The life and works of Juan del Encina; with sixty-eight of his musical compositions transcribed into modern notation and annotated
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Authors Brewer, Leslie Odell, 1907-
Publisher The University of Arizona.
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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/553221 THE LIFE AND WORKS OF JUAN DEL ENCINA
WITH • . 1 SIXTY-EIGHT OF HIS MUSICAL COMPOSITIONS
TRANSCRIBED INTO MODERN NOTATION AND ANNOTATED
ty LESLIE 0. BREWER
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for'-the'degree of
Master of Arts .
in the College of Letters, Arts, and Sciences, of the University of Arizona
1933
Approved:
Major Adviser Date
£ ~ 9 V 9 /
% I. --Introduction...... 3 II.--The Life of Encina...... 4 III.--Encina*a Literary Works...... 8 IV.--Historical Sketch of the Part Music Has Played in the Development of Lyric Poetry and the Drama in Spain...... 12 V.--Interrelation of Musical and Poetical Elements in Encina’s Works...... 16 VI.--The Importance of Encina’s Musical Compositions . 21 VII.— Introduction to Encina’s Songs...... 26 VIII.— Sixty-eight of Encina’s Musical Compositions Transcribed into Modern notation...... 29 IX. ——Conclusion. . . . « • . » • . . . • . 124 X. — Potes...... 126 XI. - -Bibliography...... 139 90529 4 II; THE LIFE OF EKCIHA. Juan del Encina was "born in 1469. The place of his "birth is still uncertain in spite of many attempts to fix it definitely.^ The question is whether he was born in Salamanca, or in Encina, a nearby village. Ho agreement is reached as to who his- parents were. We know the names of six of his brothers; one of them, Diego, has a musical composition in the collection of Juan.** It is likely that Encina received his first lessons in music from this bro ther. 3 Nothing is known of his‘early years, and it seems pro bable that few data will be found touching on them.4 He studied in the University of Salamanca (1481), where he was much favored by its Chancellor, D. Gutierre de Toledo, a brother of the Duke of Alba. It is possible that he was one of the first students of Hebrija, for after his return from Italy in 1473 this great scholar is known to have taught in Salamanca during the time Encina was a student there. If so, under him he came in contact with the doc trine and spirit of the Renaissance.3 When he was twenty-five years of age, he entered the service of D. Fadrique de Toledo, second Duke of Alba (1492). In one of his eglogas he shows himself Mmuy alegre e ufand porque sus senorias le hablan ya recibido por suyoH.® Error in binding. p.6-7 follow page 126. p.9 follows page 127. 6 His delations with this church were often severely strained. He had not, as yet, received his full orders, and his artistic interests in Rome were frequently the ex cuse for prolonged absences. These carefree journeys so an noyed his fellow-members of the cabildo that they deprived him of a part of his benefice, but he was so strongly estab lished in the favor of lope Leo X that he was soon repossess ed of it by a papal bull, reading in part: "(que) no pudiese ser privado, molestado, ni perturbado".15 So in Rome he re mained, occupied in dramatic composition. Careless historians have credited him with the position of Master of the Pontifical Chapel, but, as Earbieri points out, this was impossible. The position was given only to Bishops or other high dignitaries of the Church.^ We are not even certain that he was ever a singer in the papal choir. Six Spaniards are listed in the records during the time he is known to have been in Rome, but Encina*s name is missing from them. His high standing in Rome led to his appointment as Prior of Leon (1519). He took possession of it by proxy and set out on a journey to Jerusalem. On Mount Zion he cele brated his first Mass. His Trivagia, o sacra via de Hieru- salem (1521) describes this journey. He returned to Leon at least for the period between October 2, 1526, and January, 1529,^ a fact which was not known until the appearance of Molleda*s article (1909). 7 The same author sets the date of his death as the last of 1529, or first of 1530^ five years earlier than most writers, who have followed Gil Gonzalez D a v i l a . D a v i l a was also authority for the statement that Encina was buried in the Cathedral at Salamanca, which is contradicted by Kolleda*s study. The latter presents documents to establish the fact / "17 that Juan del Encina was buried in Leon.x 8 III BNCINA’S LIT3RARY WORKS. The first edition of Encina’s Cancionero (1496) contain ed eight plays called eglogas. He adopted the name egloga as well as much material from Vergil. Two of them, representing the passion and the resurrection of Christ, are devout in character and are direct descendants of the liturgical drama. His Christmas eglogas contain a mixture of somewhat secular, comic elements, along with the religious elements, as was often the case with mediaeval religious plays, even those dealing with Christ’s passion.19 One of these was played in the hall or the chapel of the palace of the Duke of Alha pro bably on Christmas Day, 1 4 9 2 . Even more secular, "bordering on the nature of farces, are his Carnival eclogues, played Q *1 f probably at the same place in 1494. The Aucto del renelon (1509), misnamed, for it is clearly a farce, retains memories of his student days at Salamanca, when the college boys tricked the peasants who had come to market. This was the first.example of a type soon, to develop into the entreroes.22 The remaining plays are divided by Crawford into three groups according to the source of their inspiration:2^ 1. Plays influenced by Vergil’s Eclogues containing popular e l e m e n t s . The shepherds of Vergil receive new treatment. They are given the costumes and dialect of Span ish rustics and become comic in type. 9 2. Plays derived from the Cancionero literature, built around love as the central figure, as frequently treated in the fifteenth-century Cancioneros. 