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10-1-1994 Review [untitled] Paul Kellogg Ryerson University

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Recommended Citation Kellogg, Paul, "Review [untitled]" (1994). Politics and Public Administration Publications and Research. Paper 1. http://digitalcommons.ryerson.ca/politics/1

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? contribution of women's wages to the the George A. Hormel Company new con household budget, many of the whose most famous produce was the sumer items available in the 1920s could World War II creation of canned spiced ? not have been purchased. ham, or Spam announced a 23 per cent Cross's discussion of leisure also fo wage and benefits cut for the workers in cuses on exclusively the male worker; its seven plants in the American hear this, he argues, simply reflects the inter tland. Of these workers, it was the 1,500 war debates. Yet feminist social histo members of the P-9 local of the United rians such as Kathy Peiss and Victoria de Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Grazia have shown both the importance in Austin, Minnesota (a town of 25,000), of commercialized pastimes such as the who challenged the contract. By the sum cinema and popular magazines in the mer of 1986, they had lost their battle, but lives of interwar working women, but also not before showing in action how conces how much official anxiety and commen sions and the employers' offensive could tary these pleasures generated. Similarly, be opposed. This is captured marvellous nowhere in his lengthy discussion of in ly in Hardy Green's account of the battle tellectuals and mass culture does Cross at Hormel.

consider the gendered organization of de This "middle America" strike took bates about high and low culture, the place at the mid-point of the Reaganite "traditional" and the popular. Yet, as de 1980s. The state and the employers saw Grazia and others have argued, "prevail the 1980s as marking the triumph of the ing intellectual opinion identified mass market and free enterprise. This capitalist culture with femaleness." victory was supposed to lead to wealth, In the end, then, the book's claim to prosperity, and all the good things "trick be about "the making of consumer cul ling down" to the workers below. But the ture" is limited by Cross's failure to fully triumph of the market at Hormel produced take into account the gender processes at not a trickle but a stream that flowed up work in the material he analyses. At the to the rich, not down to the poor. To cite same time, while often buried in inelegant just one example, after the defeat of the dull some and prose, the book does raise strike, wages plummeted from around stimulating questions about the central $10 an hour to $6.50 for those 300 wor dilemmas of time and money. While they kers whose jobs were subcontracted to may quarrel with some of Cross's argu Quality Pork Processors. (293) ments, interpretations, and evidence, his Much of the academic left saw the torians of mass con as labour, leisure, and 1980s marking the disappearance of sumption/culture should nevertheless the working class. But "during 1985-86, find Time and Money worthwhile. P-9 received thousands of letters of sup ... port. Many union officers and individ on Cynthia Wright uals said that they had walked picket York University lines and knew all the associated anxieties well." (287) In the course of the strike, "over three thousand unions and other

organizations from every state re Hardy Green, On Strike at Hormel: The sponded" to P-9 appeals for solidarity. Struggle for a Democratic Labor Move "Supporters from across the country came ment (Philadelphia: Temple University to Austin to attend mass demonstrations, Press 1990). marches, and rallies. Thousands sent let ters of support, food, and funds and joined THIS YEAR MARKS the tenth anniversary in the anti-Hormel protest activities that of the beginning of the great Hormel took place in virtually every U.S. city." meatpackers' strike, one of the central (4) Even deep in the heart of Texas, industrial disputes of the 1980s. In 1984, 346 LABOUR/LE TRAVAIL

