ pewas sent many a Frenchman in search of the more precious minerals and gems. Gold and gems were never found, but some silver was, as were beaver pelts by the ton, making the trip financially worthwhile. They also found copper in abundance; but with the exception of a few household uses, it was of little value in seventeenth century France. The final chap­ ter for France came in 1672, when Father Marquette and Louis

Joliet set out to explore and map the Superior copper regions.

For some undisclosed reason, their trip took a change of O direction and they discovered the Mississippi River. With that, France's political domination ended in this cold . But the Europeans were not finished with the

Keweenaw; the English soon entered the picture.

Alexander Henry was the first European to begin re­ corded copper mining. His operation on the Ontonagon

River lasted approximately nine years and proved somewhat successful before being abandoned in 1772. His first reac­ tion to the copper can be seen in a statement from his journal in 1763. "On the nineteenth of August we reached 16 the mouth of the river Ontonagon,... But I found this river 9 chiefly remarkable for the abundance of virgin copper..."

This abundance of copper was not exploited until almost a hundred years later.

There was no more recorded activity until 1820 when the government of the United States began to explore the area.^

The first expedition was under the command of General Lewis

Cass, the first territorial governor, and another later in

1822 was under Henry Schoolcraft. Among Schoolcraft's party was a young doctor named Douglas Houghton, a physician and dentist by profession, and an adventurer by nature. When

Stevens T. Mason, then age 24, became the first governor of the new state, he appointed this young doctor and adventurer to the post of State Geologist.One of Houghton's first duties, in 1840, was to again explore the Superior region, 12 this time as head of an expedition.

When his final report was submitted to the legislature, it painted a positive picture of the copper deposits but a 13 rather bleak one on the success of any mining venture.

This negative side was lost in the fever of the new "gold" rush in Michigan. His predictions were prophetic. In 1865 only eight of the ninety-four mines were paying any dividends:

Central, Copper Falls, Franklin, Minesota*, National, Pewabic,

Pittsburgh and Boston, and Quincy (see Appendix I). These mines were profitable only because of the kind of deposits encountered.

*the spelling was a clerical mistake at the time of registration 17

Copper in this area is found in three formations: 1) mass copper, 2) amygdaloid, and 3) conglomerate. An explan­ ation of these deposits will help to understand the early and later copper mines of the Keweenaw. Mass copper is pure native copper in mass form. These masses can weigh from twenty-five pounds to hundreds of tons.^ Amygdaloid deposits are small specks of copper in almond-shaped cavi­ ties in the rock. Conglomerate deposits are ones in which the rock is held together by layers of copper which inter­ laces the rock, like levels of fat in a well-marbled steak.

As expected, the deposits of mass copper were mined first and proved somewhat economically successful. One of the early mines, the Cliff or Pittsburgh and Boston, was a highly successful venture for a few years. In a five year period it paid dividends of $60,000. Another, the Minesota*, paid a total of $1,760,000 in dividends in eighteen years.^ As time passed, in most mines the deposits of mass copper were found deeper and deeper, and became more expensive to trans­ port to the surface. So the cost of mining became greater than the value of the copper, and the operations were forced to close. The only true economic success came later from the amygdaloid and conglomerate deposits.^

The cost of mining and extracting the copper from the rock in these amygdaloid and conglomerate deposits was expensive and required large amounts of capital.^ The

*the spelling was a clerical mistake at the time of registration 18

land was under the adjudication of the Lead Laws of the

Federal Government. The War Department enforced this system

of permits and regulations. The laws provided a nine year

lease, but they lacked any clear statement on the ownership

of the above ground equipment and buildings. Not many inves­

tors felt secure with such a questionable status for mine

properties. After much prodding by mine companies and Mich­

igan politicians, the Commissioner of Public Lands found a

loophole in the laws. They were written for the lead and

zinc fields along the Mississippi River in northern Illinois

and southern Wisconsin in 1818. Their language spoke of lead

and zinc, not copper, and he seized upon this technicality.

This dubious loophole was all Congress needed in 1846 to vote promptly for the transfer of the control of Michigan’s copper

lands from the War Department to the Land Department. This department acted quickly to clear up the legal questions.

Its first move was to offer the land for sale at five dollars per acre, granting holders of old leases first rights.

The price soon proved too high and was reduced to the home- 18 stead rate of a dollar and a quarter. With the legal status secure, the region was ripe for the influx of the capital needed to exploit these rich copper deposits. Later in 1871 Congress passed other laws relating to mining, these 19 new laws settled any difficulties that remained.

The amygdaloid lodes were the first to be mined. On

the small island of Isle Royale, lying north of the tip of the Keweenaw Peninsula, the first of these mines began in 20 1852. It proved to be an engineering nightmare. The waters 19 of Lake Superior were its undoing. The lake needed to be held back to mine, and after a long struggle, the lake final­ ly won, and the project was abandoned. Many amygdaloid mines were to follow, and they involved more shareholders, employees, and produced more copper than in later conglo­ merate lodes. But financially they came in second. The total dividends of all copper mines in the region as of 1929 were

$325,017,047. The principal amygdaloid mines paid 44.4 per­ cent and the conglomerate lodes paid 49.4 percent, with the 21 remaining 6.2 percent paid by mass copper mines.

Houghton County itself produced 79.7 percent of all copper mined in Michigan in 1874 and 89 percent in 1880.

The early 1900s saw the area producing one-third of the nations' output. The colossus of the mines of the area, the

Calumet and Hecla, contributed only 8.4 percent of the copper in 1867, but after 1872 it contributed 65.3 percent. Its dividends from 1871 to 1900 totaled the huge sum of

$72,250,000. The capitalization of these mines was also immense, by 1915 a total investment of $209,508,500 had been made (see Appendix I). This investment and the dividends generated had a dramatic effect on all phases of community life, and without it, neither the Kerredge nor the other twenty theaters could have survived, or indeed, been built. 20 CHAPTER III

THE EARLY COMPANY

Edwin J. Hulbert worked in the Upper Peninsula as a surveyor and civil engineer in 1852.^ But this was not his first introduction to the Keweenaw; in 1831 he acted as secretary to Henry Schoolcraft on a federal expedition to the area. His role in the copper industry of the peninsula was dramatic, and eventually became interwoven in a legend.

That saga states:

A jovial Irishman named Billy Royal kept a combin­ ation saloon and hotel at a point halfway between the cliff mine and Portage Lake. Billy, nearly as round as he was tall, has a colossal inertia and was chief contender for the title of the laziest man on the Keweenaw. It is said that his bar was run cafeteria style as he was too lazy to serve drinks or make change. The sleeping quarters upstairs in his Half Way House gave further evidence of the Royal lethargy. There were no beds, the guests being expected to sleep upon the floor. And the dormitory was strewn with specimens of rock left behind by prospectors. A night at Billy Royal's inn, it is recalled, was like a siesta in a stone quarry. Billy could be aroused from his customary languor only by the most urgent necessity. So it was only natural that Ed Hulbert, riding past Half Way House on horseback and seeing Royal standing in the middle of the road, should stop to inquire if anything was wrong. "Them son-of-a bitching hogs is gone again, and they been gone fer days." Royal is reported to have told Hulbert. "Ed, how about helping me look for them?" The Copper Country, then as now, was a neighborly land, and the two began searching the countryside. In the midst of the undergrowth and between the

21 22

two trees, they found the entire herd of pigs squealing with hunger, and a chunk of conglomerate (copper ore) weighing twenty tons.3

This legend is one explanation of the discovery of one of the world's greatest copper deposits, the Calumet Lode.

Another version of the story may be closer to the reality of the situation. Hulbert's duties as a surveyor took him in 1852 to an area where the Calumet Lode came close to the

surface. In his own words:

One day when camping close to where now is the Hecla No. 1 shaft I discovered an im­ mense block of breccia, covered with moss and lichen; its edges were rough and sharp indicating that it had not been transported by glacial drift nor a flood but has arisen to the surface by the combined action of frost-and-sand-falling. Walking with compass in hand along the course of the bedded rocks, I saw an artificial depression which,seemed to be of the form of an Ancient-pit.^

The real romance of the story only began after the original discovery. This story is a complicated one, but it gives an insight into the financial and political dealings in those early days on the copper range.

The lode would eventually be mined by one gigantic company, the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company.’’ Originally there were two companies, even though they were connected through management and ownership: the Calumet working the north end and the Hecla working the south end of the same lode. In 1870 they merged and formed the Calumet and Hecla

Mining Company.^

Edwin Hulbert had a starcrossed role in this early mine. A custom of the copper county allowed different companies to be interwoven through shares and management. 23

This was the way the Huron Mining Company and the Calumet and Hecla, through Hulbert, who acted as Superintendent of both, were connected;^ so the fate of each mine hung on this one man. To form the Calumet Mine Company, he enlisted the financial aid of Quincy A, Shaw of Boston, who gained

Q the capital needed through the sale of shares. At the formation Hulbert held 10,177 and Shaw 11,183 of these shares, and Hulbert would be left in complete on-site charge a of mining operations. Hulbert began by expending large amounts of capital to acquire the land he felt was needed for mining or protection of their interests.^"® Shaw was forced to put assessments on the shares, time and time again.

Even with these assessments, there was little capital to mine. So the Calumet entered into a common practice of leasing the mining to another entity. The entity they leased the mining to was one "Hulbert and Company," the principal shareholders of this new company being Quincy Shaw and Edwin Hulbert.^ This was not a common practice, a leaseholder and leaser to be so tied together, and at best, questionable. So, at the same time, Hulbert was managing the Calumet and the Huron Mine site. The Huron was near the Calumet, but the few miles that separated them also saw 12 a change in the geological formation. At the Huron Mine the copper extracted was in amygdaloid rock, while at the

Calumet the ore was the harder conglomerate type.

Hulbert was now beginning to run into financial problems at the Huron. His belief in a certain kind of mechanical ore crusher called a "collom Jig" was the principal reason 24 for his difficulties. His unreasoning faith in a process and his desire to refine it clouded his thinking and haunted him for years. He was spending large amounts of money for this end, and criticism was beginning to come from many sources. An editorial from a newspaper of the region on

January 13, 1867, gives an insight into not only the Huron

Company but also the early fate of the Calumet as well.

IS THE HURON MINING COMPANY SOUND?

This has been the important question this week, among all classes, and so far the answer has been decidedly in the negative, for all are aware of the immense amount of money expended by the Company during the past year, and the successful efforts made to conceal the actual financial condition of the concern. It is positively asserted that the indebtedness was so great last spring it was deemed injurious to issue an Annual Report, and it was accordingly withheld. Early last summer we were informed that the liabilities of the company then exceeded $300,000, but we then refrained from mentioning it on the assurance that the entire machinery would soon be running, and big products and profits realized, from their extended and economical working. Month after month slipped away, Mr. Hulbert always assuring us that "next month" great things might be expected. This is still the cry, and all the expenses for new and experimental machinery, alterations, etc., until now it is as positively asserted that not only has the debt been doubled, but the property se­ cretly mortgaged. The exactness of these state­ ments of course cannot be verified owing to the reticence of Mr. Hulbert and his confreres, but we believe them to be correct in the essential particulars. It is known that the Huron company borrowed about $80,000 on call, of the Copper Falls company last summer, and it is not known that it has yet been paid. But the worst and most alarming feature is, that after deferring its December payment until last Saturday, when the relieving ninety day draft scheme came to the aid of its burdened treasury, full one-half of the drafts issued were on the Calumet Mining Company, and the balance Huron. The natural conclusion is there must be something 25

shaky (to use the mild term) in the finances of a company which is compelled to use a ninety day paper of another company, instead of its own, to pay off its employees,

The Huron was on the edge of collapse. At this critical

time, Hulbert devoted his energies to the Calumet. His methods seemed to indicate he had lost his engineering judg­ ment as well as his common sense. He began to quarry out

the conglomerate ore just as though he were operating a huge gravel pit. As these pits grew larger and deeper, the rain and surface water washed in sand, dirt, and debris. A heavy rain would fill the pits, and they had to be pumped dry."^ Normal mine practice was to sink a shaft on the lode.

Drifts or tunnels were then dug out from the main shaft.

Seeping water would drain into the shaft and collect at the bottom, where it was bailed or pumped out. In this manner the working levels were always dry and workable. This also allowed the mine to go on down indefinitely.

To compound his mining engineering mistakes, he did not recognize, like many, that the harder conglomerate ore does not crush like the softer amygdaloid.^ His belief in the collom Jig had him convince Shaw to back the purchase of a small rolling m i l l . ^ This kind of mill was used at the Huron Mine, and even though it was proving to be un­ reliable, he assured Shaw of its "success" at the Huron. All

the while Hulbert was sending glowing reports back to Boston and promises of success. Finally time and money ran out.

Shaw and the other investors were becoming a little uneasy about the management and future success of the mine 26

Section of the Cliff Mine

The main shaft is dropped (dug) into the lode of copper and drifts, or tunnels, are dug perpendicular to this main shaft. These shafts are blasted out until the copper deposits run out. This type of mining allows the surface water to collect at the bottom of the main shaft, where it can be pumped out. Thus the mine can go as deep as necessary without the con­ cern of flooding. Note the hoisting apparatus known as a "horse-whim.” This is a cornish-style hoisting device. The Cliff Mine was a very early copper mine. Later ones used heavy steam engines and hoists went down thousands of feet. 27 under Hulbert. So in 1867 Shaw sent his brother-in-law

Alexander Agassiz to investigate the situation.^ Agassiz was employed by his famous father Louis at Harvard's Museum of

Comparative Zoology, but he had been trained in mining engin­ eering and managed, for a short time, coal mines in Pennsyl- 17 vania. He was met at the train by Hulbert, but when he left, Hulbert's career in the copper fields of Michigan was over. The report Shaw was to receive was stinging in its criticism of Hulbert. It stated, among other things, that the rolling mill had not even been erected, no tramway from the mine to the mill had been built, and no water supply for the mill had been established. There also was no planning in the purchase of supplies. The estimated twenty-five to thirty thousand dollars a month in eventual profits, given the expenses, was utterly false. The most damaging of all was that Mr. Hulbert concealed the true state of things and made estimates out of all proportion to what were the facts, 18 and this was done in a systematic and purposeful way. An example of a mistake that could only be intentional was the tug channel. The company desired to dig a tug channel through

Torch River and connect Torch Lake with Portage Lake. A contract was drawn, and Hulbert signed and assumed a cost of

$75,000.00, even though the company's intention, made clear to Hulbert, was to spend only $10,000. On top of this was the fact that Hulbert's selection of a site on Torch Lake was not the shortest or best route, almost as if the selec­ tion were done in a capricious manner. The evidence against

Hulbert grew daily and in 1867, the lease between the company 28

and "Hulbert and Co." was terminated. This was not the end of the affair.

Hulbert was still superintendent of the Huron Mine which was now in serious debt and about to collapse. Earlier, to 19 forestall this, Hulbert borrowed $16,800 from Shaw. For this loan Shaw was made trustee of Hulbert's shares in the

Calumet Mine. Hulbert was still Director of the Calumet

Mine, but Shaw, through the Board of Directors, would request 20 and receive his resignation. Hulbert was also forced to forfeit all his shares in the Calumet mine, and held liable for his unauthorized mine expenditures. Shaw with the ap­ proval of the Board of Directors, appointed Alexander Agassiz as Treasurer of the mine operation and assigned him to head 21 the on-site operations at Calumet.

The saga of Quincy A. Shaw and Edwin J. Hulbert was not over. Quincy Shaw, for unknown reasons, established a trust fund of two hundred thousand dollars for Hulbert. This allowed Hulbert to retire to Italy in a grand style, but he could not "settle down." His remaining life was spent in endless deals. He searched for another Calumet lode, and not finding one, became embittered and claimed Shaw was sending agents to hound and attack him. Hulbert entered into a lawsuit against Shaw, claiming that he had been defrauded 22 by Shaw of his interests in the Calumet and Hecla mine.

He lost this suit, and, totally embittered, finally "settled down" to his villa in Italy. At this point the story takes a strange twist. Edwin Hulbert adopted a young woman who 29 was his ward for a number of years. He then married her and in his will left her a sizeable amount of his estate.

After his death his natural daughter entered into a bitter 23 lawsuit against this adopted daughter turned wife. This lawsuit put the last tarnish on this strange story of the early Calumet and Hecla Mining Company.

CHAPTER IV

THE MAN

Alexander Agassiz once remarked that it was fortunate he emigrated to the United States at an early age, for with his views he surely, in due time, would have been hung or shot. His emigration also proved fortunate for the copper range of Michigan.

Alexander Agassiz was born on December 17, 1835, at

Neuchatel, where his father, Louis, was Professor of Natural

History. His father was buoyant, robust, and a genius at stimulating his students. Alexander inherited many of these traits. Even though he disliked teaching, Alexander became the undisputed father of Zoology in the United States and trained the first generation of zoologists the country pro­ duced. Because of his father's preoccupation with teaching, young Alexander spent much of his early life with his mother, i the former Cecile Braun. While his father's ancesters were ministers, Cecile's were teachers and scholars. This com­ bination of genes and the influence of a well educated and loving mother had a most beneficial effect on the boy.

His early education was typical of his family's status.

He possessed a natural scientific curiosity that was nurtured at the Gymnase in Neuchatel. Young Alexander also possessed rather strong democratic tendencies. These proved to be

31 32 his undoing many times. One such incident happened when the

Governor of Neuchatel and he crossed swords. Neuchatel was at that time part of Prussia, not Switzerland, and the Gov­ ernor was appointed by the King of Prussia. The Governor was a retired army officer and a stern fellow. The local boys had divided into different political factions, depending on their social/economic class. The group to which Alexander belonged were the "Reds." The Governor complained to Louis that his son did not salute him politely. For this Alexander was punished. On their next meeting the little boy saluted in a most abject manner and for this was given another thrashing. But the Governor was not content with this; he held the boy up for rebuke at a school celebration. This infuriated the boy. When his turn came to receive his prize, he turned his back on the Governor and walked out, which of course caused him another thrashing by his father. Alexander decided then on a rash plan. He collected the other "Reds," and on the night of a large dinner at the Governor’s castle, they stormed the building, smashing windows in the state dining-hall. His father, who was in attendance that evening, immediately suspected the boy. Louis returned home to punish

Alexander but found him "sound asleep." This act was a rash and brave thing for a young boy, and gives an early insight into his belief in action and ideals. With a political beginning like this, Alexander was indeed lucky his father emigrated to the Boston area, and the boy would grow up in the New World relatively free from political harrassment. 33

The emigration for Alexander to America came when he was fourteen. His father had earlier accepted a position as Professor of Natural History at Harvard. Alexander's mother had died earlier, and he had been sent to live with his uncle at Freiburg. But in 1849 the family was united in Boston. His education continued at Cambridge High School, one of the few schools from which one could enter a college 3 in the mid-eighteen hundreds.

Professor Agassiz's household was unique. It consisted of an artist, Mr. Burkhardt, a young Harvard student, one

Mr. Edward King, an old Swiss minister called "Papa Christinat," a bear, some eagles, a crocodile, a few snakes, and sundry livestock. This interesting condition lasted until 1850, when Louis remarried. His new wife, and Alexander's new stepmother, was Elizabeth Cary. Her first job was to bring some kind of order out of the chaos of the Oxford Street home.^

This she did and more. Family life was orderly and stimula­ ting to the boy in those years. He was influenced by music, theatrical productions, and delightful house guests.

But for some reason the artistic influence did not seem to take hold. He suffered from a lack of appreciation of the arts thereafter, but to his credit, he did not force his will on others. The Opera Houses of the Keweenaw attested to this later.

In the fall of 1851 he entered Harvard at the age of fifteen and a half. There his studies were geared to the sciences. Once completing Harvard's undergraduate program, he entered the engineering department of the Lawrence 34

Scientific School. Alexander graduated from there in 1857,

Summa Cum Laude. Another degree in natural history at the same school followed that.^ Then in 1862 he went to work for his father at the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard.

