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Masterarbeit MASTERARBEIT Titel der Masterarbeit Die Abrechnung mit der jugoslawischen Idee in kroatischen und deutschen Publikationen verfasst von Benjamin Schett angestrebter akademischer Grad Master of Arts (MA) Wien, 2014 Studienkennzahl lt. A 066 687 Studienblatt: Studienrichtung lt. Masterstudium Osteuropäische Geschichte Studienblatt: Betreut von: a.o. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Alojz Ivanišević Inhalt 1) Einführung S. 3 2) Der historische Revisionismus S. 4 3) Franjo Tuđmans „Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti“ S. 5 3.1) Der „Mythos Jasenovac“ und Tuđmans Verhältnis zum Judentum S. 6 4.) Die „Versöhnung aller Kroaten“ (Pomirba) S. 13 4.1) „Svehrvatska pomirba“ unter Tuđman S. 19 5) Vorwürfe gegenüber der jugoslawischen Geschichtsschreibung S. 25 5.1) Jasenovac – Streit um Opferzahlen S. 28 6) Die katholische Kirche als Bestandteil der kroatischen Staatsidee und die S. 30 Kollaborationsvorwürfe an den Klerus 7) Die kroatische Bauernpartei (HSS) als Bestandteil der kroatischen S. 39 Staatsidee 7.1) Die Vereinnahmung des Erbes von Stjepan Radić durch den Nationalismus S. 41 8) Verbrechen der Ustaše und der Četnici S. 46 8.1) Gegenseitige Feindbilder: Ustaše und Četnici, Katholizismus und S. 48 Orthodoxie 8.2) Der gegenseitige Vorwurf der Kollaboration S. 52 8.3) Der Mythos des Četnik-Widerstandes S. 62 9) Der Faschismusvorwurf als politische Waffe S. 69 10) Die Rezeption des jugoslawischen Zerfallsprozesses in Deutschland: Johann Georg Reißmüllers Einsatz „für“ Kroatien S. 74 10.1) „Der Spiegel“ und „Die Zeit“ S. 77 11) Ein Beispiel für eine deutsche pro-jugoslawische Positionierung S. 87 12) Schlusswort S. 89 13) Bibliographie S. 91 Abstract S. 99 Abstract in englischer Sprache S. 101 Lebenslauf S. 103 2 1) Einführung Eine vielen jungen Staaten, die im 20. Jahrhundert ins Leben gerufen wurden, gemeinsame Herausforderung ist, die Eigenstaatlichkeit mit Hilfe historischer Bezugspunkte und/oder Mythen zu rechtfertigen. Auch die österreichische zweite Republik baute lange Zeit auf dem Mythos von Österreich, dem „ersten Opfer NS-Deutschlands“ auf, während die Erben Otto Bauers auf der einen, und Dollfuß' auf der anderen Seite, historische Feindschaften zugunsten einer neuen Sozialpartnerschaft unter den Tisch kehrten. Vor ähnlichen Problemen standen viele der neuen, aus dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion und Jugoslawiens hervorgegangenen, Staaten, zumal einige von ihnen über keine, oder weit zurückliegende, staatliche Traditionen verfügten. Hinzu kommt die Selbstwahrnehmung als Opfer kommunistischer Repressionen, was häufig das Herunterspielen oder Verharmlosen von der Rolle, die Angehörige der eigenen Nation gespielt hatten, wenn sie an faschistischen Verbrechen beteiligt waren, zur Folge hatte. Der Fall Kroatien ist unter anderem deshalb interessant, weil sich Präsident Franjo Tuđman, der das Land in die Unabhängigkeit führte, selbst als Historiker betätigt hatte und, wie manch anderer seiner ähnlich gesinnten KollegInnen, ein Bild vom westlich- katholischen und demokratischen Kroatien entwarf, welches sich gegen kommunistische Serben zur Wehr zu setzen hätte, deren orthodox-byzantinische Kultur dem europäischen Freiheitsgedanken diametral entgegengesetzt sei. Dies sollte helfen, politische Gräben zwischen inner-kroatischen Antagonismen zu überwinden, bis hin zur Integration jener Kräfte, die in der Tradition des Ustaša- Faschismus standen. Gleichzeitig würde man kroatischen BürgerInnen frühere kommunistische Aktivitäten verzeihen, sollten sie sich am Kampfe für die Unabhängigkeit beteiligen. Dieser heikle geschichtspolitische Hintergrund sorgte zeitweise für Kritik an der damals kroatienfreundlichen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Ziel der Masterarbeit ist, Werke und Ideologie der maßgebenden HistorikerInnen der Wendezeit auf die Art und Weise hin zu untersuchen, wie die kroatische Eigenstaatlichkeit gerechtfertigt wurde. In der vorliegenden Arbeit betrifft dies vor allem Franjo Tuđman selbst und sein bekanntestes Buch „Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti“. Dies schließt eine Beschäftigung mit jenen inländischen HistorikerInnen mit ein, die von Tuđman als tendenziell kroatienfeindlich eingestuft werden. Hinzu kommen die Ursprünge von 3 Tuđmans Vorstellung einer gesamt kroatischen Versöhnung. Die Rolle, die die deutsche Außenpolitik 1990/91 in Bezug auf die Jugoslawien-Krise gespielt hat, kann hier nicht behandelt werden, da dies Gegenstand einer separaten Arbeit sein müsste. Geschweige denn die Frage, ob diese Politik, deeskalierend wirkte oder nicht. Vielmehr werden die Texte des, in diesem Zusammenhang, wohl einflussreichsten medialen Ideengebers, des damaligen Herausgebers der „Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung“, Johann Georg Reißmüller, mit Hilfe der zuvor gewonnenen Erkenntnisse, gelesen und