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Review [Untitled] Paul Kellogg Ryerson University Ryerson University Digital Commons @ Ryerson Politics and Public Administration Publications and Politics and Public Administration Research 10-1-1994 Review [untitled] Paul Kellogg Ryerson University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.ryerson.ca/politics Part of the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Kellogg, Paul, "Review [untitled]" (1994). Politics and Public Administration Publications and Research. Paper 1. http://digitalcommons.ryerson.ca/politics/1 This Other is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics and Public Administration at Digital Commons @ Ryerson. It has been accepted for inclusion in Politics and Public Administration Publications and Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Ryerson. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS 345 ? contribution of women's wages to the the George A. Hormel Company new con household budget, many of the whose most famous produce was the sumer items available in the 1920s could World War II creation of canned spiced ? not have been purchased. ham, or Spam announced a 23 per cent Cross's discussion of leisure also fo wage and benefits cut for the workers in cuses on exclusively the male worker; its seven plants in the American hear this, he argues, simply reflects the inter tland. Of these workers, it was the 1,500 war debates. Yet feminist social histo members of the P-9 local of the United rians such as Kathy Peiss and Victoria de Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Grazia have shown both the importance in Austin, Minnesota (a town of 25,000), of commercialized pastimes such as the who challenged the contract. By the sum cinema and popular magazines in the mer of 1986, they had lost their battle, but lives of interwar working women, but also not before showing in action how conces how much official anxiety and commen sions and the employers' offensive could tary these pleasures generated. Similarly, be opposed. This is captured marvellous nowhere in his lengthy discussion of in ly in Hardy Green's account of the battle tellectuals and mass culture does Cross at Hormel. consider the gendered organization of de This "middle America" strike took bates about high and low culture, the place at the mid-point of the Reaganite "traditional" and the popular. Yet, as de 1980s. The state and the employers saw Grazia and others have argued, "prevail the 1980s as marking the triumph of the ing intellectual opinion identified mass market and free enterprise. This capitalist culture with femaleness." victory was supposed to lead to wealth, In the end, then, the book's claim to prosperity, and all the good things "trick be about "the making of consumer cul ling down" to the workers below. But the ture" is limited by Cross's failure to fully triumph of the market at Hormel produced take into account the gender processes at not a trickle but a stream that flowed up work in the material he analyses. At the to the rich, not down to the poor. To cite same time, while often buried in inelegant just one example, after the defeat of the dull some and prose, the book does raise strike, wages plummeted from around stimulating questions about the central $10 an hour to $6.50 for those 300 wor dilemmas of time and money. While they kers whose jobs were subcontracted to may quarrel with some of Cross's argu Quality Pork Processors. (293) ments, interpretations, and evidence, his Much of the academic left saw the torians of mass con as labour, leisure, and 1980s marking the disappearance of sumption/culture should nevertheless the working class. But "during 1985-86, find Time and Money worthwhile. P-9 received thousands of letters of sup ... port. Many union officers and individ on Cynthia Wright uals said that they had walked picket York University lines and knew all the associated anxieties well." (287) In the course of the strike, "over three thousand unions and other organizations from every state re Hardy Green, On Strike at Hormel: The sponded" to P-9 appeals for solidarity. Struggle for a Democratic Labor Move "Supporters from across the country came ment (Philadelphia: Temple University to Austin to attend mass demonstrations, Press 1990). marches, and rallies. Thousands sent let ters of support, food, and funds and joined THIS YEAR MARKS the tenth anniversary in the anti-Hormel protest activities that of the beginning of the great Hormel took place in virtually every U.S. city." meatpackers' strike, one of the central (4) Even deep in the heart of Texas, industrial disputes of the 1980s. In 1984, 346 LABOUR/LE TRAVAIL not "sponsors of a heavily publicized annual of these three factors. He is clear, ? on the