Much of the family's money had been spent by his father on Museum specimens and research. To retrieve some of the losses, his stepmother proposed to start a girls' school at their home. Louis's reputation as a gifted teacher made the school an immediate success. Alexander was drafted into aiding as a teacher and administrator.^ When in 1859 the school was firmly established, he felt he could look for some other means of livelihood.

His first try at earning his way was as an aide on the

Coast Survey in 1859, but it proved fruitless, and he re­ turned to the Museum to work again with his father.^ At this time (1860) he married Anna Russell, the daughter of

George R. Russell. The young couple lived on Quincy Street with Alexander's parents. All the while he was beginning to make his mark on the scientific world. But his desire for independence through financial security again surfaced.

In the early sixties he obtained, through J. M. Forbes, the presidency of some coal mines in Pennsylvania, while still O retaining his position at the Museum. This endeavor would, like the Coast Survey job, prove fruitless, but the ex­ perience was to be beneficial in the near future.

In the summer of 1866, Alexander was asked by his brother-in-law, Quincy Shaw, to investigate a new copper 35

mine. The operation and its manager, E. J. Hulbert, did

not seem to be as productive as they should for the money a invested. Alexander took the first of many trips to the

Keweenaw. Upon reaching Calumet, he was met by E. J. Hulbert,

who impressed him little, but the potential of the mine was

staggering. Alexander immediately saw this. He not only

reported the gross incompetence of Hulbert to Shaw but also

borrowed what money he could and secured an interest in the mine company (there were two mines at that time--the Calumet

and the Hecla).In a few years this investment would be

the basis of a vast fortune.

On his return to Boston he was made Treasurer of both mines. Then in December of 1866, Alexander returned to Mich­

igan and hired a local man named Davis to run the Calumet

Mine. The Board of Directors, however, sent Agassiz back to

take complete charge of the new single mine, the Calumet

and Hecla. At this time Alexander made this famous statement

to a friend:

Eliot, I am going to Michigan for some years as superintendent of the Calumet and Hecla mines. I want to make money; it is impossible to be a productive naturalist in this country without money. I am going to get some money if I can and then I will be a naturalist. If I succeed, I can then get my own papers and drawing printed and help my father at the Museum.H

This statement sums up Agassiz's philosophy on his life.

Outside the copper fields he was completely devoted to science.

His vast fortune enabled him to finance many important cruises

for scientific collection. His work in, and value to, the

science of zoology was huge. Without his vast resources 36 and hard work, the science of zoology might have suffered a critical blow in its early years.

At the mine things were in a state of havoc. Hulbert had caused trouble which continued as long as he stayed in the area. The extent of the problems can be evidenced by a letter to Quincy Shaw on June 13, 1868.

I telegraphed you to-day that the Calumet dam had been cut and pond was empty. Ever since E. J. (Hulbert) served his notice of a nuisance on us, we have had a watchman by day and night; but I am afraid they caught him napping . . . Towards 4 o'clock in the morning the watchman must either have been scared off or got asleep . . . he ran up to mine at about 5, seeming out of his mind, flung down his revolver and said the Irish had torn down the dam . . . John Hulbert is out of the way, having left about three days ago and confided his dirty work to a man by name of Burcher.^

Besides the harrassments of "E. J.," Agassiz had to spend vast sums of money to get the mine and mill into pro­ ductive operation. He felt spending a dollar and a half was a good investment if it achieved a future goal of three and see the future he did; dividends in the millions would testify to his judgment. Not only was money spent on the operation, but also on the employees and the community.

Before a single dividend had been declared, Agassiz built workers homes, a hospital, bathhouse, and began a relation­ ship with the community that would grow as time passed.

This policy may have been undertaken to insure a profit, by taming the workers through "bribes," or with the belief that a happy worker is a productive worker, or to forestall union activities, or perhaps a purely benevolent act on Agassiz's 37 part, or all of these reasons. But given his scientific background and his approach to problem solving, coupled with the desire for personal wealth, it is logical that he saw

this "benevolent paternalism" as a means to an end, almost a scientific experiment. A happy, contented, stable work force would prove to be a productive one, and production was the key to copper wealth. The time he spent in the copper fields was devoted to making the mine and community work and be productive--as he saw it.

His son would write in 1913 in Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz that

Agassiz made it his personal interest to see that the men were well paid, well housed, and provided with the best of schools, libraries, hospitals, bathhouses, and churches. Above all, he established especial provisions for a prompt and fair attention to all complaints. Some years ago the Governor of Michigan, in speaking of the labor conditions in the state, said that there was one man who had done more than all others for humane and reasonable conditions of life among its working-people -- Alexander A g a s s i z . ^

Agassiz spent the initial years on the site. His family moved to the Keweenaw, where his wife set up housekeeping and a social life, almost making a normal life for Alexander.

Soon his health and "real" work suffered in the harsh cli­ mate. He devoted some of his busy schedule to science and made collecting trips in this new environment; but his real love was the pure science of zoology, and in particular, the Museum at Harvard. He returned to this museum and spent full academic years at research and administration. His summers then were spent in the Keweenaw where he oversaw 38

the operations. This was due in part to a local man, James

McNaughton. McNaughton was an exceptional man and well

suited to act as Agassiz's representative and superintendent

of the Calumet and Hecla Mine. But the driving force and real leadership still came from Agassiz, and this leadership 14 stamped a print on the Keweenaw for a generation or more. 39 CHAPTER V

THE COMPANY AND COMMUNITY

Alexander Agassiz and the Calumet and Hecla believed a well-housed, well-cared for work force would show up in higher production figures. As early as 1868, before it had paid a single dividend, the Calumet and Hecla Mine had a company hospital. Health insurance in that same year cost the employee fifty cents a month if single, and one dollar if married. It covered all medical and surgical attention and necessary medicines.^ Later from 1897 through 1900 the company paid all costs of health insurance. Also the com­ pany's aid fund provided compensation for sickness, accidents, or accidental death. Before 1897, the miner paid 50c a month with a company match. Within ten years, the company reduced the monthly rates from 50c to 35c. Between July 1, 1877, and January 1, 1913, the workers contributed $504,881 and the company $625,482, and as of January 1, 1913, the company had paid out $1,596,707.. In 1904 a pension fund was esta­ blished and provided for the retirement of employees 60 or older who served the company twenty or more years. A company board, made up of department heads, decided when a person should retire. The pension was proportionate to the wages paid and length of service. This pension lasted five years after retirement. These policies were a direct reflection 41

of Agassiz's benevolent paternalism.

The company also undertook many public welfare projects.

In 1898 it built a library. At its opening it contained

6,800 volumes, 3,000 having been sent from Boston. By 1912

it contained 35,000 volumes with a circulation of 74,696 of

which 6,937 were foreign language books. Its juvenile cir­

culation was 62,918, and its magazine circulation was 20,000,

with a picture circulation of 10,000. In that year, 24,506

people used its reading room, and there was a card-carrying

registration of 8,700.^ This building was maintained and

funded solely by the company. In the panic of 1907, the

company did not lay off a single man and in fact supplied the

local banks with gold to meet the payroll drafts of its workers. By 1914, the company was spending $100 a month for

fuel and its delivery to widows. Again all these "benefits”

reflected on Agassiz and his policy of management for the worker and community good (along with profits).

The political side of life in the Township was directly under the control of Agassiz and the company. The company

did not fix elections.by ballot-box stuffing or thuggery.

Its control was more subtle. Election judges were convinced

to be friendly to the company. Company men even sat among

them, and when a voter chose a ballot he asked for a blue for

Republican or red for Democratic. If the voter chose a red,

the company man knew, and the voter was deemed unfriendly to

the company ideals, and his name was recorded as such by

the company man. The company also employed a more direct manner by encouraging its manager employees to run for county 42

office, especially the County Board, which decided most poli- 5 tical matters. In these ways the elections in Houghton

County seldom surprised anyone, especially the company. By

this direct and indirect control the company insured its

policies would not incur interference by outsiders, who did

not know or understand the aims and goals of "benevolent

paternalism."

So the company rented the workers their homes, heated

them with company coal brought on company boats, provided the water the workers drank, and even generated the electricity

for their homes. It also built the schools, provided a fire

and police department, leased the land for churches, provided

a hospital, library, health and aid programs, and through

the company nurse program even gave birth control advice, and

controlled the politics. But these things were not without merit in a time of "devil take the hindmost" capitalism.

They were most certainly paternalistic, some would rebel, and

the area would see a violent strike in 1913, over working

conditions, but overall the region benefited from this bene­ volent paternalism. This policy could be traced directly to one man, Alexander Agassiz; an example of this man's attitude to the region can be seen in a description of a day in his life in 1904.

After talking with an official for an hour, I went to the smelting works, saw the superin­ tendent of the stamp mill, talked to a clerk who wanted to go to congress, met with the Lake Linden School Board, visited with some village authorities, visited the assay office, talked with the Catholic bishop of Marquette, worked on a contract for electric street cars, 43

had a long session with MacNaughton, another with Electric people, one with aid fund super­ intendent, and then went to take a long7walk before dinner to visit adjoining mines.

The mine locations of Albion, Blue Jacket, Yellow

Jacket, Raymbaultown, Red Jacket, Tamarack, Laurium, Calumet, g Hecla, and South Hecla were collectively known as Calumet.

The community's geographical arrangement was in direct re­ lationship to the Calumet lode. This lode runs parallel to the Keweenaw Peninsula and forms a center line down that Q peninsula. The population had a dramatic growth pattern: in 1869 there were only 300 people in the area; by 1870 the population of the township had grown to 3,182; but by 1900 it had risen to the amazing figure of 66,023.^

The population was housed in a strict pattern of social and economic classes. The styles and sizes of the houses were the key to their inhabitants’ status. The managerial and professional class was usually housed within the Village with the workers in the Township. Good existing examples of this can be found in "E Location" near Painesdale, East

Hancock east of Dunstan Street, and the Village of Houghton east of Franklin Street.^

The first housing was not much more than a hotel and log cabins. As the Calumet and Hecla became a stable force in the area, it began to build company houses. These were built on lots laid out in large sections, each measuring

50* x 100'; the prototypical plans were repeated continually with only minor variation. The saltbox and double-house 12 were the most common styles used. 44

These houses were rented to workers for as long as they were connected in some fashion to the Company. The rents for a month would vary between six and eight dollars. The 13 rent for an average home and lot in 1913 was $6.74 a month.

This included sewage, or the cleaning of outhouses where sewage lines did not exist, the removal of weekly garbage and any necessary house repair. Also, water was usually provided free or with small charges; an example would be at Tamarack, where water cost fifty cents a m o n t h . ^ The company would eventually rent out some 1,000 of these homes to its workers.^

The company also offered another renting system. It would lease a 120/80 foot lot on a five year basis on which the worker could build his ox*n home.^ There were severe restrictions; most of which deal with the discovery of copper on the land, and the company's right to reclaim the property.

Despite such conditions, in 1891, nearly 1,000 such houses were built.^ The company also provided a "common" in Calumet for the pasturing of residents' livestock. Later in 1923, it was redesigned as the Agassiz Park, and a status of Alexander

Agassiz was erected.

The school system of Calumet directly benefited from the company. Even before an official school district, a school opened near Calumet Avenue in a building owned and maintained by the company. Then, in 1875, the company built the Washington School and rented it to the school district for a nominal fee. Later in 1905, the company helped 18 in the building of the Manual Training High School. The 45 breakdown of the school population in 1897 shows that out of a total of 2,725 pupils, only 201 were classified as

Americans (both parents native born). This majority of ethnic pupils in the system reflected the makeup of the labor force of the county.

POPULATION OF CALUMET SCHOOL SYSTEM IN 1897

English 507 Italians 189 French 64 Finnish 480 Scotch 145 Jewish 12 German 185 Austrians 103 Belgians 2 Swedish 180 Irish 92 Danish 2 Norwegians 181 Poles 66 American Indian 1

Not all children went to public schools; many churches and ethnic groups established schools. They usually taught the heritage and/or religious values of their forefathers.

In 1896, the Finnish population even founded a college in

Hancock.

The religious side of life was also aided by the company, although there was no policy on church attendance as in the

New England industrial towns. The company supported esta­ blished religions through a form a subsidization. The company leased land to the church for a low fee and in many cases helped with the fund raising to build the structure itself.

One such case in 1869 was the English Methodist Church at the end of Rockland Street. The Calumet and Hecla Mining

Company not only leased the land to the church but contri­ buted five hundred dollars to the building fund, and also sponsored a tea and concert which was held on company premises.

This kind of involvement was common and furthered company 46 policies through establishing a stable community.

The company also entered into other areas of community life through a type of subsidization. The Calumet Light

Guards Armory was built by the Company for a sum of thirty- three thousand dollars, a considerable amount of money. They also "invested" money in a broom factory. This factory was 19 manned by employees who had been blinded in mine accidents.

If there were enough blinded miners to run and man a factory, mining was indeed a dangerous occupation.

This system of benevolent paternalism operated easily in an area as remote as the Keweenaw. The extreme isola­ tion, and prevailing social and legal restrictions, allowed the copper trust to operate almost invulnerable to any pres­ sures. As the representative of Colorado, E. T. Taylor, later called the area "The Kingdom of Calumet." And at least for a period of time this kingdom had a benevolent despot, Alex­ ander Agassiz, and his paternalism affected the vast majority of the subjects of Calumet for decades. 47

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives CHAPTER VI

THE PEOPLE

That opening night in 1902 at the Kerredge Theater in

Hancock saw an interesting mixture of people: Bostonians,

Swedes, Germans, English, Finns, and Italians, among others.

What had brought these diverse groups together? The greatest

single force was the employment opportunity of the copper mines. Since most of the financial backing of the larger mines came from the East, primarily Boston, at the onset of mining, management ranks were filled by Bostonians and other

Easterners.^" The skilled and unskilled roles were at first recruited in the area, or the adjoining iron range of the

Upper Peninsula. Given the fact the population of the entire

Peninsula in 1887 was less than 1,500, this was not an abun­ dant source of labor. Once copper mining began it had to

turn to other sources. Thus, the population growth of the region was tied directly to this, the only, industrial base,

copper mining.

General Census of Upper Peninsula 1840-1910 (showing growth rate)

1840 - 1,359 1880 - 85,085 1850 - 5,745 1890 - 175,226 1860 - 18,085 1900 - 252,372 1870 - 43,700 1910 - 325,628

48 49

In 1870 mining was not just a quarry operation anymore;

it was becoming a complex process needing large quantities of skilled and unskilled labor. The greatest reasons for

this change were the new deposits of amygdaloid and con­ glomerate ore that were now being mined and processed. Be­ cause of this the companies began aggressive recruiting drives, centered in European countries, where skilled miners could be found. Wales and Cornwall, because of a depressed economy, proved a fertile recruiting area. Whether because of company recruiting, word of mouth, or a depressed economy, there was a great wave of immigration from Wales and Cornwall starting in 1870 and lasting through 1889, but falling to zero after

1890. Not only were these men skilled miners, but they also spoke and in many cases read English; these two facts were of enormous importance to the mine management. These workers were placed in lower management positions, where they used their skills in mining to direct operations and almost as importantly, to communicate with the top management.

The years of 1880 through 1890 also saw an explosion in the need for common labor. Mining was becoming even more labor intensive, and activity was increasing at a rapid pace, and for production to rise, more labor was needed. The Calu­ met and Hecla alone in 1871 was producing 16,222,590 pounds of copper and in 1890 that production rose to 60,495,639 pounds annually. This need for labor and the natural influx of immigrants from Europe coincided. 50

Immigrants to U.S.A.

03 rt 30 > •ri U < u § 20 00

«*-» o 10

4 J ue u (U * 0 1865 1870 1875 1880 1885

The need for common labor can be seen in other patterns of immigration to the Upper Peninsula. There was a great migration of Canadians and Newfoundlanders, some 27,003 be­ fore 1890 and zero after 1890. The Welsh immigrated in large numbers from 1870-1889 and fell to zero thereafter.

Where the Germans and Irish immigration was more or less consistent before and after 1890, as was the Scottish, the

English, the Italian; but the Finnish immigration did not begin until after 1889. The need for huge amounts of common and semi-skilled labor was in part filled by a great influx of Scandinavians. In 1900 their numbers made up 167» of the entire population of Calumet Township (the township in

Houghton County on the Keweenaw Peninsula where the Calumet and Hecla Mine Company was located). 51

Immigrants to the Upper Peninsula

1870 1880 1890 1900 1910

British America 6,766 15,466 0 0 0

English Wales 4,468 7,291 0 0 0

Germany 3,292 3,638 7,626 7,302 6,884

Ireland 5,775 5,808 5,484 4,099 2,681

Norway & Sweden 1,564 5,728 0 0 0

Scotland 470 672 1,216 1,196 914

Finland 0 0 0 18,103 29,619

Canada 6c Newfoundland 0 0 27,003 0 0

England 0 0 11,396 10,699 10,705

Italy 0 0 2,386 4,589 8,278

Sweden 0 0 14,289 15,121 14,191

The Cornish were known for their experience in the tin and copper mines of their homeland. They came in large num­ bers during the economic decline in Cornwall; bringing many of their native ideas on mining and, most importantly, the role of the company toward the workers. The system of dual 3 wages was one of these ideas. Under this system, a man working directly in ore production was paid a share of the value produced; when he was doing associated work, and not mining directly, he received contract payments. Also the

Cornish custom of medical care financed by employers was adopted by most major mines. Their method of small team mining, sometimes made up entirely of family members worked well in the mines of Cornwall and Keweenaw. These gangs in

the Keweenaw were made up of homogenous ethnic groups. This 52

kind of mining not only aided the company in production but

also helped the newly arrived immigrants. This ethnic

familiarity made it possible for the immigrant to feel at

"home." And this familiarity would reinforce his drive toward

retaining the customs and language of his homeland. There

were movements by some to "Americanize." But the majority

of the groups chose to "Americanize" in their own way. This

way involved a large percentage of socialism and cooperative 4 ventures.

Some evidence of the ethnic work role can be seen in the

log of a doctor on April 3, 1902. The injuries and sickness

associated with mine work, such as hand and arm injuries,

shoulder injuries, and upper respiratory problems, were suffered mostly by people with ethnic surnames: Sylvestre, Netella,

Kanasaasi, and even a Mike Finn. Compare this to a list of

shareholders in the Aitena Mine. The surnames are all anglo:

Grant, Carson, Dillard, Reed. This is some indication of the

different roles played by these groups in the economic life

of the community as well as the work force. This is also not

atypical at the national level.

Ethnic Population in 1900 in Calumet Township

Finns 7,241 English & Welsh 3,955 French-Canadians 3,144 English-Canadians 2,483 Austrians 2,066 Italians 1,894 Germans 1,878 Swedes 1,594 Irish 1,182 Norwegians 1,140 Poles 526 Scotch 391 et al. approx. 374 53

These newly arrived workers’ languages and customs were

European, along with their prejudices. This latter human

fault was put to use by the companies. Separately the workers

had little power, and this separation intensified the existing

national and cultural differences, making this separation

even more acceptable. This policy also aided the company

and management in controling a large work force.

The workers were assigned according to the preordained

ethnic roles. The companies devised almost a caste system for

the immigrants: the Cornish were mine captains; the Irish,

because of their lack of skills, were destined to do much of

the underground and surface work in the company mills, rail­

roads or as teamsters and liverymen. The French-Canadians were, for the most part, experienced woodsmen. Timber was needed for mine shafts and fuel, and much of this work was to 5 be done by this experienced group. Some ethnic groups moved from mine work into the community's support businesses

and professions within one generation. This mobility was

aided in part by the philosophy of the mine companies toward

company stores. The Calumet and Hecla, being the largest

and most influencial, led the way in establishing a policy of no company stores. This could be directly attributed to

the mine's president, Alexander Agassiz's thoughts on the

abusive policies of some eastern corporations' company stores.

This evil never plagued the Copper Country. So a void was

created in this important area of commerce that some immigrants

soon filled. But the vast majority of foreign born were

locked into this caste system of non-employment mobility that 54 lasted, at least, a few generations. The companies were interested in production and profit; Agassiz felt profits were uppermost, and with them he would foster his policies and beliefs. This system of ethnic mine teams and above ground work was effective in the mines. It also had the ad­ ded benefit of aiding the companies in their battle against collectivism, by separating the workers.

