The New Left Historians and the Historiography of the Cold War.
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A Measure of Detachment: Richard Hofstadter and the Progressive Historians
A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT: RICHARD HOFSTADTER AND THE PROGRESSIVE HISTORIANS A Thesis Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS By Wiliiam McGeehan May 2018 Thesis Approvals: Harvey Neptune, Department of History Andrew Isenberg, Department of History ABSTRACT This thesis argues that Richard Hofstadter's innovations in historical method arose as a critical response to the Progressive historians, particularly to Charles Beard. Hofstadter's first two books were demonstrations of the inadequacy of Progressive methodology, while his third book (the Age of Reform) showed the potential of his new way of writing history. i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................i CHAPTER 1. A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT..........................................................................1 2. SOCIAL DARWINISM IN AMERICAN THOUGHT………………………………………………26 3. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL TRADITION…………………………………………………………..52 4. THE AGE OF REFORM…………………………………………………………………………………….100 5. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………………………139 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..144 CHAPTER ONE A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT Great thinkers often spend their early years in rebellion against the teachers from whom they have learned the most. Freud would say they live out a form of the Oedipal archetype, that son must murder his father at least a little bit if he is ever to become his own man. -
Under the Direction of Professor David A
ABSTRACT MEDLIN, ERIC PATRICK. The Historian and the Liberal Intellectual: Power and Postwar American Historians, 1948-1975. (Under the direction of Professor David A. Zonderman.) Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Richard Hofstadter, and Daniel Boorstin were three of the most influential American historians of the post-World War II period. They sold millions of books, influenced historiographic debates, and filled prominent positions in society and government. Schlesinger spent two years as a special adviser to President Kennedy, Hofstadter served on the board of the forerunner to PBS, and Boorstin became the first historian to be appointed Librarian of Congress. Over the past five decades, historians have characterized these writers as conservative academics who focused on consensus and agreement in American history. My work challenges that notion. In this thesis, I analyze the writings, speeches, and personal correspondence of Schlesinger, Hofstadter, and Boorstin between 1945 and 1975. My study focuses on both their political ideas and their roles in society. I look at how their work articulated different arguments for and ideas about liberalism during this period. I argue that their positions and roles in society changed in response to their ideas about what society needed from intellectuals. I also argue that the experiences and successes of these figures a provide a template for contemporary public intellectuals who desire both academic and public relevance. © Copyright 2017 by Eric Patrick Medlin All Rights Reserved The Historian and the Liberal Intellectual: Power and Postwar American Historians, 1948-1975 by Eric Patrick Medlin A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts History Raleigh, North Carolina 2017 APPROVED BY: ____________________________ ____________________________ Julia E. -
Rothbard's Time on the Left
ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself. -
The New Left in the Sixties: Political Philosophy Or Philosophical Politics?
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 6, No. 4; August 2016 The New Left in the Sixties: Political Philosophy or Philosophical Politics? Frédéric ROBERT, PhD Assistant Professor of American Studies Université Jean Moulin-Lyon III France Abstract This paper analyzes what the New Left, a multi-faceted protest organization which emerged in the Sixties, was all about. It presents its slow evolution—from the Old Left to the New Left—its main organizations and the different stages it went through to become the main counter-power in the United States striving to transform American society. The paper also insists on the philosophical and political aspects which gave birth to the New Left, while showing to what extent it was different from the Old Left, mainly because it favored direct actions, deemed more effective by its members than time-consuming ideological debates. Introduction The fact that a New Left exists in the United States today (…) is the proof of a reality which manifests itself both in society at large and in the political arena. What this New Left is is more difficult to say, because there is very little unity between the various organizations, programs, and ideological statements which form the phenomenon usually referred to as ‘the Movement.’1 According to Massimo Teodori, a historian and political scientist, it is particularly difficult to understand the American New Left which emerged in the Sixties. It is even more complicated to analyze it. Paradoxically enough, it also found it difficult to analyze it because of the numerous strategic and ideological changes it went through. -
The Conservatism of Richard Hofstadter 45