3. Plays derived from an imitation of Italian pastoral p o e t r y . T h e r e is no question that Bncina was greatly in fluenced by Italian sources. In this group belong the best of his plays - Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano.27 Egloga de Cristino y Pebea^S (These two were never printed in any edi- tion of his Cancionero). and the Egloga de tree pastores. Eileno, Zambardo y Cordonio.29 This was the first tragedy of the Spanish theatre. The innovation may be explained from the fact that the play was derived directly (some parts practically translated) from the second eclogue of Antonio Tebaldeo, an Italian.30 All of Encina’s plays are in pastoral style; most of them are s i'mple conversations between two, three, or four shepherds, native dialect abounds, the dialogue is lively, direct, and interesting. Few have questioned the right of Encina to the title of Patriarch of the Spanish Drama, first given him by Rojas in his Via.je entret enido.3^ Of course the Spanish theatre be gan much before this, as witness the Auto de los reyes magos belonging to the beginning of the XII century, and many dra matic productions of the Church during the intervening cen- turies; it would be absurd to suppose so complex an organi zation as the drama of a nation springing up in a moment.^2 10 Encina inherited a tradition from the liturgical drama which he changed into new forms; lie was surrounded by imitators such as Lucas F e r n a n d e z , b u t with all this he was "nuestro primer autor dramatico de alguna importancia".^ He secular ized the theatre, setting it free from the limitations and supervision of the Church. Though he wrote on religious themes, most of these had popular elements in them and his secular plays are superior to his religious plays.^ His were the first plays that attempted to capitalize popular elements such as comic characters and native dialect, and in this he began for the theatre a new era. He did not, however, carry the theatre to the people; his first plays were written for the pleasure of the court of Alba, and his later ones for the ecclesiastical nobility of Rome. In the field of poetry26 he excelled in the lighter, short forms. He especially cultivated a peasant form, the villancico. which he often included in his plays. The major portion of his songs which are included in this study are built on this verse form. His frivolous verse, drawn from close to the heart of the people, was extremely popular. Works of Encina outside of his eglogas include the many re ligious and secular poems found in his Cancionero (1496), the poem Trivagia (already mentioned), the Disparates tro- vados. which were in the nature of recreational verse, the Triunfo de la fama, written to celebrate the fall of Granada, the Triunfo de amores. dedicated to the firstborn of the Duke 11 of Alba (D. Garcia de Toledo), the Tragedia de la muerte del principe D. Juan,3? the paraphrase of Vergil.' s Eclogues, and the curious Arte de poesia castellana which shows the influ ence of Kebrija's Gramatica castellana.38 12 - . ; IV - ' : ^ ' : HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PART I1USIC HAS PLAYED • - . '■ . . IN THE : . ; ' ’ ■ DEVELOPMENT OF LYRIC POETRY AND THE DRAMA IN SPAIN. "It seems natural that, since the modern theatre is de rived from the songs, offices, and ceremonies of the Catholic Church, it should conserve, even after becoming secularized, the musical element as one of the most essential for its full rounding out and "beauty. In these words the author of an historical treatise on the zarzuela sums up the part music must have played in the early theatre. In the Misterio de Elche. we have a presen tation "beginning on Assumption Eve and lasting- through Assump tion Day (August 14 and 15),:which has been played since the end of the fourteenth century or perhaps earlier.40 This is a true religious opera, in that it is entirely sung. It is interesting to note that Antonio de Ribera is one of the musical composers represented in its music. He was a contemporary of Juan del Encina, and received much in spiration in his harmonies from Encina.41 Two of the songs used in the play are contained in Barbieri1a Cancionero musi cal. numbers 4 and 126. This misterio is a survival of one of the many Autos del Transito % Asuncion de Nuestra Senora. most of which were prohibited during the fifteenth and six- teenth centuries because profane elements were being intro 13 duced, and it surely is not a long step from productions of this type to the primitive secular theatre. The history of the theatre after Bncina, well through the Golden Age, is full of dramatic works which are not com pletewithout the music that originally accompanied them. Contemporary to Encina, Lucas Fernandez wrote his Aut_o d£ la pas ion, in which music is not incidental but is included as an integral part of the dialogue. The comedias of Torres Kaharro and Gil Vicente contain many villancicos and romances sung at the beginning and end, or sometimes in the middle.42 Juan de Timoneda and Alonso de la Vega also used music in