This battle was not unique to the Keweenaw. The country was undergoing a change, one in which labor and collectivism was playing an important role. The urban leadership in

America in the eighties saw the immigrant and new urban popu­ lation as alien. Its demands were the "great uprising of labor.The brief epidemic of local labor political parties in 1886 and 1887 was to many a political revolution. This feeling was expressed by the patrician economist Francis

Amasa Walker, who had welcomed the immigrants early. He first questioned their economic value and soon their social effect. By the nineties he proposed major restrictions on immigration.^ This expression of thought was not entirely accepted in the Keweenaw Peninsula. The companies, of course, saw any union activity as sedition to the American way. The larger picture of immigration was somewhat different. Econ­ omically the region was new, and needed labor.

The size of the ethnic population, as one expected, was in direct relationship to its influence on the peninsula. The greatest percentage of immigrants in 1901 were Finnish.

Their numbers were approximately 159,937 in the entire Upper 55

Peninsula and 7,241 in Calumet Township. This figure con­ tinued to increase as the mines prospered. This was not the case with the Germans, Irish, Scottish, or most of the other ethnic groups. The Finnish importance can be seen in a measure also of their literacy. In 1903 there were eight foreign-language newspapers in Calumet, and five were in

Finnish. The largest ethnic paper was the Paivalehti with a Q circulation of 7,410. This ethnic population had a strong tool to use in their organization, the newspaper, but un­ fortunately, this power was not used in the political arena.

In the country as a whole, especially the East, by the early eighties the "immigrant vote" was becoming a political g force that was affecting the outcome of elections. Irish

Catholics elected one of their own as mayor in Scranton in

1878, and this story became common in other large urban centers. The Germans had John Peter Altgeld in Chicago, who became a major political figure, and as Governor of Illinois in 1886, pardoned the German anarchists convicted in the

Haymarket bombings.^ Ethnic groups across the nation were gaining ground. The political effect of the "immigrant vote" on the Keweenaw Peninsula was slight if not zero. Some of the reasons may have been that the anglo population was in the majority, 56%, the strong economic hold of the mining company, especially the Calumet and Hecla, and the "friendly" election judges (friendly to the companies). The most important reason may have been that the companies actively encouraged their upper management personnel to enter area politics, and through this involvement much of the political

power was concentrated in company hands. This involvement made the companies, and particularly the Calumet and Hecla

Mining Company, a potent political force and cancelled out

any effect of the immigrant vote. So the avenue of politics was closed to the newcomers. They turned to other avenues,

if not power and mobility, at least companionship. One of

these was the social and ethnic club and hall. They were originally established by immigrants as almost "halfway houses". At first they were "homes" much as Jane Addams

settlement houses; but they soon became bridges to the larger society. These clubs would have a dramatic role to play in shaping the community of the Keweenaw Peninsula, 57

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives CHAPTER VII

THE ETHNIC HALLS

There were a variety of reasons for the birth and growth of social and ethnic halls on the Keweenaw Peninsula. In many cases they provided insurance, death benefits, and en­ tertainment. Some also acted as centers of security for the newcomers, places where the familiar language and customs of the homeland were perpetuated. Many of these halls and societies were the outgrowths of peculiar times in America.

America of the late 1800's was undergoing an important and fundamental change, a transference of the population from small to large urban centers. The early small centers were based on the ideal of sovereignty and independence. The economy of these centers was simple and self-reliant, for the most part. But the transfer of the population from these small centers to the larger urban complexes, would dissolve many of the early ideals and places.*

This population shift emerged because of two inter­ woven events: the transportation and industrial revolutions.

The first of these two great events was the transportation revolution. It saw a nation of small "islands" become con­ nected with links of canals, roads and rails. These con­ nections allowed a quicker exchange of goods and services.

58 59

These new "quick" exchanges set the stage for the second and best known event, the Industrial revolution. The labor force for the "revolution" first came from the farms and villages of New England, but as it spread and grew, this early labor pool was not enough. What proved to be its main supply of labor were the thousands of European immigrants that flooded the nation.

The bridge between the owners of the tools of production and the new labor force of this age was the "new" middle class, but this class was only an illusion in the beginning.

Small businesses appeared and disappeared, and the profes­ sional class was nothing more than a bag of bills or a few books. The urban clerks, salespeople, and secretaries drifted with no real attachment other than to a set of clean hands and clothes, and the dream of rising in the world. But the worker's lot was worse; he was employed at low wages in good times and cast out at a moment's notice in hard times.

Each human portion of the industrial complex lived in fear of the competition of the other, and lived in separate worlds 2 in the new urban centers of America.

The United States of the late nineteenth century was destroying the very inhibitions that had restrained men from the consequences of their decisions. When their decisions were not made upon people in their own community, as in the

"old days," but on invisible, distant, nameless people, where the markets, or factories, were located, the moral barriers were gone. Without legal regulations businesses exploited their own workers and customers. 60

The new class of labor was becoming a political force and demanding justice. The politicians did not ignore these pressures. Grover Cleveland delivered a Presidential mes­ sage on labor in 1836. Rutherford B. Hayes, warned, "Free government cannot long endure if property is largely in a few hands and large masses of people are unable to earn homes, 3 education, and a support in old age."

The nation in general was undergoing an "enlightenment."

This was taking many forms; one of which was a purity and unity movement, expressed through social and sports clubs, and another was a Temperance Movement. This later movement en­ joyed the blessing of traditional Protestant respectability.

It was quickly adopted by many groups and interests, not the least of which was the population of the Keweenaw Peninsula.

Midstream America was a society in transition, the

Keweenaw was not. The region had little economic past, so its future was charted on a clean sheet. The massive copper industrial boom would draw its course from one man and one large company. He impressed his philosophy on this virgin territory. The immigrants, instead of being a threat to the established population, were welcomed as badly needed labor and bodies for this remote area. There were conflicts when the diverse cultures collided, but they were not intensified by the pressures of an unserviced and overcrowded urban setting. The groups that immigrated were able to assimilate in their own way, although at an accelerated pace.

The first Finnish immigrants were drawn together through the many saloons and early boardinghouses of the 61 region. In the early development of the mines the companies, primarily the Calumet and Hecla mining company, did not pro­ vide worker's houses. These early immigrants came by them­

selves to a strange land and sought the companionship of others. In the words of Solomon Ilmonen, a conservative

Finnish clergyman, "The saloon was the general meeting place, here acquaintances met one another, evenings and free days were spent.Private and public business was transacted in those meeting places. Here the Finnish immigrants found mutual bonds of cultural and social solidarity. The board­ inghouse was a place where the unmarried immigrant found many of the normal family values he left behind and also a bridge to the new land. These two avenues were soon, however, replaced by the ethnic society and its social hall that were built as the region gained a greater degree of stability.

Besides the Temperance Movement, another important con­ sideration in the development of the Finnish societies and halls was an outgrowth of the early history of that country.

To understand this, one must understand a little of that history.

Finland became a nation in 1919, but it had a stormy birth. Sweden ruled the land for five hundred years. After the Napoleonic wars Russia gained control of the territory.

During this early rule Sweden granted a limited amount of autonomy, but this was only a token. But more important, this "token" was in the hands of the upper stratum of Finland, the Swedes; their language and power was a strong force even later under the rule of the Czar. This Swedish element of 62

the population would be totally separated by social position

and language from the majority.^

Later, under Russian rule, the country fared somewhat better. At this time the Lutheran Church was given official

status. It was made a Grand Duchy, and a Finnish Diet (Con­ gress) was established. But political power was controlled by Russia and an elite fraction of the population. The National

Diet was elected by four factions, the nobility, the clergy, the landowners, and the bourgeoisie. Each group would be entitled to 25 percent of the seats. The nobility in 1890 was composed of .12 percent of the population, the clergy

.26 percent, the bourgeoisie 3.1 percent, and the landed peasants 26.1 percent. This left 70 percent of the population without any voice in the government. When in 1898 Czar

Nicholas II was crowned Czar of all Russia, this somewhat liberal, if not democratic, autonomy came to a quick end.

General Nikolai Bobrikov was appointed Governor General, and a policy of Russification forced on the land. The new middle class of the industrial revolution met this with fierce opposition. Promises on both sides were not kept, and strikes broke out throughout the land. Finally martial law brought a sort of peace to the area.

Even though the strikes were carried out by the growing urban proletariat, they had the encouragement of the new middle and older upper class. These classes turned liberalism into a drive for autonomy.

This drive for a national independence was aided by the 63 literacy of the Finnish population. In 1863 the Russian

Czar placed the Finnish language on the same legal footing as Swedish. Most importantly he encouraged the teaching of reading and writing of Finnish. So when the doctrines of nationalism came later, there was a population able to read.

Interestingly, the Finnish labor movement grew out of this nationalism and not a class struggle.® So almost from the beginning the workers and the other classes were united in a drive towards a national identity.

At this time in Finnish history a factory owner, Victor

Julius Wright, was commissioned by the government to visit

Germany and other European countries to investigate a move­ ment of worker's clubs. The motivation may have been to

"control" the workers, but what ever the original idea, these clubs began to spring up throughout the land. They were known as "Wright Associations." These associations' member­ ship was opened to all, workers and bosses. They sponsored cultural events, organized mutual aid programs, and endorsed reforms in the work place. By the middle eighteen nineties they began to drift from the original idea towards more socialistic goals. They began to stage plays invoking the social injustices of the "ruling" class.

The final injustice was compulsory military service in the Czar's army; this was enacted in 1902, and sixty percent of the conscripts failed to heed the call!

The cities were overcrowded; the economy was weakened by strikes and mismanagement; and the spector of conscrip­ 64

tion hung over the land. These were the times and land the

immigrants fled.

Many of the immigrants to the United States brought

socialism and nationalism with them. The effects of their

actions in the East had repercussions even in the copper

country of the Keweenaw Peninsula. One such apostle of

socialism was Dr. A. F. Tanner. Because of his socialistic

beliefs, he was forced to flee Finland and landed in Cape

Ann, Massachusetts.^ There he organized the first Finnish

socialist club, Myrsky (The Storm). The members did indeed

set off a storm; the sound even heard in Calumet.

Bishop Eloheimo of Calumet warned his flock that this

new heretical movement must be uprooted at once, and church O doors closed to this devil's apostle and all his followers.

Despite church opposition, socialism played an important part

in the story of the Finnish assimilation into America, al­

though its impact was diluted by the stronger Temperance

Movement in Houghton County in the 1880s and 1890s. As of

1911, nationwide the Finnish socialistic movement had 217

local societies, a membership of 13,667 (in the 189 societies

reporting), held 2.160 meetings with entertainment, and had

3,290 evenings which were devoted to theater presentations

and socials. The movement had an auxiliary network of 107

drama societies, 23 choirs, 28 orchestras, 91 sewing circles

and 53 athletic clubs, and real estate consisting of 76

halls and valued at $318,975.11,^ Nationwide by the early

1900s, the socialistic movement was directed toward gaining

control of the Temperance Movement. And in some areas it 65 did. In the Rocky Mountain states in 1907, there were some fifty temperance clubs that were totally absorbed by the socialists.^ On the Keweenaw Peninsula the pressure from the Lutheran church and the area's isolation proved too much for the socialists.

The socialists had some minor success in the copper and iron ranges between 1902 and 1905, but these societies only shared the halls of the Temperance Movement. Even in the adopted home of A. F. Tanner in Ely, Minnesota, the movements membership was only 34. What success the socialists had was in the iron ranges of Michigan, not the copper ranges. ^

In 1885 the copper county organized the first of the

Finnish Temperance societies: Polyan Tahti (North Star)

Temperance Society, and the Hyva Toivo (Good Hope). These temperance societies at first had a working relationship with the Lutheran Church (the state church of Finland). The

Church, of course, backed the abstention from hard drink.

More importantly to the future of the separation of the societies and the Temperance Movement, the Church banned social activities and festivities on Sunday and dancing any­ time.

By 1890 the Hyva Toivo society in Calumet had built a hall, and a convention was called that convened there. Early in 1888 in Hancock the organization, the Finnish American

National Temperance Brotherhood, had been established through a break with the earlier founded Scandinavian Temperance

Society. Now the members who wanted some of the restric­ tions on dancing and events on Sunday voted in Calumet to 66

form a splinter group, the Finnish Friends of Temperance

Society. With the early restrictions on the social activities

lifted the New Society began to vary from the aims of pure 12 temperance work to the aims of cultural and mutual aid.

This combined temperance and cultural philosophy

flourished in the copper range. Practically in every community a "Finn Hall" was constructed. These halls and their so­

cieties grew rapidly, as indicated by a statement from the

News of Red Jacket of March 8 , 1899. "Owing to the wonder­ ful increase of the membership of the Finnish Hyva Toivo

Temperance Society, an addition of thirty feet is being con- strueted to their hall on Fourth Street."

At the onset of a society's history, it rented either an ethnic or privately owned hall for their meetings and/or entertainment. The Hyva Toivo society at first rented Olson

(Olsen) Hall in Calumet, a privately owned hall. As the

societies built their own halls, they in turn rented these halls out to other newer or smaller societies. The Suomi

Hall in Calumet was shared in this way by the Swedish Bene- volvent Society. Most of the halls saw diverse ethnic groups using the facilities.

The entire ethnic society movement was now beginning

to drift further and further from the "pure temperance" ideal. Entertainment became increasingly important by the

turn of the century. An example of this can be seen in a playbill from Miller's Hall in which a combination of live

statuary, song, live paintings, and band numbers spelled an

evening of lively entertainment. A parent's meeting of Elo 67

School shows a combination of entertainment and education,

but with an ethnic flavor.

Both programs show some of the needs and desires of the

ethnic community: entertainment, ties with the homeland, and

practical education. These needs and desires were shared by

all the ethnic groups. In 1900 there would be some twenty- nine social halls in the copper country. The entertainment and

events offered in these halls is interesting and diverse.

The societies tended to restrict membership to their

own ethnic group as this statement from an editorial of

the Copper Country Evening News of 1898 shows "...in their membership none but people of their own nationality.” This may have been true of their membership policy, but in the audiences of their entertainment this was far from the norm.

Some examples of this "mixed audience” can be seen at Wilmer's

Hall in Calumet, the German Aid Society held its 25th An­ niversary dance on February 3, 1896. The band that played

for this dance was made up of other ethnic groups as well as

Anglos. At Hartmann's Hall (predominantly German) on Febru­

ary 10, 1896, a Professor Johnson held a dance for his school of music, again the student body drawing from all the ethnic

and anglo groups. On February 15, 1896, at the St. Patrick's

Hall (Irish), the Quincy Band held its annual dance, again

the Quincy band was a mixture of ethnic and Anglo, and in

January of 1900, the Hall hosted the Portage Camp No. 2596

Modern Woodmen of America Second Annual Ball. The Germania

Hall in Hancock held the dinner and program for the opening 68

TABLEAUX - A N D - i Musical Entertainment At MILLER’S HALL Wednesday Evening, Aug. IS ' For the Benefit of Triuity Church, Houghton.

~ S’StocB.A.wtatre. ! X. J. QUARTETTK. . . . H„nter> Cull 2. 8TATIJARY— Jo a n d’A rc. Prodigal* Keturn. Veiled V rural. 3. SOLO— Vocal, - ■ • Robin ii Come j ; A. TABLEAU, ..... A n G allery | ! 6 A R TIST— Picture*— j “ Josephine,” I “ Sunshine,” | ‘ Maid of Athene,” j '• Magdaline.” 6. DUETTK— Piano, .... Trovatore I 7. TA BLEA U , Rebecca and Kowena j 8. DUET, Violin and Piauo ! j 9. PANTOM IM E, Wilkin* and hi* Dinah

j ------i 1. D U E T -V ocal. I 2. TABLEAU—Brigand.— 1. Ilrignud’r Haunt. 2. Approach of Proy. 8 BOLO— Vocal, Who’s at My Window 4. TABLEAU— Evening Hymn of Huguenot*, with QuarteUe 6. DUET—Piano. Gallon Brilliant 6 SHADOW S

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 69 PARENTS’ MEETING AT THE; Otter Lake Agricultural School Saturday Evening, November 25 A.T 8:00 O ’CL O C K

PROGRAM Song—Thanksgiving Joys______EIo School Children Demonstration—Cold Pack Process of Canning ______Miss Mollie Lang and Class Piano Solo ______.______:_ Alma Kurtti Diversified Farming______Paul Muehrcke Drill—Pumpkins on Parade ______J______Second and Third Grades Finnish Talk—Naisten Asema Yhteiskunnassa.______Miss Fannie Skytta Talk—Cattle Raising J. A. Doelle Trombone Solo ------— ...... Henry Kurtti Talk in F in n ish Sanfrid Mustonen, Calumet Song—W e Thank Thee Girls’ Glee Club PROGRAM IN CHARGE OF MILO J. SLAGG, PRINCIPAL

All the school wagons will run on that evening for the accommodation of patrons. T he following is the schedule: Mr. Wuori will leave home 5:45 P. M. and will leave the-Elo school at 6:15. Mr. Huovinen will leave home at 7:00 P. M. and will leave Savela'a corner at 7:30. Mr. Kyllonen will leave home at 7:00 P. M. and will leave Murtoniemi's corner at 7:20.

A ll Are W elcom e

T H E MINING <*3SfS»> GAZETTE CO.

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 70

Loke Here I ’C

A CREATE CONCERTE I To be attended at y« ' ^ ' Germania "pubiieke Hall, r r - In y* Village of Hancock, on; • • • . * • r • . -1 V ^- Y> ath J 10th dayts o fy Fourth Month, N. S., in y y e n of our Lord

* ■ ' ’ 1078. * - V . ; *

# Y* mo,,c.v for tbii entsrtsj nmenl is for j* benefit of Psrfon Stiles* *' C oofrryational Meeting Eloufe. Y* cctrsoce mite fhall be four fhillingt of r* poftal scryp (or of y• new fili-tr money.) Y * rv(«rveri fyttinjrt will not be folrto. and r* who first do come will find t* best places. Y * Dcre will bo found open *t 7 of y* clocks, but j ° cudem so, Z tdsd Blowfirftc, will not bite y* tuning fork until 8 of y* clocks.

f /^ T /C IJT 7 P 17 f A LYSTU of X* goodht BjuiDessod. , • J 1 -W JFk, I - i l IL IXJC* 1 H m . lykeuife World IjsBoqj^.cs* \ . ’*> u rs orw tvm ftoce Anno Itomlol 1TM, s&4 «* wlllwbe*foVftiT*nb)o''* * ' Orrste Concerts,'will bs found-on. k ^ b m s psgt; lykeetfsjpe ssm rsoly* ^ tmu fio|n» who dejt«| i t j * G rw t* ConporU.. -•* • '■ s * , V Loke \

sed will coft **eh r tu r feu*. fbUHsc*. f

This playbill and the one that follows are from the same hall and only one year apart. The above playbill seems to be appealing to a narrow segment of the population, while the following bill seems to be appealing to a wider audience.