not "sponsors of a heavily publicized annual of these three factors. He is clear, ? on the limits inher spoof event, the SPAM-O-RAMA bar however, the third becue, announced the event's postpone ent in the corporate campaign strategy. us ment, saying that they had instead 'de Let look at each of these three factors cided to honor the nationwide Boycott of in turn. Hormel products.'" (254) The spread of Green shows how employers and the T-shirts, buttons, and posters invoking state acted in concert to attack the P-9 the viewer to "CRAM YOUR SPAM" be strike. The strikers at one point were pic as came the slogan which demonstrated that keting branches of First Bank part of the working class in the US was indeed far Rogers' strategy of making any corpora econ from dead. tion closely linked to Hormel suffer Finally, the official union leadership, omically. On 23 September 1985, US Dis particularly in the US, saw the 1980s as trict Court Judge Edward Devitt "issued a marking the end of the era of class temporary injunction prohibiting any fur struggle and the "traditional" tactics of ther First Bank activities." (79) In April the workers' movement, and the time for 1986, the same judge issued an injunction a transition to the realm of reason and "prohibiting threatening or harassing compromise. But as Green clearly shows, scabs by any means." (241) On 2 June, it was only class struggle unionism which Devitt upheld the right of the anti-Hormel allowed the workers to fight at all. In strike UFCW bureaucracy to place the P-9 January and February 1986, mass pickets local under trusteeship. (253) And one again and again kept scabs out of the month later, he ruled that P-9's union hall was no ? was now plant, fought the National Guard, and longer theirs that it the brought out several Hormel-owned plants property of the UFCW leadership who had in nearby towns in sympathy strikes. sabotaged the strike. (261) em Green sees these class struggle highpoints The close link between state and as the key to the strike, and that had the ployer did not end with the judiciary. On to strike leaders gone just a few steps fur 13 January 1986, the company tried ther, "Hormel would have had to find a reopen the struck plant. After mass pic way out." (286) There is no doubt inmy kets prevented them from doing so, Gov mind that Green is absolutely right. ernor Rudy Perpich called in the National However, the strike was lost, and Guard. They, together with local police, after reading Green's account, three fac used tear gas, mass arrests, and armoured tors seem to have been all-important in personnel carriers to allow scabs to slow that defeat. First, the concerted and often ly filter into the Austin plant. Even the times illegal violence organized by the State Highway Patrol, "supposedly involvement in a employer and the agencies of the state banned by law from any one kept workers on the defensive. Second, labor dispute," at point prevented P-9 the incredible betrayal and pro-employer, strikers from keeping scabs out of the was the real face pro-concessions stand of the national plant. (137) This, then, ? an leadership of the UFCW undercut labour's of "free" enterprise triumphant in access resistance. Third, the limits inherent in transigent employer, with to the unencum the "corporate campaign" in which Green courts, the cops, and the army, means to was centrally involved (he was, at the bered in its use of any and all time of the strike, employed by Ray Ro crush the P-9 strikers. as of the em gers' union consulting firm, Corporate But vicious the attacks con state not Campaign Inc.) circumscribed and ployer and the were, they could tained the challenge to Hormel. Green is in themselves have defeated the strike if without question right to lay the principle it were not for the role of the national blame for the defeat of the strike at the leadership of the UFCW. Along with the foot of boss and bureaucrat, the first two entire union leadership in the US, the REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS 347

UFCW bureaucrats strongly believed that March 1986, they killed the strike. A P-9 a resistance to attacks on wages and jobs in local meeting had passed resolution the early 1980s was impossible. The calling for unity between their local and 1979-82 recession had a devastating im the UFCW national leadership. Wynn pact on US employment. In that context, "seized upon the resolution to order an under the sheltering umbrella of Reagan end to the strike and cut off strike bene ism, employers everywhere threatened fits" (200) something no one voting for plant closures unless their workforces the resolution had in any way intended. In agreed to wage cuts and reductions in May and June, the UFCW took legal steps ? benefits in short, the type of conces to place the local under trusteeship. With sions over which the Hormel strike was the enthusiastic cooperation of the judi fought. And the US union bureaucracy, ciary, it seized P-9's assets, occupied the perhaps more than any other national union hall and even went so far as to union leadership, believed that not to sandblast an internationalist, class agree to concessions would mean an ine struggle mural painted in support of the vitable loss in jobs. UFCW national P-9 struggle. The betrayal was complete leaders were enthusiastic backers of this when they "signed a strike settlement pro-concessions policy. with Hormel that gave scabs priority job ... In 1981, this UFCW bureaucracy de rights And the 1,000 loyal union people cided that all Hormel locals should agree were issued withdrawal cards, forcing to concessions (41) to "bring lower wage them out of the union altogether." (5) operators more in line with master agree Boss and bureaucrat together broke ment companies" and "minimize the the strike. But the defeat did not go un wave of plant closings." (46) The re challenged. The best part of Green's book sponse of the company was to use the is his documentation of the tremendous money saved to finance a new $100-mil self-organization and self-activity of the lion plant opened in August 1982, get rid P-9 strikers and the Austin working class, of 2,600 of the 3,000 old-plant workers, and the way in which this inspired mass and hire on 1,000 new workers with little working-class support across the US. or no was a union experience. The result Green provides pages of evidence show workforce of 1,500, half the size of the ing that there was, in this self-activity and 1970s, and with many of the most experi solidarity, the potential to beat back Hor enced unionists no longer employed. This mel, setting the employer and the defeat done, Hormel imposed their drastic con ist union leadership on their heels. ? a cessions package in 1984 23 per cent In response to the company's attacks, wage and benefits cut that became the spouses of the workers, "primarily wives spark for the strike. and a few husbands," formed the United to Agreeing concessions had done Support Group. Two wives called a meet nothing to save jobs. But the UFCW bure ing in a park in September 1984, almost a ? aucracy still refused to fight. Worse at year before the strike began, and 300 every point it actively sabotaged the P-9 women and men attended. (13-4) In Oc strikers. Lewie Anderson, director of tober 1984, the dispute captured the atten UFCW's Packinghouse Division, began tion of Rogers' Corporate Campaign. openly denouncing the tactics of the local "When Rogers and his partner Ed Allen as came early as 1984. (26) In March 1985 first to town in October 1984, they ... UFCW president William Wynn "sent out were amazed [to find] several hundred a women letter notifying all UFCW meatpacking with signs and banners waiting locals that they should offer neither moral outside to greet them. And rather than the nor financial support for P-9's 'ill-ad anticipated fifty-odd union members, the vised' campaign" (27) of picketing cor hall was crammed with over three thou porations with links toHormel. And on 15 sand P-9ers and family members." (14-5) 348 LABOUR/LE TRAVAIL