different ways as part of the action of their plays. In 1629 there appeared-a production, La selva sin amor, entirely sung in the form of an opera.4? The verse was by Lope de Vega, though the author of the music remains undiscovered. In other of Lope's works music and dancing formed either an im portant part, or an accessory of less importance. One can find interpolated songs and dances in practically all the dramatists of the Golden Age.44 Pedro Calderon de la Barca combined music with his verse to form the first zarzuela.45 Music seems even more inseparable from the origins of lyric poetry. The bulk of ancient verse of this type is a product of trovadores and Juglares who sang the verse now found without its music in the cancioneros. Julio Cejador, in the prologue of his Verdadera Poesia Castellana. makes 14 this apology: "We cannot publish the cantares with their mu sic as would be desirable, since the music is essential to this lyric,type. So essential, that I am inclined to say that, in this Floresta. I offer flowers already withered when I offer simply the dead letter of a lyric that was es sentially musical.” He then says that the popular poetry yet preserved should be published with its own music in modern notation. In conclusion he says: "As one sees, all the poems of the Floresta had music and were sung." What is the reason that we have so much verse of the songs and so little music? On this point Julian Ribera dwells at lengthI shall quote him in substance. When an archi tect constructs a palace, or an artist paints a picture, there remains permanent evidence of what his art was. In music, on the contrary, a notation universally comprehensible has not existed until modern times. Lacking such a universally in telligible notation, music lives only while the vibrations of its tones continue, or as long as both words and music are handed down from father.to son in the oral tradition. While treatises on technical aspects of music are numerous from early times,the actual pieces of music, in which we may know exactly what notes were sung, are rare indeed. Menen- dez Pidal, speaking of Barbieri’s Cancionero, which is the center of this study, judges it very important, because its traditional poetry is given "con el inseparable acompahamiento de la musica."49 jn the introduction to a collection of 15 Spanish ballads, the compiler bemoans the fact that "collec tors have been strangely neglectful of the melodies that car ried the words, and have turned all their attention to the latter. ... the romance among the people is always sung."5® 16 - . ' V. : - x , • : INTERRELATION OF MUSICAL AND POETICAL ELEMENTS : IN ' ■ • ENCINA'S WORKS. Not only did Encina lay the foundations for the Spanish theatre; his career is just as important from the musical viewpoint.Most of his musical compositions are villan- cicos: some of them are to be found in his eglogas. in which they were sung by the actors themselves. In commenting on the discovery of the Cancionero, which Barbieri later edited, and from which the music comes, accompanied by the words, one author says: "lo cual permitira hoy mismo ejecutarlas (the plays) acompahadas de la musica que les puso su autor."52 These plays, then, are not completely understood without some conception of the musical background which formed part of them. The same author refers to the close union of lyric, dramatic, and musical qualities in Encina*s plays "en el que se hallan los mas remotos origenes del espectaculo conocido entre nosotros con el nombre de zarzuela".53 This practice, as we have seen, of combining recitation with song, was con tinued by subsequent dramatists until it led, directly to the zarzuela of the time of Calderon. This isonermore title which we must add to the fame of the versatile Encina. Mit- jana, who has done so much to clear up obscure parts in En cina * s life, has nearly the same thing to say in regard to the 17 importance of music in his eglogast i'arid in his eglogas, the music plays so decisive a part, that some of them may he con sidered true zarzuelas or comic,operas. In some we find Im portant fragments that should be sung; in others are inter ludes of dancing; all of them end with a villancico sung by all the personages that have taken part in the act ion."54 In this connection it is interesting to note that a fourth shepherd was introduced at the very end of the Aucto del Repelon for no other purpose than that they might "sing two by two".^ In this study will now be given individual instances of parts of his plays which are found with their music. The Egloga representada por las mesmas personas closes with a villancico beginning: Ninguno cierre las puertas Si Amor viniere a llamar, Que no le ha de aprovechar. A1 Amor obedezcamos Con muy presta voluntad, Pues es de necesidad, be fuerza virtud hagamos. A1 Amor no resistamos; Eadie cierre a su llamar, ' ..... : - ■■ c /» ■ ■ , Q,ue no le ha de aprovechar. ■ This same villancico is included with its music as Ko. 354 18 of the musical examples of this:study. It is harmonized in four Voices, first and second tiples. tenor, and contratenor. In the middle of the same egloga is found another villancico, the first lines of which are: Gasajemonos de hucia, . Qu’el pesar Vienese sin le buscar.57 This, with its music, is h'o. 353. of the compositions of mu sic included in this study. The musical arrangement is es pecially interesting, harmonized for the same four voices as the previous example. The first tiple and the contratenor sing five measures as a duet and are