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 71

GERMANIA HALL § a r HANCOCK, " s a

TM1BSUA1 IVMING, %IT 2JTS, III IXlltL BY REQUEST! illllLi IBS*’

An entire Change of Programme, from the I

3P j=BOQ-IB A.2UCUIE3 : • ( P A R T FIRST. I, TERZETTO—From “Lncretin Bor^i*." tkixnrrn -L et not * word ere*}* thy li|w." M m S arg ent , M b. Totten Attn M r . Ri i»'ti'x»r.». S. PIA N O SOLO— ( « Serenade. - - - MinEit..»sE. ( b Norwfirixn TVrtlditijj Pfwes-ioit. * Gxru* M r. Lu.no Sciierkk, B. CATA TrXA -frorn “The M u rtm .'’ •Win- toil tlie-eT u ir." I l m t r m hi IM J EXNIE SaRO.NT, i. VIOLIN SOLO—Fnntn-dR livm "Otlnd!.'.” E rxrt MADA.Mi; ILVMILI.A.I'iKO. 3. IH 'O —Tilt ereat dittl rt- ht, town "I.nri» ■li LntnwmjiT." llotnEETn Mu. VT. I'. Tout:: txi. M r. .1. F. liinm >.,er.x. |TUlSM.ATI"X.j EJwntx, A'liion I ’ .M. The early dawn of day la thyb* ii» ' Atkl'tH. 1. (M eahali light the#* £4. B ere Id m r Ua*#lliitr> IHn*»t tlrm El Whene? ia>! *o#k iHr'miintlt*!* There whvrr In thM rf|*»a lla»#n« A*h. - I am her* tbvdoniii womr* rare, £ 4 . Whv xulne* * jt! £4. fitd m l! Vm. Til «*m#. W tur*. AA. Thl« '♦a >*• wmux abaii Im» rvnultrU. A**, Tl«*r* I th r r niy tkshrf-* E't. PI#, tiwtit beneath W) Mow*. grave, then* have I «w<*m to AA. At #arlv itawa then. »nii*r th ^ . At #*rl> tkmn »h#ti. AA,g*. Thou* r AA.t\*. Th>l»? fK*^ Bo th —Ah' Oil. .«un. wlw-h tiwuiurrnw in i ■rr'ai'^nrlnc. A v»U (Uni ami jury tliy !*•-# »honVt I* vrnrtu*, In iLirku#** to >Sir»M up a rtf t-t «-utnh*r wafinis. T w ist f#IHutwi*l-*ntle-' :i Matitl Inry ra fii.r Oh. Sua«»trr—

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 72 of Suomi College (Finnish) on January 17, 1896. The program of St. Patrick's Hall concert on February 3, 1900, shows a mixture of ethnic groups and surnames: Quincy band, Annetta

LaVigne, Carrigan, Pauli, Beaham, Sellers, and a C&H doctor,

J. E. Sealton. The B. S. hosted the Austrian

Singing Society on February 8, 1896. The meeting of Seneca

Camp No. 1247 was held in the Union Block Hall on January 3,

1896. The Republican Convention was in Pieiffer's Hall in

Houghton on April 9, 1896. At Kahter Hall in Lake Linden, a town meeting was held in January of 1900. Again, in the

Finn Hall (Hyva Toivo) in Calumet in 1896, a village caucus was held as in Lanctot's Hall in Laurium in 1896, again in

Hancock at the Germania Hall, a town caucus in 1901, and a meeting of the Michigan Liquor Dealer Association in 1896.

In May of 1896 at St. Patrick's Hall in Hancock, the

Hancock High School's junior Class held a play. At Olsen

(Olson's) Hall in Calumet, the cast of "Billee Taylor" held a meeting ("Billee Taylor" played at the Calumet Old Opera

House) in 1896. And again in Calumet, they met in the B.

S. Italian Hall in 1896. At that hall in 1900, the most unlikely Italian play, "Uncle Tom's Cabin," was presented.

Apparently ethnic groups intermixed a great deal. This may have been an economic necessity in many cases, but it could have not been true in every case. A noted example would be the dinner and program for the opening of Suomi

College (first Finnish college in United States) that was held in the Germania Hall. By 1896 there were a number of 73

Finnish halls that could have hosted the dinner. Also the number of town caucuses that were held in ethnic halls ex­ ceeded the need. These examples, plus others noted earlier, indicate a pattern of intentional intermingling. Another factor that would aid in the breakdown of ethnic segregation was the number of national and regional touring companies that would play in these halls, their appearance would draw a cross section, not just one element, of the society. Perhaps an example of this would be "Uncle Tom’s Cabin" playing at the

Italian Hall in 1900. Some other examples in Calumet were

Wilmer's Hall hosting the William Linden Family from Chicago in 1901, and in Laurium, the Chicago Ladies Orchestra playing at the Monroe Hall in 1900. The Frank Tucker Theater Co. and the J. B. Browne Theater Co. performed in St. Patrick’s

Hall at Hancock in 1896. Frank E. Long and Co. gave a bene­ fit for St. Mary's Hospital in 1900 at that same hall. Frank

E. Long and Co. also played in the Italian Hall of Calumet in 1900. And Walter Walker, assisted by Miss M. St. Pierre, gave a play "The Nominee" at that same hall in 1900. Whether intentional or not, these mixed performances and events would aid in dissolving the cultural segregation that the work place fostered through its policies. 74

Mil CHAPTER VIII

THE THEATERS

The theaters and opera houses of the copper range saw

many of the famous and the obscure. Perhaps the most popu­

lar personage who appeared in the county was the "divine"

Sarah.

The "divine" Sarah was, of course, Sarah Bernhardt.

She was 65 when she first appeared in the copper country.^

The story of her stay on the copper range gives an insight

into other famous actors, actresses, and companies, and where

and what they played, and how they entertained themselves

in that remote country.

Sarah Bernhardt played the Calumet and Kerredge in May 2 1911. She arrived with her company on a special train;

she first appeared on May 30 at the Calumet theater in

"Camille." The next evening she played the Kerredge in

Hancock in "L’Aiglon." Her appearance at the Calumet theater was with her original Paris Company in the original French.

As to her age and her performance in "Camille,"

In this great love play, there were many amorous pleading scenes into which even genius might fear to jump if unaccompanied by the graces of youth. A touch of the ridiculous here would have more than destroyed the illusion of the evening. All of these fears were unnecessary, however, so vital was the spirit of this woman, so possessed with the undying enthusiasm of youth, so tender her charm, so

75 76

wistful her grace, that never for a moment did the lovemaking of an Armand, who was younger than most Armands, seem ridiculous or out of place.’

The show was a great success and at a price that most

of the population could afford, if only barely, three dollars

for the parquet, two dollars for the balcony, and one dollar

for the gallery. Even box seats were affordable, three

dollars.^

What was the Calumet theater in which Ms. Bernhardt performed like in 1911? The first sight the patrons saw was

the outside electric lighted sign that spelled in 160 lights

"Calumet Theater." Once inside they entered the main foyer that led to the parquet circle, the main floor of the theater, between the musicians' space and the rear division. On either side of this main entrance were marble stairways leading

to the family circle (balcony) and the gallery.

The chairs were upholstered in green Waldorf tapestry and the floor covered in green velvet Brussels carpet. The general color scheme was crimson, gold, and ivory. The relief work on the grills of the boxes and contour of the balcony, gallery, and the proscenium arch were in the style of Louis XIV. The portieres, valances, and draperies were in empire green. The contract for this interior decoration had been awarded to William Eckert of Chicago at a sum of

$2,680.00. To the early patrons his work seemed well worth the cost.

The grand proscenium arch rivaled the Kerredge's. It was decorated with paintings of the five arts: music, drama, ,The Calumet Opera House in Calumet shortly after its con­ struction (note the steeple--it would disappear in other photos).

Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 78

poetry, sculpture, and painting. The theater contained

1,441 incandescent lights, 275 of which were on this arch,

and 100 of these on the pride and joy of the theater, a

brilliantly lighted copper chandelier.

What the audience saw of the stage and the public areas

was only a small portion of the theater. The area set aside

for the actors and actresses was as grand as the public

part. The dressing rooms and the latest conveniences; elec­

tric lights, steam heat, and lavatories. There was also a

trap-door on the stage floor with an elevator that produced

many of the "miracles" on stage. There was ample space for

touring companies' sets and the Calumet's own elaborate

stage scenery. This scenery was designed, built and painted

by Howard Tuttle of Milwaukee for the sum of three thousand

dollars.**

How do all of these statistics and figures compare to a theater built in 1982, some eighty-two years after the

Calumet; for instance, the new Wharton Center for the Per­ forming Arts at Michigan State University.

Great Hall is a masterpiece of stage architecture - the stage is immediate, there are no distant or bad seats. What most theaters of this size do with depth, Great Hall does with width, to a visual and acoustic advantage... The six great columnar arches that support the hall act as expanding proscenia...7

"The new theater in its entirety was something exception­ ally elaborate for this section of the country. Previous to the first night, the auditorium had been repeatedly viewed by many people from many different angles and under various circumstances, but with the blaze of hundreds of electric lights and the animated effect produced by the gaiety in the audience, the scene was altogether one that was long to be remembered."” 79

These two statements could almost be interchangable. The

underlying feeling seems to be the same, now what of the

facts and figures? The Wharton Center has a seating capacity

of 3,100 (Great Hall 2,500, HcGoff Festival State 600 seats).

The Calumet's seating was 1,100; the Lyric was 1,300; and

the Kerredge was 2,065. The three combined seating capacity

was 4,465 (in a population area of 60,000). The stage of

the Wharton Center's Great Hall is indeed impressive. It is

one hundred and twenty feet wide, and fifty-six feet deep,

the grid height (ceiling to floor backstage) seventy-six

feet, the proscenium's dimensions are thirty feet tall,

sixty feet wide. The Keweenaw's theaters also were impres­

sive. The Calumet's grand proscenium arch was decorated with paintings of the arts, and contained two hundred and seventy- five incandescent lights. The Kerredges stage was forty feet q deep, sixty-six feet high and seventy feet wide. The cost of the Wharton Center with inflation would equal the cost of the Calumet theater. The Wharton Center cost twenty one million dollars, the Calumet theater some sixty thousand dollars.

The new Wharton Center is impressive, but the theaters of the Keweenaw Peninsula were equally impressive; given the population of each area, perhaps the Peninsula's theaters were a greater achievement. At least Sarah was impressed not only with the theaters but with the area.

Before she left the Keweenaw she was invited to venture where only a few women had gone! John L. Harris, then super­ intendent of the Quincy mine, located between Calumet and 80

Houghton, with the prodding of theater manager John D. Cuddihy,

invited her to descend into shaft number 2 of the Quincy

mine. So one early afternoon, she arrived at the mine with

John D. Cuddihy, Dr. Marote, her physician, Mr. Tellegram,

an actor, Madame Ceylor, her traveling companion, E. J. Sul­

livan, manager of her American tour, John L. Harris, the

Superintendent, and of course a photographer, Roy Heber. They

descended in the big Kimberly Skip to the thirteenth level.

There they boarded an especially upholstered electric car

for the remaining portion of the visit.^

One marvels at the bravery or stupidity of E. J. Sullivan,

her manager. But the trip to the thirteenth level proved

uneventful, and Sarah's and E. J.'s next appearance was in

Milwaukee.

The Calumet opera house (theater) was not the first the

township erected. The town of Calumet's first theater was

the Red Jacket Opera House. This theater was located on the

second floor of the old town hall. It opened in April of

1887 with Otis Bowers and the Beach and Bowers Minstrels,

but within thirteen years they played at the "New" Calumet

Opera House. The population of the county grew rapidly and

facilities such as the Red Jacket Opera House, or St. Patricks

Hall in Hancock were soon replaced by the three primary

theaters of the county; the Calumet in 1900, the Lyric of

Laurium in 1901, and the Kerredge in Hancock in 1902.

The theaters of the peninsula were built for a variety

of reasons and financed from many sources. Some were modest,

such as the Peoples Theater in Laurium, a one room wooden 81

Red Jacket Town Hall and Opera House Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 82

frame structure, or a combination of theater and saloon such

as the Lake Linden Opera House, Some of the theaters are

indeed on the grand scale, such as the three mentioned

earlier, the Calumet, Kerredge, and Lyric. These three were

financed in two separate ways. The Kerredge was built to

make a profit, while the Lyric and Calumet were public pro­

jects -- it should be noted that after the Calumet Theater was begun, the town of Laurium, only a few miles from Calumet,

out of town pride felt it must also build a new theater. Both were built to fulfill town and theatrical needs, but there were some marked differences in philosophy of construction

between the two. This may have been from the architect's

skill or beliefs, as much as from town needs. The Calumet

theater seems to break new architectural ground in locating

the theater and town hall, for all effects, in two buildings

joined together to share utilities and maintenance. This

separation is not the mode of the Lyric Opera House and Fire

Department. It contained three floors, the first housing a

fire department, the second and third floors containing ticket

offices, dressing rooms, and the theater itself. Both of

these theaters had large seating capacities, the Lyric 1300

and the Calumet 1100. The architectural style of the opera

house on the second floor derived from an earlier time and may have been one of the reasons the Lyric failed to gain the

same degree of success as the Calumet Theater.

The cost of the Calumet Theater and the town hall was

large for 1900. The theater cost, including fixtures, 83

HENRY E. DUQUETTE, PROMtlBTOR Lake Linden Opera House AMI SALOON. N. w. cor. Conor m Frooi su , LAKE LINDEN, .MICH.

1 From Polk County Directory 1899-1900 Lake Linden Opera House Lake Linden Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 85

TOWN HALL THEATER

Calumet Theater in Calumet, Michigan, note the town hall and theater are on the same level. 86

$65,119.19 and the town hall $23,150.60. This was financed through the sale of town bonds at 4 1/2% interest. The town paid out $1,818.56 in interest from 1900 to 1901. The city did receive revenue from the theater in the form of rent; in the year of 1900 the rents amounted to $1,396.05. But the expenses for 1900 exceeded the revenues.

Expenses for Theater 1900

Fire insurance 609.56 Fuel account 200.00 Janitor salary 240.00 Interest on bonds 1810.56 Electric lights 447.63 TOTAL $3298.75

So the theater did not pay for itself, but was built to ful­ fill a need, the need for entertainment and status. This need was also filled by twenty other theaters. Most were small and modest, but very important to the entertainment of the area. 87

m M lClA L STATEMENT

Financial statement of the City of Calumet showing the record of the Calumet Theater. 80

The Theaters of Houghton County Shortly Before and After 1900

Calumet Lake Linden 1. Calumet Theater 16. Grand Theater 2. Red Jacket Opera House 17. Lake Linden Opera House 3. Turner Opera House 4. Calumet Light Armory South Range 5. Star Theater 18. Star Theater 6 . Crown Theater 7. Royal Theater Dollar Bay 8 . Grand Theater 19. Cozy Theater 20. Hubbell Houghton 21. Majestic Theater 9. Amphidnme (Armory Opera House)

Hancock 10. Savoy Theater 11. Orpheum Theater 12. Kerredge Theater

Laurium 13. People Theater 14. Lyric Opera House 15. Laurium Opera House

This made a total of twenty-one theaters serving a pop­

ulation of roughly 60,000. This profusion of theaters may

have had a cannibalizing effect.

"When there was only one hall, (the Red Jacket Opera House) a concert like this would have drawn a full attendance, which it was eminently deserving of, but now that the village as well as the location has a hall, it would look as if there were two cliques or parties. It is very noticeable that but a few people from the location attend the entertainment in the Opera House."11

This separation, or loyalty to one theater over another

because of location, did not seem to hold true for the

larger productions in the later and more grand opera houses.

Special trains were scheduled to bring in people from other 89

locations for performances. The Calumet Theater had two

such trains running from Houghton and Hancock, returning

after the performances. These larger theaters did host a

good amount of national and/or regional touring stock. The

following list will indicate that:

National or Regional Touring Companies and the Theaters They Played

1. "The Nominee" - comedy starring Mr. Walker Light Armory - Calumet 1-19-00 2. Fanny Brice and Company in Rosina Voke's "My Milliner's Bill," "Nan, the Good for Nothing," "A Double Lesson in Acting" Light Armory - Calumet 2-21-00 3. Frank E. Long Co. - Light Armory - Calumet 2-17-00 4. James H. Browne Dramatic Co. Turner Opera House - Calumet 2-1896 5. James Browne Dramatic Co. (17 member touring co.) in "The Black Flag" - melodrama Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 6 . James Browne Dramatic Co. - melodramas "Nobody's Claim," "The Plunger," and "The Blue and Gray." These were on three nights. Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 7. Frank Tucker Theatrical Co. - 5 act comedy-drama "Master and Man" Red Jacket Opera House 1-96 8 . Chicago Rival Concert Co. - variety show Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 9. James Browne Dramatic Co. - Miss Alice Marbel in "Hearts of New York" Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 10. Franz Wilezek Concert at Lanctot's Hall 2-96 11. Nellie McHenry and Comedy Company - "The Bicycle Girl" Red Jacket Opera House 5-96 12. Mrs. Brune and Co. - "Theodora" Calumet Opera House 3-2-01 13. Fredrick Warde in "Richelieu" and "The Heart of Chicago" Calumet Opera House 3-1-01 and 3-15-01 14. America's Greatest Colored Organization - "The Hottest Coon in Dixie" Calumet Opera House 3-01 15. Donazettas (acrobatic family) Calumet Opera House 01 16. "The Christian" - troupe of 50 people Calumet Opera House 01 17. "Hermann the Great"- Calumet Opera House 01 18. A1 H. Wilson "The Watch on the Rhine" - comedy and pathos Calumet Opera House 5-01 19. Broadway Opera Co. - "The Highwayman." opening play for theater Calumet Opera House 3-00 20. John Philip Sousa Calumet Opera House 3-02 90

21. Sarah Bernhardt "Camille" Calumet Opera House 5-1911 22. Julie Walters Company - "Side Tracked" Houghton Amphidome - 96 23. J. B. Browne Theater Co. Houghton Amphidome - 96 24. Twin City Orchestra (The Minneapolis Symphony Orchestra) Hougton Amphidome - 96 25. Swedish Lutteman Sextette with Olue Torbellt Concert Co. Houghton Amphidome 4-96 26. Carleton's Comedians - "Ranch King," "Street of New York," and "A Trip to the Circus” Lake Linden Opera House 2-8-98 27. Young's Company Lake Linden Opera House 4-98 28. Frank E. Long and Co. Lake Linden Opera House 1-22-00

This profusion of "first rate" entertainment may have been because of the facilities available, or the prosperity of the region. One of the primary reasons must have been the good rail and water connection with Chicago and Min­ neapolis, St, Paul that the copper industry fostered, and in some cases built. There was also genuine interest in good entertainment. One of the local papers, The Daily Mining

Gazette, carried on a regular basis in the early 1900's reviews of currently popular plays in the East.

These national and regional companies made up a portion of the overall entertainment, but the majority was the local kind. The Calumet and Hecla Mining Company Band gave a band concert on Sunday afternoons at the Calumet Theater, on a somewhat regular basis. A list of local events follows: 91

Local Entertainment Around 1900 in Houghton County

1. The Quincy Excelsior Band Concert Lake Linden Opera House 12-97 2. New Years Eve German Aid Society Annual Ball Lake Linden Opera House 1-4-98 3. Maennerchor Liederkranz Lake Linden Opera House 1-25-98 4. Young Ladies Society of Holy Rosary Church - "Mothers Curse and Farce" Lake Linden Opera House 4-19-98 5. Stereopticon exhibition of Jeffries and Fitzsimmons fight Lake Linden Opera House 8-29-99 6 . Prof. Wills - Stereopticon "Scenes from the Life of Christ" Lake Linden Opera House 2-29-96 7. Reception in honor of school board given by teachers. Vocal solos by Myrta Fisher and Messrs. Gale and Jewell and Dix's orchestra Lake Linden Opera House 1-8-00 8 . Burns Anniversary, Grand Concert, Laurium Opera House 2- 2-00 9. "Billee Taylor" comic opera by Calumet Cast. Houghton Amphidome 2-4-96 10. Houghton Musical Union Concert Houghton Amphidome 2-13-96 11. Lecture by Rev. Washington Gardner "Struggle for Chat­ tanooga" Houghton Amphidome 2-14-96 12. Concert and Dance - Auspices of Sutter Hive, L.O.T.M. Houghton Amphidome 4-96 13. Benefit Concert for Good Will Farm Houghton Amphidome 4-2-01 14. Local St. Patrick Day's concert Calumet Opera House 01 15. Prof. T. Wills - Stereopticon - Lecture on "Carrie Nation" Calumet Opera House 4-13-01 16. "Billie Taylor" melodrama Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 17. Annual Concert of 5th Regiment Band - concert and dance Red Jacket Opera House 2-14-96 18. Evangelist Hills - "Wages of Sin" Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 19. Suomi Society Anniversary concert and literary Red Jacket Opera House 1-96 20. Annual concert of Prof. Von Lenz Red Jacket Opera House 2-96 21. Comic opera in French by Young people for benefit of St. Louis Church - "The Start for California" Red Jacket Opera House 2-18-96 22. Bedahbun Aboriginal entertainment benefit for Indian mission at L'Anse Red Jacket Opera House 4-96 23. Masquerade Ball Light Armory - Calumet 1-96 24. Suomi Society Fancy Prize Masquerade Light Armory - Calumet 2-96 92

25. Grand Celebration of Finnish Temperance - Good Hope Society Light Armory - Calumet 4-6-96 26. Dance by sisters of Martha Lodge No. 10 D.H.S. Light Armory in Calumet 4-1-96 27. Washington Birthday Dance for soldiers monument fund Light Armory - Calumet 5-00 28. Grand Masquerade Ball Light Armory - Calumet 2-00 29. German-American Bowling Club Light Armory - Calumet 2-00 30. Prof. Thomas Wills - lantern views of Finland, Norway, and world Light Armory - Calumet 2-18-00

Intermixed with this local was ethnic entertainment.