eingeordnet. Dieser war, anders als die meisten seiner früheren KollegInnen, ein langjähriger Kenner der Region und ließ, wie sich zeigen wird, seine Parteinahme nicht an Deutlichkeit fehlen. Die Frage wird aufgeworfen, inwieweit in der nationalen kroatischen Propaganda ein Bild von „den Kroaten“ versus „die Serben“ gezeichnet wird, welches keine Zwischentöne zulässt. In umgekehrter Lesart traf dies auf die serbische Seite selbstverständlich ebenfalls zu. Darüber hinaus wird untersucht, wie entsprechende Stereotype auch im Westen gepflegt wurden, was einem besseren Verständnis der jugoslawischen Tragödie nicht unbedingt zuträglich war. 2) Der historische Revisionismus Auf Deutschland und Österreich bezogen, wird mit dem Begriff in erster Linie eine Neubewertung der Kriegsschuldfrage des Zweiten Weltkrieges assoziiert. Die extremste Form des historischen Revisionismus äußert sich in der Leugnung oder Bagatellisierung des Massenmordes am europäischen Judentum zwischen 1941 und 1945. Sowohl in Deutschland als auch in Österreich gelten derartige Äußerungen als justiziabel. Im Jahr 2005 führte dies zur Verhaftung und Verurteilung des britischen Historikers David Irving auf österreichischem Boden, welcher als Bewunderer Hitlers gilt und der mehrfach die Existenz von Gaskammern in Frage gestellt hatte. Das Publikum in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurde im Rahmen des sogenannten Historikerstreits, zwischen 1986 und 1987, mit den Positionen des Historikers Ernst Nolte konfrontiert, welcher den Judenmord zwar nicht leugnete, diesen jedoch in einer Weise zu „kontextualisieren“ sich anschickte, die auf die Behauptung hinauslief, bei den Verbrechen des Nationalsozialismus habe es sich um eine Reaktion auf bolschewistische/stalinistische Verbrechen gehandelt, welche den ersteren in Sachen Systematik und Vernichtungswille in nichts nachgestanden hätten. Der Gulag sei somit „ursprünglicher“ gewesen als das 4 nationalsozialistische Konzentrationslager. Eine weniger relativistische Variante besteht in der Formulierung der Theorie des „Totalitarismus“, welche nicht versucht, die nationalsozialistische Politik teilweise zu relativieren, jedoch auf die Ähnlichkeiten zwischen nationalsozialistischer und beispielsweise stalinistischer Herrschaft hinweist. Manche HistorikerInnen sehen in der Hungerkatastrophe, die sich 1932-1936 auf dem Gebiet der heutigen Ukraine abspielte, eine vonseiten Stalins bewusst herbeigeführte Vernichtungsaktion, die somit mit der Vernichtungspolitik gegenüber dem europäischen Judentum vergleichbar wäre. Zuletzt sorgte der US-amerikanische Historiker und Yale- Professor Timothy Snyder für Aufsehen, nachdem er in seinem 2010 erschienen Werk „Bloodlands. Europe between Hitler and Stalin“ entsprechende Thesen vertrat. In nahezu sämtlichen Staaten des ehemals staatssozialistischen Ostblocks, inklusive Jugoslawiens, wurden Bestrebungen nach der Wende 1989/90 virulent, die bisher offiziellen Narrative radikal in Frage zu stellen und diese durch zuweilen ähnlich autoritäre, national aufgeladene Denkmuster zu ersetzen. Im Falle Kroatiens bedeutete dies, wie bereits erwähnt, eine teilweise Rehabilitierung kroatischer Akteure aus der aus der Zeit zwischen 1941 und 1945 betraf, wo die kroatische Ustaša über die formal unabhängige NDH herrschte und eine, an Hitler und Mussolini angelehnte, genozidale Politik betrieb. 3) Franjo Tuđmans „Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti“ Franjo Tuđman, während des Zweiten Weltkriegs als Partisan im Widerstand aktiv, war ursprünglich Angehöriger der titoistischen Nomenklatura im vom Bund der Kommunisten regierten Jugoslawien. Tuđman betätigte sich ebenfalls als Historiker und war in dieser Funkion für den bedeutendsten kroatischen Kulturverein, der „Matica Hrvatska“ tätig. Aufgrund des Vorwurfs nationalistische Thesen zu verbreiten, fiel er 1967 in Ungnade und wurde von allen seinen öffentlichen Ämtern enthoben. Bereits zuvor unterschied sich Tuđman von seinen serbischen (und auch manchen kroatischen) HistorikerkollegInnen, indem er den Fokus seiner Forschung auf einen spezifisch kroatischen Antifaschismus (hrvatski antifašizam) legte. Dies ist insofern bemerkenswert, da die offizielle jugoslawische Geschichtsschreibung in der Regel den gemeinsamen Kampf der südslawischen Völker gegen den äußeren Feind in den Vordergrund zu stellen trachtete.1 Nach den Ereignissen des sogenannten „Kroatischen Frühlings“ 1971 wurde Franjo 1 Siehe: Darko Hudelist, Tuđman. Biografija, Zagreb, 2004, S. 290. 5 Tuđman verhaftet. Eine weitere zweijährige Haftstrafe folgte 1982. Ab 1987 begann Tuđman, nachdem er einen Reisepass erhalten hatte, diverse Vorträge vor kroatischen Exilvereinen zu halten, in Kanada, den USA und Westeuropa. Tuđman schickte sich in seinem 1989 erschienenen Werk “Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti” an, mit der traditionellen jugoslawischen und/oder
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