answered by the second tiple and.the tenor, singing a similar phrase. In the Egloga representada la mesma noche de Antrue,jo o Carnestollendas, the concluding villancico is:. . Hoy comamos y bebamos .Y cantemos y holguemos, CO ' ' ' Q,ue manana ayunaremos. This will be found with its music as Ko. 357, harmonized for tiple, contralto. tenor, and contratenor. It is interesting to note that, contained in fifty-four pages which were mis sing from the original manuscript of the Cancionero Musical de los Siglos XV y XVI. the music to at least two more vi- llancicos, also known to us as part of his plays, was lost. I 19 We have the index to them, and know which they were.59 One is a composition which begins: Circumdederunt me Dolores de amor y fe; iAy! circumdederunt me. This is a part of the.Bgloga de Placida y Vitoriano, in which it appears under the title of Vigilia de la enamorada muerta.50 Though the music has never been found, it is evident that this part of the play had its music and was sung. Similarly noted but missing, is the music of a villancico that begins, Repastemos el ganado^l which is placed at the end of the egloga beginning, Fascual, Dios te mantenga.61 We have already seen the close relation that exists be tween popular lyric poetry and the music that accompanied it. In this field Encina had a distinct advantage. He was musi cian and poet, excelling in both; and it is probably the musical qualities in his verse that save it from obscurity. Menendez Pidal says: "The representative figure of this Can- cionero (the one of Earbieri) is Juan del Encina, who, when he abandons himself with affectionate complacancy to the sen timent of the people, rises above the wearisome and laborious conceptions that were imposed upon him at other times by his literary doctrines: at once poet and musician as is demanded by true lyric poetry, the primitive, the only lyric poetry which the people cultivate.Menendez y Pelayo comments 20 at length on the light, fluid qualities of Encina’s short verses and the beautiful versification, and then adds: "In the structure of the short verses, no troubadour of the fif teenth century surpassed Juan del Encina, because no one probably equalled him in musical talent. How liquid and smooth-flowing are the hexasyllables of his idylsJ" And a- gain: “What saves him are the musical-and popular elements of his poetry, his villancicos, and his ^osas.' Unques tionably his musical talent contributed very largely to his success as dramatist and poet. : ^ 21 THE IMPORTANCE OF E H C I M ’S MUSICAL COMPOSITIONS. Early in the year 1870 Asenjo Barbieri received word that a collection of ancient Spanish music had been found in the Royal Palace in Madrid. On examining it, he was over joyed to find that it contained not only music of Juan del Encina but also that of many other Spanish composers whose works were entirely unknown. Included among these were Lope de Baena and Antonio de, Ribera. The. manuscript was entitled Libro de Cantos. In the index were listed five hundred and fifty-five songs, but, due to the fact that fifty-four pages were missing, only four hundred and sixty songs were, recover ed. Most of these are villancicos. with a few estrambotes and romances. Of all the composers represented, Juan del Encina has to his credit the largest number of songs, includ ing the compositions in Chapter VIII of this study. Many of the songs are anonymous, and, of many of the musicians whose names are given, nothing is known.^ Most of the songs in the Cancionero came from the repertory of music of the palace of the Dukes of Alba.^5 The first Duke of Alba, Don Garcia Alvarez de Toledo, who flourished during the reign of Henry IV, has in the collection a poetical composition set to music.66 The discovery and publication of this collection did a great deal to revise the judgment of musical historians con 22 cerning the importance of Spain musically. It has been the custom to refuse Spain a place of any importance in the his tory of the music of the world, while admitting that she has a tradition of popular melodies and rhythms that have been a rich source of inspiration for composers of other nations. The originality of her music has been questioned, since Span ish music has hot been given credit for an existence separate from Flemish sources. Consequently the discovery of these four hundred and sixty songs by;a;,largecgroupiof native:com posers has been a source of much satisfaction to patriotic students, who have hailed the collection in warmest terms as a demonstration of Spain's rights to an equal place with the composers of other nations writing in the same period. Let us now examine some critical evaluations, both by Spaniards and by musical authorities outside Spain. Barbieri comments somewhat warmly: "Behold, then, the unreasonableness of f oreign his torians who treat Spain with the utmost disdain and injustice, denying her the share which belongs to her in the artistic European concert ... I believe that our country has its own (glories) in musical art ... Of this truth the Cancionero. which we publish today, is a con vincing proof."G? - Mitjana, in discussing this, points out the contribution made to the theory of music by Bart dome Ramos de Fareja, who invented the theory of temperament, revolutionizing the art. Spain's composers, he says in substance, were capable of 23 rivaling the ingenious Flemish contrapuntal writers, and pos sessed an artistic style truly national and expressive, inti mately united with the prosody of the language and