The Swedish Lutteman Sextette played at the Amphidome in

Houghton in 1896, The Lake Linden Opera House hosted the

New Years Eve German Aid Society Annual Ball in 1898, and the

German choir group, the Naennerchor Liederkranz, in 1898.

The Suomi Society Anniversary concert was held in the Red

Jacket Opera House in 1896, along with the Suomi Society

Fancy Prize Masquerade and the Grand Celebration of Finnish

Temperance Movement. The Grand Masquerade Ball of the German-

American Bowling Club and a lantern slide show of Finland,

Norway, and the world was also held at the Red Jacket Opera

House in 1900. In the larger houses, these performances were encouraged for economic reasons. The result aided in the breakdown of ethnic separation: after all, if an ethnic population attended a performance of an ethnic function in the Opera House, it was easier for them to attend a nonethnic event in the same building.

The cost of entertainment also played an important role in the unification of the population. The cost, of course, varied a great deal. The opening performance of any theater was an expensive night for a ticket. For example, the 93

THE SIXTH ANNIVERSARY. Grand Masquerade Ball,

AT t h e I Calumet Light Guard Armory,

BY THE German =American BOWLING CLUB Thursday George Evening Washington’s February 22. • Birthday

MUSIC WILL BE FURNISHED BY KARKEETS IDEAL ORCHESTRA. J i m c t Rlnev, Prompter.

K n v ana vl*b ina t n order a »p*c ia I < ■ u me f >r (hr itrcaiK'n rv. uat do an before’ Monday noon Fr braa i *. nil .-rdrra can b# left H*rtr»

The Howling Club Has Spec iills Arranged f or The Representation Of The Beautiful lablc.ru, l.ntltlcd: "AMERICA AND CUBA,” in schkh the Arms and Navy will be represented.

A k M M SU1« «f Gearrt htvhiaftoa be gnea i»j) t* the part, M d W f the Weis cr Ambers of it* ihb »ifl Mt be ret it led lo a sh. T iC E ^rrs, &o oEisTTe e a c h .

Tkfcito to h * 4 oi a my mam to r >f ih# r 1 u L, a ad at th* fodlovi m >U c«c J H*r- •A tiA t l f U l L. SJtolafcj a. Vartm Broau Bo4>r^m A n*J Jack** a ad J. Wtimm, Jr., 4 Cm.'9, U w * e * . Icfrofceest* HI The Pabfic b be ttntd by CardMy kmted lie Oab, 94

Calumet's box seats were twenty-five dollars on opening 13 night. Of course, these were special times, and even an area as prosperous as this copper country could not support such prices on a regular basis. More often a traveling stock company received from 25c to a few dollars for a per­ formance. An example was "Theodora" by Mrs. Brune and

Company which played the Calumet Theater on March 2, 1901.

Prices were: Parquette $1.50, Parquette Circle $1.00, First two rows in Balcony $.75, Balcony Circle 50$, Gallery 25c, and boxes for $9.00. The cost of the local variety type of entertainment stayed around 50c. This was not cheap, but affordable. Also there were many inducements. During a play at the Italian Hall in Calumet "...a ghost and a live cow will be introduced and a free lunch after." Another time for

Frank E. Long and Company the opening night was free. Not to be outdone, St. Patrick's Hall enticed people by an ad in the local paper, "unequal match bedroom set now on ex­ hibition in show windows of J. N. Mitchell will be given away." Perhaps the best was the Lake Linden Opera House's presentation of the Carleton's Comedians on the eighth of

February in 1898; an ad in the Native Copper Times for the especial Saturday children's matinee stated "...When a barrel of money is given to the little one whose number is drawn from the box." One wonders how much money is a "barrel."

The ethnic clubs seemed to take a different tack; they usually offered a meal and/or cash prizes. Some examples were the Grand Masquerade Ball at the Matmessner's Hall in Renova was 50c, with prizes of $3, $2, and $1. The Portage Camp 95

No. 2596 of the Modern Woodmen of America Second Annual Ball at St. Patrick Hall in Hancock, with dinner at the Germania

Hall, sold for one dollar. The German Aid Society's 25th

Anniversary dance with supper, held at the Wilmer's Hall in

Calumet, went for $1.50 a person.

Whatever the inducement, good entertainment, door prizes, "a bag full of money," or a good meal, the entertain­ ment of the region was well attended, and served not only the prime reason of entertainment, but a secondary and per­ haps a more important one. It brought a very diverse popu­ lation together to share, in harmony, many events and programs.

CHAPTER IX

THE ARCHITECTURE

The architectural style of the theaters, social halls, and all other structures in Houghton County had only one constant chord, the style never reached its purest form.

The orchestration of that chord was provided by the single­ based economy. The area lacked the competition of rival companies outdoing each other in their physical facilities.

The one great industrial complex, the Calumet and Hecla

Mining Company, dictated what buildings and what styles would dot the country side. Since the company provided the majority of worker's houses and public buildings, these structures carried the stamp of the C & H. The worker's homes tended to be well built and monotonous, row after row of same style and same color. The public buildings were also well built, but most importantly, functional in style. Even with the stagnation of architectural development, some buildings were very aesthetically pleasing (note the C & H

Library). This aesthetic value was due in some part to the materials used in construction. The natural sandstone, lumber and rubble used in combination add a rich flavor to any architectural style.

The mines of the area all planned their communities.

But these "planned" company towns were far different from

97 98 the planned communities of the East Coast of the United

States. A comparison of two company towns, one in Massa­ chusetts and one in Michigan, gives an insight into life and the architecture of the times.

Lowell, Massachusetts and Calumet (or Red Jacket) stand side by side as industrial giants that have been cut down in size by time and circumstance. The history of these two towns is similar and yet markedly different. Both were built and designed almost from the bottom up. In the case of Lowell, the town of Chelmsford with a few hundred souls inhabited the site on the Merrimack River that was to become the leading center of textile production in the nation before the Civil War.'*’ In Calumet's case, before the mines only a roadhouse (Billy Royal's Halfway House) stood on the site that would house up to 60,000 people, many from half-way round the world, there to work the richest deposit of copper 2 bearing ore that the nation had ever seen.

One of the striking similarities of these two towns is the fact that each was built and planned to serve the needs of one industry; the manufacture of textiles in Lowell and copper mining in Calumet.

Lowell

The Boston Manufacturing Company, having utilized all the water power on the Charles River Site (in Waltham,

Massachusetts), turned to the little-used Pawtucket Canal and adjoining falls of the Merrimack River. It quietly purchased the majority of the shares in the canal and most 99

of the land between the canal and river. Up to that time

(1821) the site housed a population of only a dozen family

farms and a small woolen mill and powder mill. The canal

was outdated shortly after it was built, by a larger one,

the Middlesex Canal. After the purchase of stock and land,

the Boston Manufacturing Company drew up articles of in­

corporation and petitioned the state for a charter. It was

capitalized at $600,000, and work on the site began in 1822.

The new company was in fact a branch plant of the

Waltham firm at first. The Merrimack directors paid $75,000

in cash and $150,000 in stock to the Boston Manufacturing

Company for patent rights, machinery, and the Boston Company's

chief mechanic. The Boston Associates (owners of the Mer­

rimack and Boston Manufacturing Co.), soon after production

at the new site commenced, began transfering title to the

land and water-power rights to the Proprietors of the Locks

and Canal on the Merrimack River. This was the original group that was set up to operate the Pawtucket Canal. This

corporation became the major developer of the mill. The

success of the mill led to the founding of new firms on the

site, the Hamilton Corporation (1825), the Appleton and

Lowell Corporations (1828), and the Suffolk, Tremont, and

Lawrence Corporations (1831). These were all owned, and worked in conjunction with each other, by the small group 3 of Boston capitalists.

The town of Lowell (named after Francis Cabot Lowell who was an important member of the Boston Associates) was

incorporated in 1826, on the site of the defunct town of 100

East Chelmsford. The population of the area grew from 200 in 1820 to 2,500 in 1826. By 1850, the population was

33,000, and Lowell was the leading textile center in the nation and the second largest city in Massachusetts.

Calumet

The Calumet copper lode was discovered in 1864, and the area was quickly developed. The town of Calumet was to be made up of a great number of locations (area where mining and mine housing was located): Albion, Blue Jacket, Yellow

Jacket, Raymbaultown, Red Jacket Shaft, Tamarack, Laurium,

Calumet, Hecla and south Hecla, that were to be collectively known as "Calumet" (the name comes from Norman-French word

"Calumet" the name for a reed or wood shaft, perforated and, decorated, used by Indians in consultations and offerings to the gods).^

The lode was discovered and exploited primarily by three individuals. Edwin Hulbert, who discovered the lode and was later forced out by the financial interests of

Boston, Quincy Shaw who gained the financial backing for the mines (primarily from Boston) and Alexander Agassiz, who would supervise the operations and develop the community of Calumet.'*

The work force of Lowell was made up of a majority of females. (The work force of the Hamilton Company in July

1836 was 85% female)^ They were young, single women from the surrounding New England country side. They came from a background of small farm life. In Calumet, the Calumet and

Hecla drew its work force from immigrants. The ratio of 101 ethnic population in the U.P. was 44% in 1910. The break­ down is Finn, 17%, German and Austrian, 12%, Swedes and

Norwegians, 14%, with the remaining distributed over a wide Q range of nationalities. This 44% of the entire population of the U.P. was largely concentrated in the Keweenaw Pen­ insula. The mines employed this population because of its special talent at mining or in many cases recruited workers who would come directly from Europe to the U.P.

Both towns were planned with company control in mind.

This control was exercised in different ways but primarily for the same reasons-to control the work force; and the best control was the primary control of housing. In Calumet, it took an interesting turn unlike Lowell or other company towns, where boarding houses dominated the scene. In Calumet, the company built houses, which is not atypical of many mill towns, but it also leased lots for the workers to build on.

The restrictions were severe. The worker could only live in the house he built as long as he worked for the mine; the mine had complete control over the sale, rental or other use of the home; and the land could be taken over for mining purposes at any time without consent of the worker. Even with these restrictions, this leasing was very popular in the area. Whether by boarding houses, company houses, or company lots, the planned community exercised a strong primary force over its workers by controlling the "roof over head." This control in some cases extended to the location of the housing.

Calumet's was more of an open approach with the land and houses springing up in close proximity to the mine shafts 102 but dictated more by where the land looked as if it had no mining potential than by a conscious approach to control the actions of the inhabitants. In other communities like

Lowell the plans were drawn to have the company offices placed in a way where they could command the entire street of dwellings. So a worker could not come or go without the scrutiny of the boss. In Lowell, a boarding house keeper re­ ported directly to the employer. So the control was more severe in Lowell, but the control was there in both locations.

Each complex sought to control the workers using their

(the workers) own particular circumstances. The textile towns used the fact that the work force was made up of young unmarried women from New England farmland. The Companies used the moral aspects of watching over the charges, from housing to obligatory church attendance. The Calumet and

Hecla's approach was somewhat different. They used the cultural heritage of its work force. The libraries, bath houses and cultural celebrations sanctioned by the Calumet and Hecla were tools to control, perhaps through making the workers more content and "at home", but nevertheless control.

One of the striking differences between the two towns is the philosophy of the Companies towards their workers.

The Lowell experience was one of "succession of learners."

The operators were to be made up of farm girls who would come and learn from another more experienced worker, work for a few years, then go back to the farm or get married.

Thus the work force would be ever changing. The original idea was to stop the growth of a permanent working class. It 103 also had the net effect of producing a cheap labor pool.

This labor force would not be settled long enough in one mill to upset the apple cart.

Calumet's philosophy was the opposite. The mine work demanded a stable work force. The Company tried to induce this force with its benefits of paternalism and a somewhat good wage (a family could be supported on an unskilled laborer's wage - granted not in anything but a subsistance level).

The society of both towns was very different. Lowell’s was a boarding house society (until the middle 1800's when the Irish immigrants moved into the mill work experience).

The house was the center of "home life." The girls were supervised by a boarding house keeper, who not only looked out after their feeding, but also their morals! The control of the boarding house was complete, from food to clothes.

On the keeper's recommendation, the girl could be fired from her job. The worker had to attend church and life outside the house was limited. This led to the seeds of organization.

The girls were placed in a sisterhood, which later aided in union activities. The "succession of learners" philosophy soon died, when the labor force began to dry up, and this sisterhood served the early union organizers well.

What of Calumet? There was a kind of sisterhood or brotherhood. It centered around the ethnic and cultural unity of the different groups. There were scores of ethnic clubs, temperance societies, choral groups, bands and fraternal organizations. Church played a role in the social 104 world, but the Company had no policy on attending church, and in fact, attendance was not high. The town did support a large number of churches and a large number of saloons.

The general society of Calumet was a true "mixed bag."

The working population in both Lowell and Calumet was divided into segments. The unskilled at the bottom and the mine bosses or mill operators at the top. Occupational mobility was limited in both places. Some of the same factors were responsible in both - lack of education, place of origin and wealth, but Calumet seemed unique in one feature.

The myth of working one’s way up through hard work, as it ap­ plies to the ethnic population did not seem to exist! Per­ haps the ethnic identity and separation from the native born aided in this. The native born who made up 56% of the population seemed to hold this myth, but they already pos­ sessed the tools, and an education or ability to obtain one.

So for them it was not a myth, but reality. The ethnic population seemed to want to achieve the social mobility of land ownership (small farm) but not the occupational mobility.

The Cornish were the shift bosses, the Welsh the Captains, etc. So to "work up through the ranks" would be to deny your ethnic roots.

The ethnic life of Calumet centered around the social halls, churches, and bathhouses. This latter facility was a meeting place, as well as a functional and needed sanitary institution. Most of the original mine buildings of Calumet are gone, but a good example of a planned town does exist, the Quincy Mine Location. Many of the original buildings 105 at the Quincy Site are standing as of November 1982, These buildings are all architecturally rather utilitarian, and lack any real aesthetic excitement. QUINCY MINE UQCATION c . ^ ^ •

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Bathhouse (clubhouse) at Quincy Mine location. This building was constructed of bricks and built at company expense. Franklin School at Quincy Mine location. This school was constructed by the company and used for the education of the employees and their children. 1 1 2

Two typical buildings at the Quincy Mine site. The building in the foreground is the earlier of the two. The far building was built to house the huge engine that was used to hoist the cable cars from the mine shafts. 113

The shaft house of the Quincy mine. The original buildings were wood frame, but later they were constructed of wood and sheet metal. This building was where the cables from the steam engine, that was housed in another building, were lowered, through pulleys and gears into the deep shafts. The mine shaft is located under this structure. 114

The typical company built worker's houses (at the Quincy

and most other mine locations) were of several styles.

The most common style was the salt box. (Many of the homes were doubles).

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Other styles were distinguished by their roof styles.

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A GAMBREL SHED 115

Saltbox (Vernacular)

The Saltbox style is very important to the architectural heritage of the Region as it provided copper miners with company housing and is the only known resurrection of the New England Saltbox in the Midwest. The reason for this was that the companies that eventually merged to form the three major mining companies - Copper Range, Quincy and Calumet-Hecla, were based in New England. Due to this influence, the in­ expensive Saltbox design, of which there were already blue­ prints available, was utilized. Saltboxes are most southemly found at Painesdale which contains the most notable concentration in the Region. From Painesdale up into the Keweenaw, Saltboxes are either found in distinct groupings or mixed with other company-type housing. The identifying feature of the Saltbox is its roof line which in the rear slants all the way from the ridge of the second floor down to the first floor. Locally the design usually used was the double house form. Windows are strongly vertical with six over six panes. Clapboard or cedar shingles were the common material, with cedar shingles predominating on later versions due to the influence of the Shingle Style which was also born in New England. The Shingle Style is not treated as a separate category, regionally, due to its widespread mixture with the Saltbox and other styles.* 116

Worker's homes were built one after another, usually painted the same color, making the neighborhood monotonous and aesthetically boring, not unlike the tract housing de­ velopments of today. Though monotonous, the structures were well built, and considering the times almost luxurious.

The Keweenaw of 1900 did not contain the slums of the in­ dustrialized East.

The middle management of the mines, as well as the professional class, were housed in somewhat different cir­ cumstances. Perhaps the most common residential archi­ tectural style was "Queen Anne." 117

The Queen Anne style was an early style, but not as early as Gothic Revival or High Victorian Gothic. These styles were common in the many churches of the area.

Queen Anne Style is most often a wood-frame residential style. The name is the result of the influence of English architecture in America. The best of these houses incor­ porated a variety of ornate woodwork decoration on the exterior, such as brackets, shingles, spindles, railings and window frames. Many have beautiful stained glass windows. These houses usually date between 1880 and 1895. 118

Early Gothic Revival

This is another early style of which only few examples exist. Two of these are homes north of the Quincy Mine Office on Quincy Hill, the other being the McNaughton home located between Calumet Avenue and Mine Street north of Raymbault Town in the Calumet Area. These buildings pro­ bably date between 1850-1865. Universal features include steep, sharp pointed gables often with gingerbread bargeboards.* Windows are tall and slender sometimes topped with a pointed arch. Small orna­ mental shafts and brackets are found under the eaves and in porches.H

*A board which hangs from the projecting end of the roof, covering the gables. 119

High Victorian Gothic

This is the earliest Late or High Victorian style found in the Copper Country. While still not one of the more com­ mon styles found in the Copper Country portion of the Region, the number of examples is increased by use in Scandinavian churches and other public buildings in addition to a few residences. This style contains many of the features of the Early Gothic Revival, like pointed arches and battlements, although there is a greater variety in coloration and material. Other distinctive features are top heavy features in towers and solid/structural seeming external woodwork in gables. Good examples of the style include the Finnish National Lutheran Church on 8th Street and the Norwegian Lutheran Church on 7th Street in Calumet. In the Houghton-Hancock area, the recently demolished Presbyterian Church in Houghton, Glad Tidings Assembly of God (formerly St. Matthew's Lutheran) and a house at 211 Hancock Street in Hancock serve as examples. Baraga County's Old Methodist Church is a good board and batten example.12 A later style was the shingle style.