Again and again the mass self-activ were other aspects of the campaign whose ity of the P-9 strikers pushed the strike long-run impact was to demobilize rather forward. On 23 August 1986, one week than mobilize the rank and file. At its into the strike, "a thousand strikers and core, the campaign was based on an as ... supporters completely ringed the sumption that the UFCW leadership would at downtown block" containing First Bank respond to reason, that management was headquarters in Minneapolis. More signi Hormel essentially rational, that ficant was their direct approach to other much of the dispute at Hormel, as else Hormel workers. Between 26 August and where, was based on misunderstanding, 31 August that year, 300 P-9 members and that therefore the rank and file should went on a car caravan to hit every Hormel structure the mass pressure exerted facility within driving distance. The through the corporate campaign to appeal strategy included "leafleting every home to the positive side of bureaucrats and were essen in the town, then lining up P-9ers in front businessmen, people who of the plant, not to block entry, but to tially "good." Thus Rogers emphasized show their potential strength and to get information pickets, consumer boycotts, workers as they came off shift." (63-4) At and civil disobedience, as opposed to the large Hormel plant in Ottumwa, Iowa mass pickets designed to result in sym the 300 P-9ers formed two lines of pickets pathy strikes, militant and large pickets in "along both sides of the road and extend front of the struck plant, and self defence ... ing 300 feet on each side of the plant against the organized violence of the The reaction was electric. Truck drivers state. The corporate campaign was a step making deliveries to the plant and others towards self-activity, solidarity, and the who drove by showed enthusiastic agree politics of class-struggle unionism. But it ...... ment with the P-9 signs From the always stopped short, derailed by a naive dock at the rear of the plant workers raised trust in the good will of the powers that clenched fists to show solidarity with the were confronting the strikers. P-9 members." And after work, 80 per Immediately on becoming involved cent of the local's membership came in the dispute, several months before the down to the city park. Local executive strike began, Rogers argued that Bill board member Lynn Huston described the Wynn of the UFCW was a "reasonable meeting. man." (15) This left P-9ers who believed Rogers unprepared to deal with the real One after another they [the Ottumwa workers] Wynn, a cynical bureaucrat who had no got up and talked ... A lot of them had tears in intention of reasoned who did their said we had to stick being with, eyes. They together, in his not inconsiderable that it was the only way we'd get fair treatment everything ... to wreck the strike. Guys would say, I haven't always been a power consumer good union man, but I'm here to tell you that Instead of using the boycott I've changed. About seven or eight said that as a tactic to pull supporters to the picket never been able to the word Austin ? they'd say line an effective and frequently used before without it with the word as ? following method of strike organizing Rogers sholes. They'd always wondered what Austin ar counterposed boycotts to picket lines, people looked like. Now, they said, we know guing that staffing the picket line around that you're just like us. (68) the Austin plant was very much a second He for a "minimum This was the great strength of Rogers' ary activity. argued number of outside the Aus corporate campaign. In using a car ca pickets" (63) tin while the caravans to surround ravan of dozens of striking workers, a plant was towns were This left powerful message of solidarity de ing being organized. the local less than it other livered, far more direct and effective than prepared might wise have been for a mass defence of their any leaflet or newsletter. However, not all when the sheltered the of Rogers' approach had this effect. There plant company, by REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS 349