penetrated with the peculiar style of Spanish popular dances and songs. In a standard history of music, several examples from the Cancionero are reproduced in modernized notation, and the author, H. E. Wooldridge, with a judgment unwarped hy a pro- Spanish racial or national "bias, says the following: "With regard to Spain it has been usual to disallow the claims of that country to possess a school of musicians.1,69 He goes on to say that close contact with the Netherlands made the originality of known Spanish music open to suspicion. "But even Ambros, the latest writer of importance who has touched upon the subject, was necessarily ignorant of the existence, of a most remarkable document, brought forward in the year 1890, which may be thought now to affect our judgment with regard to the position of Spanish music very considerably. In a similar vein, Trend writes: "It has been stated on insufficient evidence that Spanish music in the early six teenth century was entirely Flemish. The discovery of the Cancionero Musical, belonging to the time of Ferdinand and Isabella; in which most of the composers are Spaniards, is sufficient refutation.This same writer also praises the style of composition: "At a time when in all the civilized nations of Europe theprincipal composers were entirely oc cupied in displaying their ability in all the devices of 24 counterpoint, the Spaniards concerned themselves above all with expression, paying attention to the meaning of the words and subordinating the musical idea to the poetic text it was intended to illustrate.11 Therefore, we may feel safe in asserting that, during . the period of Juan del Sncina, the composers of Spain ranked well with those of any country, and that the discovery of the Cancionero, the bulk of whose best music was written by him, was an extremely important and revolutionary, event in the ; history of Spanish music. These compositions were very popular both in Spain and in adjacent countries. The words were frequently reprinted and varied by many authors. The popularity of the music may be demonstrated from the. fact that poems in many collections of poetry of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries show indications that they were composed to be sung to the music of one or another of these canciones.^^ As has been stated, Sncina was supreme in the group which composed the songs of this collection. Let us now see what some of the eminent critics have had to say concerning the worth of these musical compositions. Wooldridge, in The Oxford History of Music, says: "En- cina is a powerful writer of considerable variety, who dis plays also great harmonic beauty within the limits of the simple forms of the cancionero. Trend, already quoted, says:"He had a solid technical 25 capacity and at times an easy flow of melody which makes his villancicos sound remarkably well when sung. Mitjana gives this estimate: "Cultivating this expres sive medium (music), Juan del Encina shows himself at a pro digious and enviable height; so much so that some of his com positions are veritable models which seem as though written in an epoch of artistic culmination rather than in times ar- 7 6 chaic and rudimentary for the art." Important as is Encina in the literature and history of Spain, these songs now give the first definite evidence that his musical talents were equally important. We hope that, through placing the music to his songs in a more modern form, the way may be opened for the student to gain an idea of the atmosphere and artistic qualities which prevailed in the musical accompaniments to his writings, thus insuring a more complete understanding of his works. 26 VII INTRODUCTION TO BKCINA’S SONGS. The music of Chapter eight is transcribed directly from the Cancionero edited by Barbieri. As the compositions of Bncina which have been used were interspersed with those of other composers, the numbers do not run consecutively; the first one is numbered 22, the next one 34, etc. V/e have chosen to keep these numbers, because it makes easy the re ference to the music of the Cancionero. Furthermore, in the Cancionero. pages 56 - 2 3 0 , are found the extra verses to these songs, placed apart from his music, and which we are not reproducing. Consequently, both the music and the extra verses to the songs may be located in that volume by referring to the numbers that correspond to the songs. Where Barbieri felt that an accidental was needed, he placed it above the note in question. None of these have ■ been altered. There is no question that the long notes which abound in the music give the impression of slowness and monotony to which Cotarelo refers.There occurs fre quently the breve L_1 , almost unknown in modern American music, which has the value of two v/hole notes. We are con vinced that these songs were sung at a much faster tempo than these notes would suggest to those accustomed to modern music, and this is borne out by the fact that many who have transcribed music from the same collection^substitute an 27 eighth note for a half note, and a quarter note for a whole note.?