limits inher spoof event, the SPAM-O-RAMA bar however, the third becue, announced the event's postpone ent in the corporate campaign strategy. us ment, saying that they had instead 'de Let look at each of these three factors cided to honor the nationwide Boycott of in turn. Hormel products.'" (254) The spread of Green shows how employers and the T-shirts, buttons, and posters invoking state acted in concert to attack the P-9 the viewer to "CRAM YOUR SPAM" be strike. The strikers at one point were pic as came the slogan which demonstrated that keting branches of First Bank part of the working class in the US was indeed far Rogers' strategy of making any corpora econ from dead. tion closely linked to Hormel suffer Finally, the official union leadership, omically. On 23 September 1985, US Dis particularly in the US, saw the 1980s as trict Court Judge Edward Devitt "issued a marking the end of the era of class temporary injunction prohibiting any fur struggle and the "traditional" tactics of ther First Bank activities." (79) In April the workers' movement, and the time for 1986, the same judge issued an injunction a transition to the realm of reason and "prohibiting threatening or harassing compromise. But as Green clearly shows, scabs by any means." (241) On 2 June, it was only class struggle unionism which Devitt upheld the right of the anti-Hormel allowed the workers to fight at all. In strike UFCW bureaucracy to place the P-9 January and February 1986, mass pickets local under trusteeship. (253) And one again and again kept scabs out of the month later, he ruled that P-9's union hall was no ? was now plant, fought the National Guard, and longer theirs that it the brought out several Hormel-owned plants property of the UFCW leadership who had in nearby towns in sympathy strikes. sabotaged the strike. (261) em Green sees these class struggle highpoints The close link between state and as the key to the strike, and that had the ployer did not end with the judiciary. On to strike leaders gone just a few steps fur 13 January 1986, the company tried ther, "Hormel would have had to find a reopen the struck plant. After mass pic way out." (286) There is no doubt inmy kets prevented them from doing so, Gov mind that Green is absolutely right. ernor Rudy Perpich called in the National However, the strike was lost, and Guard. They, together with local police, after reading Green's account, three fac used tear gas, mass arrests, and armoured tors seem to have been all-important in personnel carriers to allow scabs to slow that defeat. First, the concerted and often ly filter into the Austin plant. Even the times illegal violence organized by the State Highway Patrol, "supposedly involvement in a employer and the agencies of the state banned by law from any one kept workers on the defensive. Second, labor dispute," at point prevented P-9 the incredible betrayal and pro-employer, strikers from keeping scabs out of the was the real face pro-concessions stand of the national plant. (137) This, then, ? an leadership of the UFCW undercut labour's of "free" enterprise triumphant in access resistance. Third, the limits inherent in transigent employer, with to the unencum the "corporate campaign" in which Green courts, the cops, and the army, means to was centrally involved (he was, at the bered in its use of any and all time of the strike, employed by Ray Ro crush the P-9 strikers. as of the em gers' union consulting firm, Corporate But vicious the attacks con state not Campaign Inc.) circumscribed and ployer and the were, they could tained the challenge to Hormel. Green is in themselves have defeated the strike if without question right to lay the principle it were not for the role of the national blame for the defeat of the strike at the leadership of the UFCW. Along with the foot of boss and bureaucrat, the first two entire union leadership in the US, the REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS 347 UFCW bureaucrats strongly believed that March 1986, they killed the strike. A P-9 a resistance to attacks on wages and jobs in local meeting had passed resolution the early 1980s was impossible. The calling for unity between their local and 1979-82 recession had a devastating im the UFCW national leadership. Wynn pact on US employment. In that context, "seized upon the resolution to order an under the sheltering umbrella of Reagan end to the strike and cut off strike bene ism, employers everywhere threatened fits" (200) something no one voting for plant closures unless their workforces the resolution had in any way intended. In agreed to wage cuts and reductions in May and June, the UFCW took legal steps ? benefits in short, the type of conces to place the local under trusteeship.
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