caravan armed might of several agencies of the that had the whole arrived, there state, began running scabs into the struck is a very good chance that Fremont would facility in January. have closed, and the Austin strike would True, it might have made sense to have been immensely strengthened. The "minimize" the Austin pickets if the ca phones should have rung all night to build ravans were travelling to other Hormel the picket, rather than call it off. But by facilities to try to shut them down. But for looking to show "good faith" to the "rea a months they were instructed to have in sonable" men of Hormel management, formation pickets only. It was only out of magnificent opportunity was thrown away. desperation, five months into the strike, Green sees clearly that these events of that these changed to real picket lines, as 24 January were the key to the strike. the strikers began to realize that Hormel Never again were the P-9 workers to be so was determined to reopen the Austin fa close to shutting the three decisive Hor cility with scabs. mel plants simultaneously. But he does When the information pickets were not see how this decision was linked to scrapped for pickets calling for solidarity the logic of Rogers' whole approach. The and sympathy strikes, the initial result failure to shut Fremont cannot directly be was spectacular. On 21 January 1986, 75 pinned on Rogers. In fact he was furious P-9 strikers closed Hormel's Ottumwa at the local executive for calling off the plant when 850 refused to cross their line. 24 January picket. But because the whole On 22 January, P-9ers had less success at corporate campaign strategy was based ? two other Hormel plants. But the key was on appealing to "reason" exactly the ? Fremont, Nebraska. If the P-9ers could argument used by the executive Rogers shut the Hormel plant in that town, along must take indirect responsibility. Em ? side the plants in Ottumwa and Austin, ployers are not reasonable they under enough Hormel production would be af stand only the rational of profit and loss. ? fected that the company would be econ The state is not reasonable in a capital omically hurt. On 24 January, then, a ca ist society, its only reason for involving ravan of pickets set out for Fremont to try itself in industrial disputes is in order to and close the plant. "Then the executive assist employers with their profit and loss board [of the local] flinched." They difficulties. For strike leaders to appeal to thought the attempt to shut Fremont was reason serves, then, to sow illusions that "too rash," that they had to show Hormel management will listen to a rational argu management some "good faith." By the ment, leaving the rank and file unpre time this decision was reached, the ca pared for the cynicism and brutality ravan had already set out. So they worked which is the essence of employer-side the phones all night to get the caravan collective bargaining. stopped. In the months to come, many of As an issue in the labour movement, those on the phones that night would see this is a major point. There is a need to as an enormous this mistake. return to class-struggle unionism, a need Most cars and vans were contacted to dispel any and all illusions which stand and instructed to return home. At least in the way of that return. As a criticism of one van was a missed. The 5 P-9ers in that this book, it is minor point. For this van, not knowing that their executive had account of a major strike breathes with the called off the picket, set up a line by life of the picket line. It shows the deep at am on themselves 4:45 Saturday morn humanity and heroism of ordinary wor ing, in spite of the presence of 50 deputy kers in small-town America. It shows no sheriffs and the Highway Patrol. These mercy to a union bureaucracy ossified and five kept over 200 people out for 2-1/2 corrupt in a way that is almost beyond went hours. The 200 to the union hall belief. It provides powerful evidence that instead of to work. There is no question 350 LABOUR/LE TRAVAIL

the state in capitalist society is very far from being neutral. The lessons of Hormel are there for all to see in this first-hand account. And

in spite of the defeat, these lessons need not make one pessimistic. There are only a handful of former strikers at work in the ? were plant today more than 1,000 driven out by boss and bureaucrat. "Nevertheless," as one account recently reported, "in 1993, candidates from the relative handful of former strikers still in won a on the plant majority the local's executive board, and a former worker at HormeTs Ottumwa, Iowa plant, who had helped to lead a solidarity walkout of 500 workers in January 1986, was elected Local 9 secretary." So don't discard that "CRAM YOUR SPAM" t-shirt. It just may become fashionable again.

Paul Kellogg Ryerson Polytechnic University