® It should be borne in mind also that many of our modern hymns are written with whole notes and yet have a fairly lively tempo. The same effect may be secured by us ing a whole or a half note as the beat unit in the songs of this study. When the songs are thus accelerated, the melo dies become more distinct, the phrasing more plain, and they are really singable. : ; , < Earbieri concerned himself, most of all, with making the music" intelligible, placing it in score form, where previous ly each verse had its own notes separate and without measure bars. He left it in the old moveable which few people read readily. W e have substituted the more modern treble and bass clefs, and it should be noted that we have placed the tenor always an octave higher than it sounds. We have followed Barbieri’s practice of keeping the original time signatures. This music was intended to be sung, and it is doubtful that any other method can give a really adequate idea of it. However, we have gained a conception of most of the songs by carrying the four parts' simultaneously on the piano. . ; • A It is our judgment that these songs show characteristics of a nature which is advanced for the period in which they were written. In particular, we wish to cite the melodic ‘ structure of Humber 82, a melody which might have been writ ten in our day. Humber 378 is a fine example of regular 28 phrasing and repetition of motives, dumber 190 is very regu lar in its rhythm, as is also Humber 357. It is noteworthy that the mode is very clearly defined in all of them; some are in major, some in minor. Mention has already been made of the fact that Encina was outstanding in subordinating his melodies to his words. This is clearly demonstrated in Hum ber 35, where the words rule the rhythms. Other good exam ples are Humber 378 and Humber 357. That he could handle more complex forms is shown by his frequent use of contra puntal devices, but never at the expense of artistic effect. Humber 67 is a striking composition of the more elaborate type. Imitation between the parts is frequent in many songs, and in several we have good examples of canonic imitation, as for instance, Humber 316. The harmonic structure is strange to our ears, since modern harmonic progression is lacking; but it is regular in form and discords are permitted, especially at the caden ces. The cadences also tend to finish on open fifths or octaves, which is an effect that modern ears dislike, but the body of each song contains evidence that Encina knew how to keep his voices in thirds. 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It has been shown that music was closely interwoven with the origins and development of both the drama and lyric poet ry in Spain, and Juan del Encina’s musical skill was no in considerable factor in adorning the literary abilities which he possessed. The two talents combined to make his plays and poetry popular. His music was excellent for his time; and its publication, in 1890, along with that of the songs of his con temporaries, revolutionized the opinions which critics had entertained with regard to Spain’s music, and led to the statement by some of them that Spain had a true school of musicians, worthy of the name. Encina was superior in musi cal skill to those who wrote at the same time, so far as we now have evidence. To the title of Patriarch of the Spanish Drama and the credit he is given in connection with the first origins of 125 the zarzuela, should now he added the title of Father of Spanish Music. We have sixty-eight of his compositions, which are of remarkable quality. So far as evidence is now available, he is the first Spanish composer concerning whose works the following important statements can now be made: their authorship is indisputable; their preservation is in a notation sufficiently modern for us to be certain of their rendering; and their high quality is widely conceded by com petent critics. 126 X BOIES 11. Espinosa Eaeao, Kuevoe datos /bioirraf icos sobre Juan del Encina. Eoletin de la Real Academia Espanola, VIII, pp.640-656. He says in substance that old auzhors, such as Gil Gonzalez Davila, think it was Salamanca; Gallardo says Encina. Earbieri agrees with the for mer. - 2. Asenjo Earbieri, Cancionero musical de los siglos XV % XVI. No. 71. 3. Espinosa Kaeso, op. > cit. p.645. 4. Idem, op. cit. p.645. 5. Espasa, Snciclopedia universal ilustrada. s.v. Enzina. 6. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poetas liricos Castella nos. Vol. 7, p.v. 7. Espinosa Maeso, op. cit. p.650. 8. Teatro completo. p.137. 9. Menendez y Pelayo, op. cit. p. vi. 10. Mitjana, Nuevos documentos relativos a Juan del Encina. Revista de filologia espanola, Vol. I (1914), p.275. 11. Mitjana, op. cit. p.282. Here is mentioned a letter from Stazio Gadio in Rome, describing a presenta tion, probably of Placida y Vitpriano, read by Encina in the house of Cardinal Arborera. 12. Mitjana. op. cit. pp.277-281. 127 13. Kenendez y Felayo, Antologia. Vol. 7, p. xir. 14. BarMeri, Cancionero. p.27. : . 15. Diaz Jimenez y Kolleda, Juan del Bnzina en Leon. 16. Espinosa Laeso, op. cit. p.656. 17. Diaz Jimenez y Molleda, op. cit. Of. also Eugen Kohler, Sieben Spanische Dramatische Blclogen (Gesellschaft fur Romanische Literatur, Band 27), p.14. 18. Teatro complete. Representacion a la santisima resurrec- cion, p.49. 19. Teatro complete. Otra egloga representada en la noche de Havidad. p.15. 20. J. P. W. Crawford, The Spanish Pastoral Drama, p.24. 21. Teatro complete. Egloga representada en la noche pos- trera de carnal. p.59. And Egloga representada la misma noche de Antruejo. p.75. 22. Korthrup, Introduction to Spanish Literature, p.231. 23. Crawford, The Spanish Pastoral Drama, p.23. 24. Teatro completo. Egloga representada en la noche de Ravidad, the Egloga representada en la noche pos- trera de carnal is also included in this group. 