Shingle Style is also a wood-frame residential style, but of a little later date: 1890-1910. The name of this style is more straight-forward since it refers to the fact that these houses are covered with wood shingles. The general size and shape of these houses are similar to Queen Anne houses, but they do not have the decorative woodwork details. Their beauty is the result of handsomely weathered wood shingles which give them a simple elegance.13 1 2 1

Eastlake Style

This style, also called Carpenter Gothic by some, spanned the era between 1870 and 1910. It was a reaction to the ornateness of the earlier Gothic Revival and Italianate styles. Cleaner simpler designes predominate, limited to gingerbread bargeboard in Gables, curved brackets in porches and under eaves as well as lathe turned posts and spindles on porches. Most Eastlake style buildings would be clas­ sified as Stick or Queen Anne if not changed by the above types of ornamentation.14 1 1 2 2

Greek Revival

Eagle Harbor home on Quincy Hill, a house south of Boston, the John Daniel's home south of Osceola Location and homes in the two early port towns of Eagle River and Eagle Harbor. Characteristic details include a low pitched roof with an emphasis on pilasters or columns and a low triangular gabled pediment all to create the effect of a Greek temple. The windows are strongly vertical, with six over six panes. Also hallmarks of the style are bold, simple moldings both on the exterior and interior. 123

Georgian Revival

The Georgian Revival style has a minimum of minor pro­ jections, and the front facades are strictly symmetrical. Roofs are hipped, pitched or of gambrel form. Often hipped roofs are topped with a flat deck with a surrounding railing. A portico with free standing columns is sometimes used. Also present may be a fan type window above the front door. Although there are not many examples of this style, examples are found throughout the Region. Good examples of this style are the City of Houghton Community Building, the Remington and Foster homes on College Avenue in Houghton, as well as housing in the Cayuga Street area of Iron River.16 124

High Victorian Italianate

This is one of the styles that, regionally speaking, can be counted upon a person's hands. There is only one pure example in the Region, the Lawton house on Quincy Hill (1871). Another good example although it tends to be eclectric is the Houghton County Courthouse (1887). Italianate influence is also expressed in business districts of Bessemer, Ironwood and North Houghton County by use of arched windows and heavy brackets. Italianate buildings consist of well defined rectangular blocks which are asymmetrically grouped often including a square tower or cupola. Hipped roofs are prominent; ornamen­ tal brackets at the eaves assist in immediate identification. Windows typically have round arches at the top and are often grouped in twos or threes. Bay windows are common. Porches are the rule. This stvle is limited to residential and commercial buildings.

! 125

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7 1

Second Empire (Mansard)

This architectural style was popular during 1860-1880. It is characterized by the highly distinctive mansard roof and dormer windows. Although local mansards did not reach very high levels of development, they stand out due to their rarity. There are only nine mansards in the entire Region. Of these only six are true period examples, all of which are located in the City of Houghton. There are also some mansard influences found in the Old Houghton Fire Hall and a house on 800 W. South, both also in Houghton.1° 126

Stick Style

Although not numerous there are a healthy number of these structures compared to the previously described endangered species. This style is found Regionwide. Sometimes some modes of this style have been mistakenly referred to as Tudor. It is characterized by diagonal "stick work" which is some­ times set in masonary, as in the case of the ROTC Building at Michigan Technological University, otherwise it may have walls faced with board and batten as in the case of the Presbyterian Church in Bessemer. Other distinctive char­ acteristics include eaves of considerable projection sup­ ported by large brackets, tall proportions and high steep roofs.19 127

Bungaloid

This style is also called the American Bungalow. It represents the dominant style in the Gogebic and Menominee Iron Ranges. It was popular in these areas as well as in Ontonagon and Baraga counties between 1900 and World War II due to the two surges of iron mining activity and the harvesting of the hardwood forests. Virtually no examples are present in Houghton and Keweenaw Counties. Its characteristics are simple horizontal lines, wide projecting roofs, numerous windows, one or two large porches, and dormers above front porches. Concentrations of more elaborate bungalows are found in the Young's Addition area of Iron River and along West Lead Street in Bessemer. Examples of more mining housing forms are prevalent in places like Anvil Location in Bes­ semer Township and the cities of Caspian and Gaastra. There are only two examples of Prairie Style influenced bungalows in the Region; the Alfred Angeli home on 117-7th Avenue in Iron.River and the Keweenaw County Park Lodge near Copper Harbor.^0 128

Neo-Classical

Neo-Classical, also referred to as Neo-Greek or Colonial Revival, makes use of Greek-order columns. These columns vary from simple columns with simple rounded capitals and pedestals. In more elaborate forms: Ionic, Corinthian and Composite capitals are present. Doorways are lintelled rather than arched. Porches are topped with low-pitched triangular gables. Columns are singular and not c o u p l e d . 2 1 129

These styles or variations of these styles formed the back bone of middle-class residential home architecture.

The building materials and techniques were the common ones of the times. The building technique for wood structures was balloon framing. The distinguishing feature of this form of construction is that the studs are continuous from the foundation to the rafter plate; ends of the second floor joists are supported on a ribbon or ledger and are spiked to the stud. In balloon framing, shrinkage is reduced because the amount of cross-sectional lumber is minimized; therefore it is also employed when a brick facing is used for a building. TRADITIONAL BALLOON FRAMING

Development about 1850 made dimension lumber widely available; also the invention of the wire nails, permitting smaller wood pieces to be fastened easily, made the "new" technique of balloon framing possible. This kind of building is characterized by individual joists, rafters and building- height studs spaced 12" to 24" apart. This type of construc­ tion allowed the fast, widespread building of structures. 131

The region was rich in a high quality sandstone, and

this material was used in abundance in the construction of

many of the major public buildings. In the year 1883,

John Henry Jacobs opened the Portage Entry Redstone Quarry

and the town of Jacobsville was quickly formed and settled

by Finnish immigrants. The early tests (1894) by the Army

Ordinance Department of the United States at the Watertown

Arsenal in Massachusetts showed a crushing pressure of five

thousand to twenty thousand pounds per square inch. Most

cracks occur under tests at more than twenty-four thousand

pounds. The stone contained eleven different materials:

silica to 85 percent; aluminum, 8.2; potash, 2.91; water,

combined, 0.99; and lime, 0.55. The other six were trace 22 amounts. Sandstone has the property of hardening upon the

loss of its quarry water. Beside the tons of rubble stone used in constructing basements, garages, and other buildings,

ten million feet of block stone were removed from the quarries of the Keweenaw. These stones were used not only to build

the structures of the Peninsula, but also many major buildings throughout the nation: the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel

in New York, the Carnegie Office Building in Pittsburg, the

H. E. Dodge home at Grosse Point, Michigan, the Larkin Soap

Company at Buffalo, the Y. M. C. A. in Detroit, the Mar­ quette County Court, the Calumet Opera House, the Calumet

Fire Station, the Library of the Calumet and Hecla Mine and many other mine buildings. The buildings that follow are a few mine structures and a typical municipal building, built of quarried sandstone.

The Library of the Calumet and Hecla Mine Company in Calumet. Calumet Fire Station

The Fire Station, even though it is more decorative than most, is Richardsonian Romanesque. The style was popular from about 1880 to 1890. The Firehouse is located directly across the street from the Calumet Theater. Since the Calumet's style is not a "pure" Italian Renaissance but blunted with a harder northern look much like the Firehouse, it may have been the purpose of the theater's architect to "blend" the theater into the dominant surrounding building like the Firehouse. 134

The commercial buildings of the area fell into four basic types and styles:

Richardsonian Romanesque Style buildings are generally com- mercial and institutional, and always constructed of roughly hewn stone masonry. This style is named after the architect (H.H. Richardson) whose unique approach to design became very popular in the years 1880-1890. This style is tremen­ dously significant to Calumet and many other Keweenaw towns because red Portage Entry sandstone, which was shipped all over the country for buildings of this style, was exten­ sively used here. Probably the most important aspect of Calumet's character is the result of the beautiful red sandstone and mine rock used jgp widely in the area on Richard­ sonian Romanesque buildings. 23 135

Victorian Eclectic Style buildings derive their name from the various style elements which are often combined in the same structure. This term is most often applied to com­ mercial buildings, since they were embellished in the most eclectic manner. Catalogue building elements of cast iron and sheet metal were being produced in quantity and easily available during the years from 1880 to 1895. 4 136

Neo-Classical Revival Style is found on both residential and commercial buildings, although the style is accomplished in different manners on each. This style reuses elements of the earlier Classic Revival Style (1840-1860), hence the name. These include classically detailed cornices (the horizontal piece capping most commercial buildings), pilasters (the flat, column-like projections), and door and window openings. Buildings of this style date from after the turn of the century in the period 1900-1920.25 137

Vernacular buildings are Chose which cannot be classified in style categories. They include both residential and com­ mercial buildings which are simple, unadorned structures commonly found in the area. While such buildings usually lack much ornamental detail, they are often important as background architecture since they help provide the setting for more pretentious structures. In Calumet, red Portage Entry sandstone and mine rock give these buildings special value because these materials are u n i q u e . 26 138

The theaters and social halls were as varied as the

region. The architectural style of the Hyva Toivo Finnish

Hall in Calumet was Early Gothic Revival. This style is

probably the earliest established one in the area dating

from 1850 to 1865. The construction date of this building

is unknown. This hall not only was used as a meeting hall, but also houses the local Finnish teacher and his family.

The building was wood frame covered with wood siding. The

foundation was brick, not the stone rubble commonly used.

The tall slender windows topped with the pointed arch were very typical of the style. The building was relatively

simple in design. However, the workmanship and detailing work were of high quality. The false front was a typical architectural technique employed in commercial buildings.

The steep pitch of the roof had a great functional value in

this snow laden land. The winter snows could measure up to

103 inches in some years. (Houghton County's snow fall for

1978-79 was 103 inches.) 139

Hyva Toivo Hall-Calumet Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 140

The Lake Linden Opera House was of the High Victorian

Gothic Style. Although the construction date is unknown,

this photo was taken in 1895, and one can assume this photo was taken as part of opening festivities. The Opera House part of the building occupied the second floor. The first was devoted to a common business in Copper Country, a saloon.

This style of architecture is much akin to the Early Gothic

Revival, but with a greater variety in coloration. 141

Lake Linden Opera House-Lake Linden Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 142

This Benevolent Society Italian Hall was a very early building in Copper Country, The style is Victorian Eclectic

(choosing from various sources). The structure contained three floors. The first stored used some elements of cast and sheet metal work. These usually were mail order cata­ logue items and easily obtained and widely used from 1880 to 1895. The building was quite decorative, with a variety of surface treatment. The sunburst motif on the top of the face of the building is carried through on the top arches above the windows. These are relatively narrow in the Gothic manner. This wooden structure was destroyed in some manner and replaced by a brick building in the early 1900's. 143

B.S. Italian Hall-Calumet Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 144

This brick structure, the Italian Hall in Calumet, is in the Neo-classical Revival Style and unlike the photo of the first, much of the original detail work is gone. A remodeling project destroyed much of the original style.

The windows on the second floor are about the only sign of the style. This hall was shared by two groups, each having an entrance. 145 146

The Peoples Theater in Laurium is built of wood with a post foundation. It is basically a one floor single room building. It was constructed in 1895 as a theater by the Laurium Amusement Company. The building was re­ modeled a number of times. The last remodeling job makes it impossible to determine the original architecture style.

The building now is used as a wood working shop. The theater itself closed in the 1950's. 147 148

Olsen's Hall in Calumet is a large building, constructed in the Victorian Gothic Style. This building is sided with shingles. It has been remodeled, but there is evi­ dence of the style in the narrow windows and external woodwork in the gables. The second floor was used for large gatherings and functions. 149 150

The Sunomi* Hall in Houghton is typical of the Neo­ classical Revival Style. Even though remodelling has been done, the detailed cornices are quite evident. Also note the detail work over the top floor windows. The building is constructed of brick and not a brick veneer.

*the spelling varies 57 152

The Crown Theater of Calumet is in much the same re­ pair as the Italian Hall, but with more of the original

Neo-classical Revival Style evident. There are some inter­ esting parts of this building. The small rounded windows on the top section are typical of the style, while the windows under these are not the typical arched capped ones.

The cornices are very typical with the classical details, which is carried through on the false cornice of the first floor. The lower floor is totally redone and impossible to tell how it fits into the picture. But with these alter­ ations of style, it could almost be considered eclectic.

154

The Lyric Theater in Laurium is a beautiful brick structure done in the Neo-classical Revival Style. The building measures 50 feet by 90 feet and was designed and built as an Opera House and town hall in 1900, roughly the same time as the Calumet Opera House. The Lyric continued as a theater until 1947. In that year it was remodeled into a super market. When the building was constructed, the town offices were on the first floor, and the opera house was the second floor. The cornice is highly decor­ ative with white tile accenting the red brick. The window openings are graceful Jind accented by a pattern of pro­ truding bricks as is the division of space from the second to third floor. Unfortunately the face of the first floor area has been completely changed in remodeling. 155 156

The Savoy Theater in Hancock is also of brick construc­

tion in a Neo-classical Revival Style, but with some inter­

esting nuances. The cornices are not particularly decor­ ative, and the windows, although rectangular, are capped by decorative motifs that give an illusion of an arched window.

This could indicate a later period in the style. The first floor has been remodeled and destroyed as far as the orig­

inal architecture is concerned. 157 158

Sobieskiego Hall in Calumet is an interesting brick structure. Its design seems to be a cross between a school and social hall. Its style is not typical of any other in the area. It has some elements of Victorian and

Gothic, but also a distinctive Old World look. Perhaps the building was based on another one, or class of building in

Central Europe. 159 160

The Orpheum Theater of Hancock is constructed of brick.

Because of the remodeling, the original style is impossible to determine. But since the time span of this building is similar to the other brick theaters in the area, the style was Neo-classical Revival. The only saving grace of the building is that it has been a functioning theater since its beginnings to present time. 161 r------: \ 162

A building that stood by itself in grandeur and style

was the Amphidrome*of Houghton, a huge building standing

at the front of the portage. Its size was to become its

greatest enemy. A heavy snow load collapsed the roof,

and the building was torn down at the turn of the century.

It was truly a castle of the north, built in the Norman

Style of brick and timbers. Even though no records exist,

one must believe that a professional architect designed

this complex structure. It must have been an impressive

sight as one sailed up the portage to Houghton.

*the spelling varies H

Amphidrome-Houghton Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives 164

The Kaleva Temple in South Range was constructed of native sandstone. The style has elements of Victorian and vernacular. It is a large building built in 1910 with a simplicity of design.

166

The next structure is the Royal Theater of Calumet, built in 1880. Its style is Richardsonian Romanesque, but not typical. The structure is very handsome with the large metal area in front accenting the sandstone. This metal work was common in the late 1800's and was sold or was fabricated from patterns. This is one of the few examples in the area of a large amount of metal being used as a construction method instead of pure decoration. j* tf-fate** 168

The Calumet Opera House was also built of Jacobsville sandstone. Since this building was owned and built by the city (it was the first city built theater in the U.S.), it is highly documented. It was built in 1900 at a cost of

$65,119.19. The architect was C. K. Shand of Detroit. The style is in a way similar to the Richardsonian Romanesque technique (rough hewn stone masonry). This rough hewn stone is used for the first floor, while the top floor is in finished stone masonry. The architectural style almost seems as if the architect is attempting to accomodate a "northern" feel with the Italian Renaissance look. One might compare this to the first house built across the street a few years earlier.

170

The next buildings are not documented with photos. The styles and look of the buildings can only be guessed. The

Old Post Office building of Laurium (that houses the Suomi

Seura Society) was built in 1907 of brick and was 58 feet by 110 feet. It was standing in 1938 as evidenced by its inclusion in the WPA survey. Thd first floor had three rooms housing a post office, drug store, and bank. The

Merchant and Miners Bank seems to be the original owner and builder. The second floor housed the meeting rooms.

The next building was the Opera House in Laurium. It was built in 1895 of wood with wood siding. It was two stories with a total of nine rooms. There is some confusion if Lot 23, block 6 , is in fact the location of the original

Opera House. But an on site inspection has a city building with a date in the 1900*s on that site. Further research is needed to resolve this dilemma.

The Losselyona Hall in Laurium has no documentation.

The location (Lot 15, block 6 ) in the WPA Survey of 1938 shows a vacant lot. 171

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Courtesy of The Michigan Technological University Library Archives These were some of the structures that made up the physical face of the land. They were rich in texture and variation. They were built to withstand a harsh environ­ ment , and many defeated those natural elements, but they all succumbed in one way or another to a seemingly more powerful force--man's economics. This area flourished for a short time, and structures were built that not only served the mills and mines of the copper companies but the minds of the population. Many of these buildings are still used, but the grand age is over. The beginning of that end began in 1913 with a strike. 177 CHAPTER X

THE STRIKE

The diverse population of the peninsula and the mine companies had shared a relatively peaceful coexistence until

1913. In that year a bloody strike spelled the beginning of the end for the "Kingdom of Calumet."^

The cause of the strike was deep rooted and both the mine companies and the Western Federation of Miners were to blame.

The W.F.M. early in 1909 sent union organizers to the copper fields of Michigan. In the four years preceding the

1913 strike only four locals had been formed, and their activities were more like the benevolent societies that dotted the peninsula than a young and agressive union. The mine managers watched the fledgling union with anxious eyes. The short history of the union was ripe with bloody strikes and savage infighting. Its early history in the Upper Peninsula had fostered a series of bloody strikes in the iron range, and the copper captains were not going to allow such a thing in their territory. The iron strikes were organized by the

W.F.M., but the more radical Industrial Workers of the World also entered into the picture. Their involvement was more to disrupt the efforts of the W.F.M. than to aid it. The iron strikes ended in failure, and the W.F.M. was in disarray.

178 179

The President of the Western Federation of Miners was

Charles Moyer. Mr. Moyer's task of overhauling the union was somewhat hampered by his indictment for the murder of the

Governor of Idaho! In 1905 Charles Moyer, Mr. Pettibone, and

Mr. Haywood, all union officials, were indeed indicted for the murder of Frank Steunenberg, the Governor of Idaho. The famous lawyer Clarence Darrow eventually secured an acquittal for all three, but not before the union's resources reached a dangerously low ebb. As if these problems were not enough, the union had to contend with the open hostility of Vincent

St. John, the leader of the I.W.W. He demanded that as a prerequisite for cooperation the W.F.M. repudiate all con­ tracts, check-off, and fining systems. In effect this was a bid for control of the W.F.M. by the smaller and more radical

I.W.W.3

To answer the challenge of the I.W.W., the W.F.M. con­ vention in 1908 voted to stop accepting transfer cards and broke all connections with the I.W.W. Moyer also sought and reached an agreement with the United Mine Workers of America for mutual assistance and support in the union's bid for re­ affiliation with the American Federation of Labor, and on

May 9, 1911, a charter of affiliation was issued to the W.F.M.

With this step the W.F.M. became a part of a union movement of a million and a half members in 1908.^

Armed with the considerable support of the American

Federation of Labor the W.F.M. entered the copper fields of Michigan again. The basis of the union's acceptance in 180

the copper fields this time was the introduction of a labor

saving device, the one man drill, or "widow maker," as the miners called it."* This drill nearly tripled production per

operator and halved the cost per ton of ore. It would pro­ duce 33.12 tons daily per man at a cost of 17 cents a ton.

The miners not only felt the drill was dangerous for a single man to operate, but it also produced a strong drawback in

the little job mobility that existed. Since only one man was required instead of two, the chances for the trammers

(the workers who loaded and pushed the ore cars) to become

"miners" was halved. With the physical danger and the threat

to job mobility, the miners and workers in the summer of 1913 were ready to act. The union was not. So it called for a referendum as to whether or not to submit a request for negotiation and if refused, to strike. The vote was 7,680

in favor and 125 against.

When the companies refused to talk, the W.F.M. called for a strike. So on July 23 almost every mine in the area was closed down; this idled some 14,528 miners and 1,500 stamp-mill and smelter workers. This was twice the union membership that voted to strike. The first day was a complete success for the union, the second day was not. Thousands of non-union workers showed up for work, and many fights and some minor rioting broke out. The local authorities and companies overreacted in a drastic way. Not only did the mine companies refuse to talk with the union, but they also hired the Waddell-Mahon agency of New York, through the

County Board of Supervisors, to supply mine "guards." They 181

were little more than hired gunmen. Also, the local sheriff

swore in 430 special deputies. The number of mine "guards"

by November was 1,700. The local authorities also called on

Governor Ferris of Michigan to send national guardsmen. He

also overreacted and sent in the entire Michigan guard con­

sisting of two battalions of artillery, two troops of cavalry,

mounted signal corps, one company of engineers, two ambulance

companies, three regiments of infantry, and three brass bands.^

As the strike progressed the companies imported strike­

breakers, mainly Germans (through the Austro-American Labor

Agency of New York and Chicago). These men, for the most

part, could not read or speak English and had no idea they were hired to break a strike; whether this made any difference

to them is unknown. The balance of power and force was over­ whelmingly in favor of the "establishment."^

The community also became involved. The storekeepers,

professional men, and office workers formed a "citizen

Q alliance." This alliance demanded that the state officials

bring peace and order, but its activities tended to favor

the companies' interests. Its paper "Truth" was little more

than an organ of propaganda for the companies. This organ­

ization was formed in November when the union was running low

on funds and hope. Then on December 7 three non-striking miners were killed by gunfire. The alliance seized the op­

portunity to call a mass meeting, and a group of Citizens

Alliance and Weddell men raided and destroyed the union hall

in South Range. By now the community and the mine workers

had grown further and further apart. This division and 182 mistrust again entered the picture later in a much more serious incident.