25. Teatro completo. Egloga representada en requesta de unos amores. p.89. Egloga representada por las mesmas personas, p.103. Otra representacion al muy esclarecido Principe Don Juan de Castilla, Del amor, p.157. 128 26. Teatro complete). Otra egloga de tree past ore s. p. 185; Bgloga de Cristino y Ee~bea. p.378; and Sgloga de Placida % Vitoriano. p.255. 27. Eo date, or place of publication. 28. Eo date, or place of publication. 29. Cancionero de Encina. Salamanca, 1509. 30. J. P. W. Crawford, The Spanish Pastoral Drama, pp.33-34 31. Rojas, Viaje entretenido. Vol. 1, pp.140-141. se le (principle) dio a nuestra comedia Juan de la Encina?elvprimero, aquel insigne poeta, que tanto M e n empezo, de quien tenemos tree eglogas que el mismo represent© al almirante y duquesa de Castilla y de Infantado, que estas fueron las primeras. This was recognized by Barbieri (Teatro complete de Juan del Encina, p.VIl), Amador de los Rios (Historia crltica. VII, p.483 [cited from Barbieri p.VIl]), and Wolf (studien, p.279). . 32. Teatro complete, pp. v,Yi. 33. Northrup, Introduction to Spanish Literature, p.230. 54. Teatro complete, p. vi. 35. Earja, Libros y autores.clasicos. p.180. 129 36. Cancionero de Encina. 37. D. Juan, son of Ferdinand and Isabella. 38. Uenendez y Pelayo, Antologla. Vol. 7, p. iii. 39. Cotarelo, Bnsayo historico sobre la zarzuela. Eoletin de la AeademiavJEspandla-, Vol. 19 (1932), p. 639. '•Parece natural que, habiendo salido el teatro moderno de los cantos, oficios, y cerexaonias de la Iglesia Catolica, conaervase, aun despues de secu- larizado, el elemento musical como uno de los mas .. ■ ' . .. esenciales para su buen complemento y hermosura.M 40. Alcahali, La musica en Valencia, pp.62-83; 41. Pedrell. La festa d ’Elche. p.33. 42. Cotarelo. Ensayo historico sobre la zarzuela, p.643. 43. Alcahali, La musica en Valencia, p. xviii. 44. Tirso de Molina, Don Gil de las calzas verdes. I, VIII. .45. Cotarelo, Ensayo historico sobre la zarzuela, p;662. Cf. also Jose Subira. La musica en la casa de Alba. 46. Ce.jador y Frauca, Verdadera poesia castellana. Vol. I. Prologue, pp.20-21: MNo podemos nosotros publicar los cantares con su musica como seria de desear, ya que la musica es esencial a este genero lirico. Tan esencial, que estoy por decir que en esta Flo- resta ofrezco flores ya marchitas al ofrecer tan solo la letra muerta de una l£rica que fue esen- cialmente musical." 130 47. Ribera, La musics de las cantigaa. pp.11-12. 48. Cf. Mas y Sans, Sisteroa musical de la lengua castellana, Soriano Fuertes, Historia de la musica espanola, and many other works. 49. Menendez Pidal, La* primitiva poesia lirica espanola. p.77. 50. Morley, Spanish Ballads. Introduction, p. xxxix. 51. Mitjana, Estudios sobre algunos musicos espaholes del siglo XVI. 52. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia. Vol. 7, xxv. 53. Id. ib. , Vol. 7, p.xxr. 54. Mitjana, Estudios sobre algunoa musicos espanoles del siglo XVI. p.8: " Y en sus eglogas, la musica re- presenta un papel tan decisive, que algunas de ellas pueden considerarse como verdaderas zarzuelas u operas comicas. Enunaseneontram os fragmentos importantes que debian ser cantados; en otras exis- ten intermedios de baile; todas ellas aeaban con un villancico entonado por los diversos personajes que ban intervenido en la accion". 55. Crawford, The Spanish Pastoral Drama, p.50% "cantar dos por dos". 56. Teatro completo. p.132. 57. Idem. p.114. 58. Idem. p.87. 59. Asenjo Earbieri, Cancionero. pp.49-50: "Obras indicadas 131 en el Indice original, pero que no existen, por falta de las ftojas correspondientes". 60. Teatro complete, p.326. 61. op. cit. pp.100 and 89. 62. 1'enendez Pi dal, La primit iva poesia llrica espanola. pp.77-78: "La figura representative de este Cancio- nero (el Cancionero Musical del Palacio de i-adrid) es Juan del Encina, poeta que cuando se abandona con afectuosa complacencia al sentimiento popular, se eleva sobre las pesadlsimas y trabajosas con- cepciones que le impenian sue doctrinas literarias: . poeta y musico al mismo tiempo, como exige la ver- dadera poesia llrica, la primitiva, la unica que cultiva el pueblo." 63. Eehehdez: y Pelayo, Antologia. Vol. 7, pp.lxi and Ivi, "respectively: "En la estructura de los versos cor- tos ningun trovador del siglo XV excedio a Juan del Encina, porque nadie probablemente le igualaba en talento musical", and again, "Lo que le salva son los elementos musicales y populares de au poesia, sus villancicbs, y sus glosas." 64. Asenjo Barbieri, Cancionero de los siglos XV ynXVI.I pp.5-54. Here complete biographical notes are found, as well as a description of the methods he used in transcribing the songs. 65. Ribera, La musica de la .jota aragonesa. p.88. 132 66. Asenjo Barbieri, Cancionero. %o. 1. 67. Id. op. cit. p.15. "Vease, pues, la sinrazonde loa historiadores extranjeros que tratan a Espana con el mayor desden e injuaticia, negandole la parte que le corresponde en el concierto artlstico euro- peo, ... , creo que nuestro pais tiene tamtoien las suyas en el arte musico,.... De esta verdad ea una prueba evidente el Cancionero que hoy damos a luz.” 68. MitJana, latudios sohre algunos ausicos espanoles del siglo XVI. p. 12. 69. Wooldridge, The Oxford History of Music, Vol. II, p.306. 70. Id. op. cit. Vol. II, p.306. 71. Trend, The Music of Spanish History to 1600. p.133. 72. Id. op. cit. p.142. (italics in text are the writer’s.) 73. Asenjo Barbieri, Cancionero. p.618. 74. Wooldridge, The Oxford History of Music, Vol. II, p.307. 75. Trend, The Music of Spanish History to 1600. p.141. 76. Mitjana, Sstudios sobre algunos musicos espanoles del siglo XVI. pp.7-8: "Cultivando este genero expre- sivo Juan del Encina se muestra a prodigiosa y envidiable altura; tanto, que algunas de sus com- posiciones son verdaderos roodelos, que parecen escritas en una epoca de apogeo artlstico mas bien que en tiempos arcaicos y rudimentarios para el Arte." 77. Cotarelo, Snsayo. p.640. 135 78. Torner, Cancionero musical, pp. 40-52; Ribera, La musica de la .iota aragonesa. pp.89-98. 134 : - . : . .. .NOTICE , ... . . V : .. . Here begins the second, series of Notes referred to in the INTRODUCTION. The numbers correspond, as already stated, to the numbers of the songs as given throughout by Barbieri in his Cancionero. _ — 22, This villancico was reproduced.with its music by Trend in The L'usic of Spanish History to 1600 as example 33a. It was held by Portuguese critics writing in the next century after 3ncina; to be one of the few pieces of bid music worthy of the attention of cultivated musicians. Trend, op. cit. p.141. 34. These words were published for the first time in the Cancionero. 35. Ribera, in La musica de las cantigas. p.86, believes this to be in the form of a ze.jel, the metric form peculiar to the Spanish Hoora and derived from Ara bic sources. Cf. Cejador, La verdadera poesia cas- tellana. Vol. 5, Chap. I, for a comparison of the form of the ze.lel and the villancico. 55. Also in the form of a ze.jel. Cf. Note 35 above. 62. Sftllard9,in his Ensayo, says of this song: "El artificio rfmico de este romance es invencion de Encina, no seguido (que yo sepa) de otro ningun trovador." Barbieri, Cancionero. Note to No. 62. , 135 82. The opening lines allude to Bartolome de Torres Saharro. Barhieri, Cancionero. Kote.82. This is reproduc ed in modern notation as one of the examples in Torner, Cancionero musical, pp.44-49. This villan- cico has "been extremely popular and has "been varied several times by subsequent writers. 197. This is a dialogue between a man and a woman. 201. Verse by Juan del JSncina; the music is similar in form to his. 240. This was a very popular villancico. the fame of which lasted a long time. It was published in modern notation by Torner in his Cancionero musical. pp. 49-52. His reduction of the notes to smaller values (whole notes becoming quarter notes, and so on) and his replacement of the bar lines to se cure a 3/4 measure, instead of a 2/4 measure, make an interesting study. 247. The conclusion of the verse is missing from the origi- ' nal. . -' i ■. - 254. Though this gives at first the impression of a suppli cation to the Virgin, Barbieri believes it to be addressed to an earthly sefiora and that it is not sacred verse. Cancionero,p.138. 302. This is published, in modernized notation, in Wooldridge The Oxford History of I'usic, Vol. II, p. 308, as a good example of Bncina’s style. 136 315. This was written as a consequence of the capture of Granada, Jan. 2, 1492. This event was celebrated in Borne with great religious festivals, a bull fight, and a drama (the Kistoria Baetica), which finished with a songs I Viva el gran Re Don Fer nando I The music of this song is given in the appendix to Barbieri’s Cancionero. p.611. Cf. Cancionero musical de los siglos XV % XVI, p.160. 316. Also written to commemorate the capture of Granada, and intended by Encina to follow Ko. 315. 317. A romance written on the death of Queen Isabella (1504). Trend, in his Music of Spanish History to 1600. p.119, comments: "...it is not a monumental piece of masonry, but a real expression of grief for a woman who had made her country great and her people happy". The music is exceptional. This has been reproduced in modern notation in Riemann* s Handbuch der Musikgeschichte. Trend, op. cit. p.119. 327. Written during the war of Granada. Refers especially to the siege of Baza. Trend, op. cit. p.117. 329. Here Encina places music of his own to an old and ex tremely popular romance. Another melody to the same verse was much used as a source of variations for the vihuela. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologla, VII, p.lviii 137 338. Barbieri is of the opinion that this villancico may re fer to the death of Prince Don Juan (1497) which also served as the motive for Bncina’s Tragedia trohada. Cancionero. pp.170-171. 353. As has been mentioned already, this is found in the middle of the egloga which begins: I Ha Mingo! iquedaste atras? Cotarelo, Bnsayo historico sobre la zarzuela. Boletin de la Real Academia Bspahola, Oct., 1932, p.640. Cf. also Encina, Teatro com plete. p.103. 354. Already mentioned in the Chapter on history of music in the drama, pp.17-18 of this study. This villan cico is found at the end of the same'egloga as Ho. 353. 357. Also cited previously as part of the egloga which be gins, 1 Carnal fuera! 1 Carnal fuera! See note to 354. 372. Here we find the story of an event in Bncina’s life when his beloved left him to marry another. Barbieri, Cancionero musical, p.188. 378. Referred to in Menendez y Pelayo’s Antologia de poetas liricos Castellanos. Vol. VII, p.lx, as a fine ex ample of the musical flow of Encina’s verse. 382. This refers to a cruel disillusionment which made En cina wish to leave his home country. Published for the first time in the Cancionero musical. 138 393. Published in modern notation in Tomer's Cancionero musical, pp.40-43. 455. This composition reflects his long stay in Rome, for it is written "en un curioso chapurrado de espahol e italiano*. Cf. Barhieri, Cancionero. note to 455. . -■ ' . ::. ' 139 . XI . ... - ' : BIBLIOGRAPHY. 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