On Christmas Eve in 1913 a celebration sponsored by the union women's auxiliary was held in the Italian Hall in

Calumet. A still unknown person shouted "Fire," and seventy- four lives, mostly children, were ended in a rush to escape.

The next morning when the news was learned the county and state were horror stricken. The Citizens Alliance was blamed by the union. The Alliance in turn collected twenty-six 9 thousand dollars to aid the families of the victims. This money carried a string; the union had to publicly absolve the Alliance of any blame. The union refused by saying they would bury their own. The Alliance in turn blamed the union for the fire and kidnapped the president of the union from his hotel room in Calumet. He and his aid were severely beaten and placed on a train to Chicago.^®

Moyer later, from his hospital bed, accused James Mc-

Naughton, the manager of the Calumet and Hecla, of the fire.

This fire and the aftermath broke the strike. The workers filtered back to work over the next few months, and on April

14 the union ended the strike. The union and "company good will" were dead. The words of E. T. Taylor, chairman of the congressional committee formed to investigate the strike, sum up the new feeling toward the companies by the workers.

"The Michigan copper country is a little kingdom, and James

McNaughton, manager of the Calumet and Hecla Company, is king. The miners were practically serfs." This statement was a far cry from the statement of Alexander Agassiz's son 183 in Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz. "Agassiz made it his personal interest to see that the men were well paid, well housed, and provided with the best of schools, libraries, hospitals, bath-houses, and churches. Above all, he established especial provision for a prompt and fair at­ tention to all complaints. The times and moods of the area changed with the strike. "Benevolent paternalism" was a dying entity after that Christmas Eve of 1913. SUMMARY

THE PLACE, THE TIME, AND THE MAN

From statehood to World War I the Keweenaw Peninsula of

Michigan was a cultural and industrial mecca. Immigrants

from almost every country in Europe came to work the mines of

the Peninsula. Those workers mined vast fortunes for the

absentee shareholders of the many mines. As the huge boulders

of copper became harder and harder to find, the mining shifted

to the copper trapped in rocks buried deep in the earth. This mining was expensive and mine after mine failed; the copper was there, but the retrieval was not an easy or cheap pro­

cess .

One man hammered out a giant copper complex that

dominated the area for thirty years. This man, Alexander

Agassiz, also fostered a new philosophy of "benevolent pater­ nalism." This policy directed a county for thirty years,

and built facilities for its citizens unknown anywhere else

in the larger region. It, at the same time, controlled a population as diverse as any in America.

The immigrant workers and the native born managers were

separated from each other through their newspapers, customs

and languages; and yet they stood shoulder to shoulder to

enjoy plays, speeches, and concerts.

The entertainment of "copper county" was enjoyed

184 185

in one of fifty different facilities in this county of sixty

thousand souls, Actors and actresses came half-way around

the world or from down the block to play before Finns, Swedes,

Germans, Italians, Cornish, Bostonians and almost every eth­ nic group in the western world. Sarah Bernhardt not only

acted there, but traveled thirteen levels below ground to watch men mine copper in one of the world's largest industrial

complexes. John Philip Sousa marched into a company town to

the fanfare of thousands.

In thirty short years, hundreds of buildings were con­

structed in that county. Some of these structures were de­

signed by the leading architects in the Midwest, while others were built by men who could not read or write the English language. Many of the buildings were constructed of the same white pine that rebuilt Chicago after the great fire, or of a native sandstone so superior it was used to build the Waldorf-

Astoria Hotel in New York City.

All this activity took place on a remote peninsula that jutted out into the coldest body of fresh water on the face of the earth. A season's snow on this peninsula could measure over one hundred inches deep. Yet the same area produced millions of dollars in dividends in a few short, exciting years. It equaled any region for the quality and quantity of its entertainment; it flourished and then slowly died, and yet retained, through some of its structures, the grandeur of a past age and time. APPENDIX I

Mine Material Financial Record of Lake Superior Copper Companies Through 1865

Company Amount Paid in Dividends

Adventure $ 60,000 Aetna 220,000 Albany and Boston 515,000 Algomah 60,000 Allouez 28,000

American 20,000 Amygdaloid 340,000 Arnold 20,000 Atlas 40,000 Aztec 90,000

Bay State 265,000 Bohemian 350,000 Boston 45,000 Caledonia 100,000 Central 100,000 $100,000

Concord 80,000 Copper Falls 490,000 60,000 Copper Harbor 20,000 Dana 65,000 Dacotah 56,505

Delaware 410,000 Devon 20,000 Dorchester 30,000 Dudley 35,000 Eagle River 65,000

Edwards 32,500 Empire 200,000 Everett 20,000 Evergreen Bluff 110,000 Flint Steel River 184,000

Franklin 170,000 220,000 Girard 100,000 Great Western 40,000 Hamilton 40,000 Hancock 350,000

Hanover 30,000 Highland 20,000 Hilton 50,000 Hope 22,760 Hulbert 15,000 187

Company Amount Paid in Dividends

Humbolt 100,000 Hungarian 20,000 Huron 380,000 Indiana 200,000 Isle Royale 660,000

Keweenaw 100,000 Khowlton 160,000 Lake Superior 40,000 Madison 120,000 Mandan 85,000

Manhattan 110,000 Mass 88,825 Medora 38,373 Mendota 147,500 Merrimac 130,000

Mesnard 160,000 Milton 30,000 Minesota 366,000 1,760,000 National 110,000 280,000 Native 39,000

Naumkeag 20,000 North Cliff 79,000 Northwestern 227,258 Norwich 220,000 Ogima 140,000

Pennsylvania 1 ,000,000 Petherick 105,533 Pewabic 75,000 380,000 Phoenix 300,000 Pittsburgh 8 Boston (Cliff) 110,000 2,100,000

Pontiac 204,900 Quincy 200,000 698,778 Resolute 130,000 Ridge 160,000 Rockland 240,000

Saint Clair 60,000 Saint Louis 20,000 Saint Mary’s 110,000 Salem 10,000 Seneca 20,000 188

Company Amount Paid in Dividends

Sharon 2,000 Shelden-Columbian 420,000 South Pewabic 20,000 South Side 40,000 Star 235,000

Superior 160,000 Toltec 420,000 Tremont 22,000 Victoria 30,000 Vulcan 120,000

Washington 20,000 West Minesota 45,000 Winona 60,000 Winthrop 90,000

Total $13,109,154 $5,598,778

/

) 189

Record of the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company, 1871-1900

Pounds Copper Year Produced Dividends

1871 16,222,590 $1,250,000 1872 16,162,183 2,400,000 1873 18,853,736 2 ,000,000 1874 20,147,040 1,600,000 1875 27,364,305 1,600,000 1876 21,577,593 1,600,000 1877 22,574,258 1,600,000 1878 25,237,258 1,600,000 1879 26,300,808 1,600,000 1880 31,272,119 2,500,000 1881 31,347,670 2 ,000,000 1882 32,070,689 2,000,000 1883 34,881,264 2 ,000,000 1884 40,449,763 800,000 1885 50,020,778 1,700,000 1886 51,700,536 1,500,000 1887 43,940,351 1 ,000,000 1888 53,738,058 2 ,000,000 1889 51,338,741 1,500,000 1890 60,495,639 2,000,000 1891 66,746,084 2 ,000,000 1892 71,803,847 2 ,000,000 1893 77,320,830 2,000,000 1394 78,559,308 1,500,000 1895 82,620,976 2 ,000,000 1896 86,704,979 2,500,000 1897 85,039,276 4,000,000 1898 89,045,680 5,000,000 1899 89,097,026 10,000,000 1900 75,865,202 7,000,000

Total 1,478,498,971 72,250,000 o > ^ r , t u- v ^ t/7 f u offiwib JittW m j $ / / & j t . CP/r^bCS / * J t r r r * . f t /- 5 ^ r : -- .2 0 ! / a**. /rr^r- * j' rJ j f S / r t r * y S c So tb s ajf->x. 2 * 4 " s/**-(P0%tA*t. S i f ,r _ % e r e 'C / S ^ C C T t t ' /fee A ? ts < - JSC fft SL S/f\^ f r o S t / r e i'Y / d 7'C.^r'i /OC

ttV > 9 '~^/{r ftff, t / r e < f y / 'ct'f‘id/ts+o • / r r yj/ M r r a nc ( R t- >sj.» *Jt ,_i VO y 3. O c •<' ’r,r 'uocxJLs f o e 9 n t.tH J}T cn rrC d 6S 0 t ftmns • t u . f o o ( S & u O i G+OSor&r- 700 I

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y £ c / j ~ T $ 0 , 0 0 0

. * — ; I--1- . - ' - .' :*• " ' : t ■ ----- STOCKHOLDERS Of THE AETNA MINING C0„ . T . ~ J . fc ^ »»« « « vV ;* r*V • miv it; t

NAMES DIAGNOSIS REMARKS

_— -

■ ^ X ^ W ! w C.

— Q q l A.XI L^, ~?-Lc*eLA*~ /

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-J 2 Q / u u t $ A . . . ______C<>-rVr 5

fTfirC. .* • y ‘Tf >K**»„ C- : • -~--— J _ / .'3 [....//

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*/•- vr I ' "C . *.-c-.-'VU . | / .

3/ *"»'. .<^4^. *■ V.

DOCTOR'S NOTE BOOK 1902 192

Copper mined and ;..iiled in 19 lb, 2-35,9.5,37c- lVu.

C\- . )/ f / / C 0.:ip c*ll^L CP* i j Oli • / Adventure Consul id.*? ted Copper Ce. ,02. “roadway, Nan York. , 500,000 •' Akmeek Mining Co., 12 Ashburton Fl=ce, Eooton, M'iso. I,26G,GC0 ^

Algcmah Mining Co., tsO Ccngr~r.sj P::., " " 2,500,000 ^

Ailcues Mining Co., 13 Ashburton Pler.e, " 11 2,500,000 l/

Arcadian Copper Co., (Eucceedsd by Heiv Ar.adian)

Arnold Mining Co., 64-50 0t * L e fX., Eos - or., Hnsr-. 2,500,000 ^ Ashbeu Miring Co., " " " " " '' 1,CG0,0CC^

Atlantic Mining Cu., 83 Devi r,alii re " " 2 ,5 0 0 ,000(/

Baltic Mining Co., " " ” " " -,"00,005e / Sohei,.ie. Mir.:. .g C. ., " " »* •’ " “, GCC.OCO <■/

Cs liifiiOt & Hecla Mining Co., 12 A rd.burt.cn "!••• o ? ??.. r%>. n,H* 38. ICO ,000 \/ Csrtsr.niel popper Co., " »' " " " 3,»c0,0C0t/

Champion Copper Co., 02 Oey.noi.ira 2*,., " " 2,* oOC,000 * 0 G,CCC'/ Cent net Copper Co., 70 State P,., " " .,,000,000 Houghton Copper Co., 713-.99 si.:., tc:. " . ” ” k, :>C0,GCC

KuJLbart . iiiii.g Co., " ” • ’’ " r 1, uCC,0o0 ^

. ' v-u *w ^ In.liana ; i n i n g C..., 60 Co-figj; •.?.. i. . " r, :;oo,C3G y

Irir.ra Co_p.;r Co . , 1X0 AI’vc •:tb 1 .h. .. i t , Mi nr.. 1, 00C , COO ^ I-.l.i itoyalc Co. i.:r f\.., .7. or,.-,n , 7r>0,000

Kev ? :’.,-? Copper (V-; -ny K~ncock, .iicbiga. . 0 0 ,0 0 0 *^

Hir:g Philip Co>.t,'v Co., '“05 “Id; " " 2,500,000 193

Saint Mary's Canal Mineral L-'nd Co., Eostcn, I.'ras. §5,000,000 i/

Seneca Mining Co., IZ Aaheurtcn ~l-ee, n w 700, OCC South Lake Mining Co., SC Devinshire Ct.," ” 2.500.000 y South Range Mi ing Co., 11J Washington 7>t.,w " 2,500,000^ South Siide Mining Co., 14-68 Dev ns'irc 6h." " 1,000,COO l/"

Superior Copppr Co., 12 Ash'ovrtcn rif-oe, n " 2.500.000 ^

Tamarack Mining Co., 11 IT " " n 1.500.000 Torch Lake Mining Co..5-19 Exchange Piece, " it 500.000

Tremont & Devon Mining Co., Hancock, Mich. 250.000 i /

Trirnountain Mining Co., 32 Devonshire Co., " " 2.500.000 %/

Union Copper Land

Victoria Copper Mining Co., SC Congress St., " " 2, 500,000 Wolverine Copper Mini-g C. ., 15 ’"'illiarn ’'t N e w York. 1,500,000'/ Wyandot Copper Co., 68 D-m nshire St., Boston, 21a-s. 2 , 500,000-\/

Copper Cro~n MiningCc., 1013 E: stern A vs. St. Louis,Mo. 2.500.000 \S Copper Range Co., 82 Devons;-.ire St., Boston, Mass-., 2.500.000 \J Copper Range Ccnaoli.-'ate-1 Co., " " ” « 38,435,500 l/ ^ * CO Dakota Heights Cc., Hancock, Michigan. 2 5 ,0 0 0 \ / Dana Copper Co., CS Devonshire rt., Boston, Mnsf-. 1 ,000,000 J. Eii.i River Copper Co., 70 r.tstc "t., " " 1, .700,000 J Franklin Mining Co., CO Congress ht., " ” 7.000.000 \J Frontenac Cojper Co., 12 Ash'urt r. Pi-ce," " 5 C 0 ,000 /

Gratiot Mining Co., " " " " " .'. 00,000 ✓ Iiar.ccck Concc. delated Mir.i g Co., II- .acock Mich. 5.000, COOl/

White Pine Coj per (H.., 12 AnhV.vrton p 1 ., Boston, Hnsn. •5,00 0 ,0 0 0 /v Wilmot Mining Co., 500.000 Washington Copper Mining r'c. , >i-ncock , * ichign . 8,500,000\J West Minnesota Mining Co., 14- :.8 Dvons: ire t,, Boston ,?'.aso 500.000 i/

Whealkate.Mining Co., Houghton, Mich, 50 ,C'00\/ 2.500,000 W 1 noils' C,f> i m- r r .r . 194

Lake Copper Co., $ 3,oC0,000‘^

Lake Hilling o.ueliing £-. R-if .:n*.r»g Co.,I"1 Ashbv.rtt r, P.. .Boston. P, 500,000 < /

Lake Superior Copper Co., Rockland, Michigan.

Lake Superior Smelting Co., 12 Ashburton Piece, Boston,llaBs.

LaSalle Coppr Co., " " " n n

Laurium Mining Co., " " " n lianitou Mining Co., " " w n Uase Connclidated I lining Co., 79 Hi Ik Mayflower Hiring Cc., 70 state St..

Seadov? Mining Co., r,C 11 " a ^ y

Michigan Copper !.ii r.i ng Co., 15 ~'i I.i; c t. j Maw York. Michigan Smelting Co., 32 Devon:, hi re St. Boston, Ha.-.s. Mohawk Mining Co., 15 William Sr., IT*'-York, 17. Y. National Mining Co., 6 'Beacon S«., Boston, Mass.

Native Copper Co., 6b Devonshire. PI., " "

Nev; Arcadian Cop.per Co., Houghton, Mich.

New Baltic Copper Co., 37 .Milk rt., Poston, Is r a. North Lake Mining Co. 60 Ccn-reor. St., " " Ojibv/ay Mining Co., 14C0 Albert:. ridg. , Duluth, Minn.

Old Colony Copp tr Co., 7C : t ke 2 .., M o r t o n . Marc.

Onecc Cc-.p -r Co., :V— 50 *'v to '"i., " "

Osceola Const . idatc ?. Mi: ing C- . . 10 Ash'm rton ':J .Bos tor , Of s

Pacific Copper Co., 705-Ioy r ir.gt n Pt. . " "

Phoenix Con:oljdate 1 Cojjp*?r C c . ., M:nco' k Michigan. Quincy Mining Co., 52 Broadway , Mr- York

St. Louie Copper C>..., 13 AeliV.i.rt: r. ?1 cs, " 1,000, occ 195

Geological anb biological Swrbep

II. C. ALLAN, om seio*. WUODJiHIDOf'. N. HilCU/S, •TATS GlOiOOItT Governor of the Mule A. a. HUYMVSM. CMAF MATUftAUtr. TJIO.MAS V. NADAI., R. A. SMITH, OftOLOMT. I'resldeM of the state Hoard of F.ducattou. O. R. HAMILTON, MINIMA lN«NI«R, FAED L. KEELKIt, L. A, RARRITT, ASMtAMT OlOLSSliT. State Superintendent of Public Instruction.

Lansing, Michigan. October 7, 1916.

I ref. I., A. C?i£».S3, * 14? Cc.l.e£3 Av -3 ,, \

* - 'A wi* - u H j . - J.

VvLi' r'ir

Vour 1“ • t.~r of Cct'*.‘:->ir 3a to I.lr. R. C. Alle:., ftc-te

?*eo‘.cclot, V.' bear. r-'.j ivef in his ah seres, hut Z -ould air.lie that . inerd He.xureje for lo35 io nearly through th- iiress but v;i11 ot be available for distribution for scii.e we .he to ccrre.

I lu. ei.oj. cina •: uh . :t c:' to; Li?' ed data which may ^ivo you the ir.forii.ation you uesire rela-ive to the total cci-i.er i-roduction of iiiehi££i: for 1935 and the c;-.; itnliza- ticn of the uiinaji^ c . anief .

Very trui;- y c u r r ,

G-ruio^iot, APPENDIX II

A List of Theaters and Ethnic Halls 196

Opera Houses, Theaters and Ethnic Halls 1895-1916-Houghton County, Michigan

Opera Houses and Theaters (standing)

1. Calumet Opera House - Calumet - 356 6th built in 1900 2. Crown Theater - Calumet - 335 5th 3. Royal Theater - Calumet - 305 6th 4. Savoy Theater - Hancock - 317 Quincy 5. Orpheum Theater - Hancock - 428 Quincy 6 . Peoples Theater - Laurium - 246 Hecla 7. Lyric Theater - Laurium - 408 Hecla

Opera Houses and Theaters (not standing)

8 . Red Jacket Opera House - over village hall built in 1887 9. Calumet Light Guard Armory - Calumet - No address 10. Grand Theater - Calumet - 424 5th 11. Star Theater - Calumet - 324 5th 12. Amphidome - Houghton - Ft. of Portage 13. Star Theater - Houghton - 154 Shelden 14. Opera House - Laurium - 306-3-8 Hecla - built in 1895 15. Bismarck Opera House - Lake Linden - No address 16. Lake Linden Opera House - Lake Linden - Center and Front built in 1895 17. Grand Theater - Lake Linden - WS Center le of Calumet Ave. 18. Cozy Theater - Dollar Bay - No address 19. Majestic Theater - Hubbell - WS Duncan Ave. 20. Star Theater - South Range - Trimountain Ave. 21. Kerredge Opera House - Hancock - NS Quincy 2e of Reservation

Ethnic Halls (standing)

1. Suomi Hall - Calumet - 206 5th 2. B. S. Italian Hall - Calumet - 409 7th 3. Sobieskiego Hall - Calumet - 315 7th 4. Olsen's Hall - Calumet - 3972 Scott 5. Slavonic Hall - Calumet - 407 7th 6 . Kaleva Temple - South Range - (Main St. of Town)

Ethnic Halls (not standing)

7. Wilmer's Hall - Calumet - 409 6th 8 . Hyva Towan Hall - Calumet - 312 8 th 9. Borgo Block - Calumet 10. Union Block - Calumet 11. Kywa Toivo Hall - Calumet - 4th 12. Millers Hall - Houghton - No address 13. Hartmanns Hall - Houghton 14. St. Cecilia Club - Houghton - No address 15. Germania Hall - Hancock - No address 16. Norwegian Temperance Hall - Hancock - (Quincy location) 197

17. St. Patricks Hall - Hancock - No address 18. Finnish Temperance Hall - (Scotts Bl.) - Hancock 19. Quincy Hall - Hancock 20. Losselyona Hall - Laurium - 338 Osceola 21. Hall over Post Office - Laurium 22. St. Jean Baptiste Hall - Lake Linden 23. Jacobsville Finnish Hall - Jacobsville - No address 24. OPSH Hall - Lake Linden 25. Matmessner's Hall - Renova 26. Monroe Hall (over trade saloon) - Laurium 27. Lanctot's Hall - Laurium 28. Kahter Hall - Lake Linden 29. St. George Hall - Calumet APPENDIX III

Entertainment in Ethnic Halls 198

A breakdown of the entertainment of the Halls in Houghton County shortly before and after 1900.

1. Balls, Dances A. Wilmer's Hall - Calumet 1. Grand Social Hop under auspices of Imperial Dancing Club. 1-21-96 2. German Aid Society 25th Anniversary Dance, music by Regiment band and societies band. 2-3-96 B. B.S. Italian Hall - Calumet 1. Masquerade Ball under auspices of Bachelor's Club. 2-96 2. Masquerade Ball under auspices of Christophoro Colombo band. 2-10-96 C. Lanctot's Hall - Laurium 1. Franz Wilezek Concert and Laurium brass band dance party. 2-17-96 D. Matmessner's Hall - Renova 1. Grand Masquerade Ball. 2-96 E. Hartmann's Hall 1. Prof. Johnson dance for pupils of his school of music. 2-10-96 F. St. Patrick's Hall - Hancock 1. Irish Relief Club's Grand Ball with Weissmiller's orchestra. 11-16-97 2. Hancock Fire Department Ball with Weissmiller’s orchestra. 2-8-98 3. Quincy Band Annual Dance. 2-15-96 4. Portage Camp No. 2596, Modern Woodmen of America Second Annual Ball. 1-17-00 II. Vocal and Literary Programs A. Germania Hall - Hancock 1. Dinner with vocal and literary program in honor of opening of Suomi College. 1-17-96 B. St. Patrick's Hall - Hancock 1. Program for 2-3-00: Selection - Irish aria--Quincy Cornet Band Vocal solo- Miss Annetta LaVigne Recitation - Erin's Flag--Master James Carrigan Vocal solo - Irish Ballad--Mr. G. Heame Instrumental solo - Mr. E. T. Pauli Vocal solo - Cushea Macharee, by Mr. Simon Beaham Song - Where the Beautiful River Flow— Quartette Address by J. E. Sealton, M.D. Part II Cornet solo - members of Quincy Band Vocal solo - Miss Annetta LaVigne Instrumental selections - Echoes from Erin— S. Seller Piano by Miss Geraldine Carrigan Misses Agness McCarthy, Agnes Keongh, May Divyer, Olive Carrigan, Anita Houghlin, Mandolins. 199

Recitation - Gramma's Shamrocks— Miss Flossie Goggin Vocal solo - Irish Ballad— Mr. G. Heame Selection by the Quincy Cornet Band. 2-3-00 C. Olsen's (Olson's) Hall - Calumet 1. Freman Society - Musical and literary program, piano selections, vocal solos, and the Viking Glee Club. 1-96 2. Freman Society social and entertainment. 1-10-96 D. Finnish Hall 8th - Calumet 1. Sneliman Literary Society address "The Land of our Adoption" and "Rise of the American Union" by Mr. 0. J. Larson. 1-96 E. B. S. Italian Hall - Calumet 1. Musical and Literary concert with the Italian Dramatic Club and the Christoforo Colombo Band. 2-4-96 2. Austrian Singing Society with the Austrian band leader John Plautz. 2-8-96 F. Wilmer's Hall - Calumet 1. The William Linden Family of Chicago, skilled musicians. 3-2-01 F. Monroe Hall - Laurium 1. Chicago ladies orchestra. 2-3-00 III. Meetings A. Union Block - Calumet 1. Meeting of Seneca Camp No. 1247, W. E. Steckbauer clerk. 1-3-96 B. Pieiffer's Hall - Houghton 1. Republican Convention to choose delegates for state convention. 4-9-96 C. Kahter Hall - Lake Linden 1. Meeting to incorporate S. Lake Linden into Lake Linden. 1-12-00 D. Hywa Toivo Hall - Calumet 1. Town Caucus. 3-1-01 E. Lanctot's Hall - Laurium 1. Village Caucus. 2-29-96 F. Germania Hall - Hancock 1. Town Caucus. 3-22-01 2. No. 19 Michigan Liquor Dealer Association. 1-17-96 IV. A. St. Patrick's Hall 1. Stereopticon of Ireland by Thomas McVeagh of Detroit, presented by Hibernian Rifles. 1-96 2. Frank Tucker Theater Co. - "An Unequal Match." 3. J. B. Browne Theater Co., plays change nightly. 2-26-96 4. The Home Dramatic Co. - 4 act melo-drama "Past Redemption." 4-18-96 5. Students of junior class of Hancock High School present "Box and Cox" and "Lady Fortune.", 5-2-96 6 . Benefit by Frank E. Long and Co. for St. Mary's Hospital fund. 2-3-00 2 0 0

B. Olsen's (Olson's) Hall 1. Meeting of "Billee Taylor" cast. 2-24-96 C. B. S. Italian Hall - Calumet 1. Austrian Singing Society - concert and drama. Cast: John Plautz, John Ludrich, Joseph Sterk, John Zorman. 2-8-96 2. Frank E. Long and Co. - 6 speciality acts. 1-8-00 3. Walter Walkers assisted by Hiss M. St. Pierre in Henry Guy Carleton's Comedy "The Nominee." 1-24-00 4. Uncle Tom's Cabin. 2-3-00 APPENDIX IV

List of Ethnic Halls and Societies that Used Them in 1900 2 0 1

The Halls and the Societies that Used Them

Calumet 1. Wilmer's Hall Austrian Singing Society 409 6th German Aid Society German Macnnerchor Concordia St. Joseph's Slavonian Benevolent Society

*2 . Italian Hall Carlo Botta Benevolent 409 7th Society Columbus Society Guiseppe Guisti Benevolent Society Italian Benevolent Society Italian Independent Political Society St. John's (Croation) Benevolent Society St. Peter's (Slavonian) Benevolent Society St. Rocco Society (Austrian)

*3, Slavonic Hall Cyrillus & Methodius 407 7th (same (Slavonic Society) building as 2 )

(building shared with No. 2)

4. Borgo Block Finnish Glee Club Building Suomalainennais SE C o m e r 5th Yhdistys (Finnish Ladies Society)

5. St. George Hall

6 . Hywa Toivo Hall Hywa Toivo Temperance 4th Street Society

7. Finnish Hall Finnish Independent (Hyva Towan) Temperance Society 312 Beth (Hyvatoiva Itsendinen) Kaleva Sick and Benevolent Society Society of Public Education (Kansan Valistus Seura)

*3. Olsen's Hall Finnish Temperance 3972 Scott Society (Hyvatoiva) Fremad Norwegin Society 2 0 2

*9 Sobieskiego Husarzy Jana Sobieskiego 315 7th Society Nora Norwegian Temperance Society St. George Society St. Stanislav's Society

10. Union Block St. Jean Baptiste Society Building

*11. Suomi Hall Suomi Society 206 5th Swedish Benevolent Society

12. Calumet Light Guard Armory

Houghton 13. Hartmann's Hall Portage Lake Arbeiter and Unterstuetzungs Verein St. Jean Baptists Society

14. Pieiffer's Hall

15. Millers Hall

16. St. Cecilia Club

Laurium 17. Laurium Hall Suomi Seura (over post office)

18. Losselyona Hall Calumet Maennerchor 338 Osceola

19. Monroe Hall (over board of trade saloon)

20. Lanctot's Hall

Hancock 21. St. Patrick's Hall Ancient Order of Hiber­ nians St. Patricks Benevolent Society

22. Germania Hall Deutscher Arbeiter Untersteutzungs Verein Hancock Maennerchor (Lyra) St. Jean Baptists Society St. Joseph's German Society

23. Norwegian Temper­ Norwegian Temperance Society ance Hall (Templars of Temperance)

24. Finnish Temperance Walso Sade No. 9 Hall (Finnish Temperance Scotts block Society) Potijan Tahi Society 203

25. Quincy Hall St. George's Society Quincy Location

South Range *26. Kaleva Temple No information available

Lake Linden 27. ODHS Hall German Aid Society- Concordia

28. St. Jean Baptiste St. Jean Baptiste Society Hall

29. Kahter Hall No information available

Jacobs­ ville 30. Jacobsville Finnish No information available Hall

Renova 31. Matmessner's Hall No information available FOOTNOTES

INTRODUCTION

1 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), pp. 301-316.

2 Carl Ross, The Finn Factor in American Labor, Culture and Society (New York Mills, Mn: Parta Printers Inc., 1977), p. 125.

3 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Storg (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, V552),

4 Ibid., p. 77.

5 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), p. 501.

6 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the Author, Hancock, 19^4), p. 44.

7 Willis F. Dunbar, "The Opera House as a Social Insti­ tution," Michigan History, Vol. XXVII, 1943, p. 670.

CHAPTER 1

1 Willis F. Dunbar, "The Opera House as a Social In­ stitution," Michigan History, Vol. XXVII, 1943, pp. 661-672.

2 Ibid., pp'. 661-672.

3 Ibid., pp. 661-672.

4 Ibid., pp. 661-672.

5 Clarence J. Monette, The Calumet Theater (Lake Linden, Michigan: by the author, Lake Linden, 1979), p. 34. 205

6 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wol­ verine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), p. 501.

7 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1952), p. 8 0 .

8 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Republished by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 151.

9 George R. Agassiz, Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz with a sketch of his life and work (Boston and New York: Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, 1913), pp. 28-52.

CHAPTER II

1 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), pp. 301-316.

2 Ibid., p. 303.

3 Ibid., p. 316.

4 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: Dy the author, Hancock, 1974), p. 7.

5 James E. Fitting, The Archaeology of Michigan: A Guide to the Prehistory of the Great Lakes Region (Bloom- field Hills, Michigan: Cranbrook Institute of Science, 1975), pp. 88-89.

6 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), pp. 1 0 -1 1 .

7 Ibid., p. 10.

8 Ibid., p. 11.

9 Alexander Henry, 1739-1824, Alexander Henry’s Travels and Adventures in the Years*1760-1776 ed py Milo Milton Quaife, (Chicago: R. R. Donnelley and Sons Company, 1921), pp. 186-187.

10 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 18. 206

11 Douglass Houghton, Geological Reports of Douglass Houghton, First State Geologist of Michigan 1837- 1845, ed. by George N. ^uller (Lansing: The Michigan Historical Commission, 1923), p. 20.

12 Ibid., p. 399.

13 Ibid., p. 558.

14 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), pp. 73-85.

15 Ibid., pp. 87-96.

16 Ibid., p. 159.

17 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, I?52), p. 75.

18 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 34.

19 United States Statutes - 1871, Forty-second Congress Session II Chapter CLII, Mayr 10, 1872, ed. by George P. Sanger (Boston: Little Brown and Co., 1871), pp. 91-96.

20 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 41.

21 Ibid., p. 159.

CHAPTER III

1 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, T TOJ, p. 29.

2 Ibid., p. 29.

3 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Repub­ lished by Roy W . Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 131.

4 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: Univeristy o£ Michigan Press, 1952), p. 30.

5 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), p. 501. 207

6 George R. Agassiz, Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz with a Sketcho£ his life and work (Boston and New York; Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, 1913), p. 85.

7 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G, Koepel, 1964), p. 136.

8 Ibid., p. 136.

9 Ibid., p. 138.

10 Harry C. Benedit, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press TOlt, p. 47.

11 Ibid., p. 46.

12 Ibid., P. 61.

13. Ibid., p. 44.

14 George R. Agassiz, Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz with a sketch of his life and work (Boston and New York: Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, 1913), p. 53.

15 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1952), p . 45.

16 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), p. 498.

17 George R. Agassiz, Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz with a sketch of his life and work (Boston and New York: Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, 1913), p. 53.

18 Ibid., pp. 63-67.

19 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Dier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 136.

20 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, T 9 5 2 T , p. 49.

21 Ibid., p. 58. 208

22 Ibid., p. 53.

23 Ibid., p. 54.

CHAPTER IV

1 George R. Agassiz, Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz with a sketch of his life and work (Boston and New York: Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, 1913), pp. 3-6.

2 Ibid., pp. 7-8.

3 Ibid., p. 14.

4 Ibid., p. 16.

5 Ibid., pp. 19-23.

6 Ibid., p. 24.

7 Ibid., p. 27.

8 Ibid., p. 53.

9 Ibid., p . 83.

10 Ibid., p. 57.

11 Ibid., p. 61.

12 Ibid., pp. 83-84.

13 Ibid., p. 89.

14 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1952), p. 1 1 6 .

CHAPTER V

1 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet,Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), p. 47.

2 Ibid., p. 47.

3 Ibid., p. 47. 209

4 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1&64-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Sancock, 1974), p. 52.

5 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 157.

6 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), p. 502.

7 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), p . 49

8 Ibid., pp. 8-9.

9 Douglass Houghton, Geological Reports of Douglass Houghton, First State Geologist of Michigan 1837- 1845, ed. by George N. Fuller (Lansing: The Michigan Historical Commission, 1928), p. 557.

10 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), p. 13.

11 Commission of Western Upper Peninsula Planning and Development Region, Historic Preservation Plan (Houghton, Mi chi gan: WVPPDR, 1977), p. 41.

12 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), p . 7.

13 Ibid., p. 43.

14 Ibid., p. 44.

15 Ibid., p. 45.

16 Ibid., p. 44.

17 Ibid., p. 44.

18 Ibid., pp. 50-51.

19 Ibid., p. 47.

CHAPTER VI

1 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), pp. 135-1. 2 1 0

2 A. L. Rowse, The Cousin Jacks; The Cornish in America (New York: Charles ScribherTs Sons iy69), pp. i66-167.

3 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), p. 14.

4 Carl Ross, The Finn Factor in American Labor, Culture and Society (New York Mills, Mn: Parta Printers Inc., 19775; P. 67.

5 A. L. Rowse, The Cousin Jacks; The Cornish in America (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969), pp. 177, 178, 186.

6 Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order 1877-1920 (New Nork: Hill and Wang, 1967), pp. 51-57.

7 Ibid., p. 89.

8 Arthur W. Thurmer, Calumet. Copper and People History. of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 19?4), p. 21.

9 Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), p. 50.

10 Ibid., p. 51.

CHAPTER VII

1 Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), pp. 10, 12.

2 Ibid., p. 14.

3 Ibid., p. 45.

4 Amerikan Suomalaisten Swistyshistora, 2 vols., 1 (Hancock: The Book Concern, 1930), p. 30.

5 John H. Whorinen, Nationalism in Modern Finland (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), pp. 12-15, 44-46.

6 Ibid., pp. 170-171.

7 Carl Ross, The Finn Factor in American labor, culture and society (New York Mills, Mn: Parta Printers Inc., 1977), p. 60.

8 Ibid., p. 61. 2 1 1

9 Ibid., p. 72.

10 Ibid,, p. 71.

11 Ibid., p. 61. CM

12 Ibid., p. •

13 Editorial , Red Jacket News, March 8 , 1889, p. 6 .

CHAPTERVIII

1 Clarence J. Monette, (Lake Linden, Michigan: by the author, Lake Linden, 1979), p. 38.

2 Ibid., p. 38.

3 Editorial, Daily Mining Gazette, May 31, 1911, p. 6 .

4 Clarence J. Monette, The Calumet Theatre (Lake Linden, Michigan: by the author, Lake Linden, 1979), p. 40.

5 Ibid., p. 6 .

6 Ibid., p. 14.

7 Editorial, The State News, June 4, 1982, p. 6 .

8 Clarence J. Monette, The Calumet Theatre (Lake Linden, Michigan: by the author, Lake Linden, 1979), p. 6 .

9 Willis F. Dunbar, "The Opera House as a social In­ stitution," Michigan History, VOL. XXVII, 1943, pp. 661-672.

10 Clarence J. Monette, The Calumet Theatre (Lake Linden, Michigan: by the author, Lake Linden, 1979), p. 42.

11 Editorial, Red Jacket News, March 8 , 1889, p. 8 .

CHAPTER IX

1 Hannah Josephson, The Golden Threads, New England*s Mill Girls and Magnates (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1949), p. 36.

2 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), pp. 131-132.

3 Willis F. Dunbar, Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1965), p. 499. 2 1 2

3 Hannah Josephson, The Golden Threads. New England^ Mill Girls and Magnates (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1949), p. 37.

4 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet.Copper and People History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), p. 9.

5 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal; The Calumet and Stor^ (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1952),

6 Ibid., pp. 69-70.

7 Hannah Josephson, The Golden Threads, New England’s Mill Girls and Magnates (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1949), p. 61.

8 Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet, Copper and People.History of a Michigan Mining Community 1864-1970 (Hancock, Michigan: by the author, Hancock, 1974), pp. 13-14.

9 Commission of Western Upper Peninsula Planning and Development Region, Historic Preservation Plan (Houghton, Michigan: WUPPDR, 1977), p. 27Ti

10 John Roger Johansen, Calumet Downtown Historic District Plan (Houghton, Michigan: by the author, 100 Portage, WPS), p. 13. 11 Commission of Western Upper Peninsula Planning and Development Region, Historic Preservation Plan (Houghton, Michigan: WUPPDR, 1977), p. 17.

12 Ibid., p. 18.

13 John Roger Johnansen, Calumet Downtown Historic Dis­ trict Plan (Houghton, Michigan: by the author, 100 Portage, 1979), p. 13.

14 Commission of Western Upper Peninsula Planning and Development Region, Historic Preservation Plan (Houghton, Michigan: "WUPPDR, 1977), p. 23.

15 Ibid., p. 17.

16 Ibid., p. 26.

17 Ibid., p. 19.

18 Ibid., p. 20.

19 Ibid., p. 21. 213

21 Ibid., p. 29.

22 Ibid., p. 27.

23 Clarence J. Monette, The History of Jacobsville and its Sandstone Quarries (Lake Linden, Michigan: Welden H. Curtin, 19/6), p. 48.

24 John Roger Johansen, Calumet Downtown Historic District Plan (Houghton, Michigan: by the author, 100 Portage, 1979), p. 14.

25 Ibid., p. 14.

26 Ibid., p. 15.

27 Ibid., p. 15.

CHAPTER X

1 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 228.

2 Carl Ross, The Finn Factor in American Labor, Culture and Society (New York Mills, Mn: Parta Printers Inc., 1977), pp. 123-125.

3 Ibid., p. 124.

4 Ibid., pp. 124-125.

5 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan; Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 2 2 0 .

6 Harry C. Benedict, Red Metal: The Calumet and Hecla Story (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1952), p . 226.

7 Ibid., p. 226.

8 Carl Ross, The Finn Factor in American Labor, Culture and Society (New York Mills, Mn: Parta Printers Inc., 1977); p. 132.

9 Ibid., p. 133.

10 Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper (Calumet, Michigan: Re­ published by Roy W. Drier and Louis G. Koepel, 1964), p. 226. 214

11 George R. Agassiz, Letters and Recollections of Alexander Agassiz with a sketch of his life and work (Boston and tJew York: Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, 1913), p. 89. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Newspapers: Copper County Evening News - Calumet, Michigan Ontonagon Miner - Ontonagon, Michigan Daily Mining Gazette - Houghton, Michigan Portage Lake Gazette - Houghton, Michigan Native Copper Times - Lake Linden, Michigan Red Jacket News - Calumet, Michigan The State News~- East Lansing, Michigan