The Conservatism of Richard Hofstadter 45 The Conservatism of Richard Hofstadter Ryan Coates Third Year Undergraduate, Durham University ‘We have all been taught to regard it as more or less “natural” for young dissenters to become conservatives as they grow older.’ Richard Hofstadter So proved to be the case for the author of this statement, the outstanding American historian of the twentieth century, Richard Hofstadter (1916-70). This assertion challenges the dominant orthodox portrayal of Hofstadter as the iconic public intellectual of post-war American liberalism. The orthodox interpretation, supported by biographer David Brown and historians Arthur Schlesinger and Sean Wilentz, demonstrates Hofstadter’s ideological progression from thirties radical, briefly a member of the Communist Party, to fifties liberal credited as the founder of consensus history.1 This interpretation draws upon Hofstadter’s most political works, includingThe American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (1948), The Age of Reform (1955) and most prominently, the essays collected in The Paranoid Style in American Politics (1964), to reveal an apparent all-encompassing hostility toward conservatism. The revisionist interpretation, advanced by Hofstadter’s fellow New York intellectual Alfred Kazin and historians Robert Collins, Daniel Walker Howe and Peter Elliott Finn, challenges this one-dimensional portrayal of Hofstadter’s complex relationship to conservatism.2 Rather than flourishing into the iconic historian of American liberalism, the revisionists contend, Hofstadter’s intellectual development represented a gradual transition that had, by the end of his shortened life, culminated in a conversion to Burkean conservatism. Indeed, Kazin’s description of Hofstadter as a ‘secret conservative in a radical period’ encourages parallels 1 David S. -
Deposit and Copying Declaration Form
The Life of the Mind: An Intellectual Biography of Richard Hofstadter Andrew Ronald Snodgrass Jesus College This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2018 Abstract The Life of the Mind: An Intellectual Biography of Richard Hofstadter Andrew Ronald Snodgrass Despite his death in 1970, Richard Hofstadter’s work continues to have an enduring influence in American political culture. Yet despite the continued and frequent use of his interpretations in public discourse, his reputation within historical scholarship remains, to a large degree, shaped by perceptions that were formed towards the end of his career. The narrative pervades of Hofstadter as the archetypal New York intellectual who rejected his youthful radicalism for political conservatism which, in turn, shaped his consensus vision of the past. These assessments reflect the biographical tendency to read a life and career backwards. From such a vantage point, Hofstadter’s work is viewed through the prism of his perceived final position. My dissertation challenges the accepted narrative by considering his writing in the context of the period of time in which it was written. In doing so, it is evident that his work belies attempts to reduce his scholarship to reflections of a shifting political standpoint. Whilst it is undoubted that Hofstadter’s historical and political view changed through time, there was a remarkable consistency to his thought. Throughout his career, his writing and lectures were suffused with a sense of the contingency of truth. It was the search for new uncertainties rather than the capture of truth which was central to his work. -
Why American History Is Not What They Say
WHY AMERICAN HISTORY IS NOT WHAT THEY SAY: AN INTRODUCTION TO REVISIONISM also by jeff riggenbach In Praise of Decadence WHY AMERICAN HISTORY IS NOT WHAT THEY SAY: AN INTRODUCTION TO REVISIONISM Jeff Riggenbach Ludwig von Mises Institute, 518 West Magnolia Avenue, Auburn, Alabama 36832; mises.org. Copyright 2009 © by Jeff Riggenbach Published under Creative Commons attribution license 3.0 ISBN: 978-1-933550-49-7 History, n. An account mostly false, of events mostly unimportant, which are brought about by rulers mostly knaves, and soldiers mostly fools. —ambrose bierce The Devil’s Dictionary (1906) This book is for Suzanne, who made it possible. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Portions of Chapter Three and Chapter Five appeared earlier, in somewhat different form, in Liberty magazine, on RationalReview. com, and on Antiwar.com. David J. Theroux of the Independent Institute, Andrea Millen Rich of the Center for Independent Thought, and Alexia Gilmore of the Randolph Bourne Institute were generous with their assistance during the researching and writing stages of this project. Ellen Stuttle was her usual indispensable self. And, of course, responsibility for any errors of fact, usage, or judgment in these pages is entirely my own. CONTENTS preface 15 one The Art of History 19 i. Objectivity in History 19 ii. History and Fiction 25 iii. Th e Historical Fiction of Kenneth Roberts 36 iv. Th e Historical Fiction of John Dos Passos 41 two The Historical Fiction of Gore Vidal: The “American Chronicle” Novels 49 i. Burr and Lincoln 49 ii. 1876, Empire, and Hollywood 59 iii. Hollywood and Th e Golden Age 65 three The Story of American Revisionism 71 i. -
19 CHAPTER NINE AMERICAN HISTORY American History Has Not
CHAPTER NINE AMERICAN HISTORY American history has not been subject to the same influences as British history being rather less in chronological extent and without the need to justify the lineage of the various English dynasties of monarchs. Nevertheless it has been subject to its own myths and ideologies dating from the first English settlement and given force with the American Revolution. They can be grouped as various varieties of what is known as “American exceptionalism. “ In the Puritan John Winthrop's 1630 sermon, “A Model of Christian Charity", preached on board the ship Arbella. Winthrop told the future Massachusetts Bay colonists that their new community would be "as a city upon a hill", watched by the world and this became the ideal the New England colonists placed upon their hilly capital city, Boston Winthrop's sermon gave rise to the widespread belief in American folklore that the United States of America is "God's country" because metaphorically it is a "Shining City upon a Hill". This sentiment was echoed just before the Revolution by Thomas Paine in his influential 1776 pamphlet “Common Sense”. He argued that the American Revolution provided an opportunity to create a new, better society: “We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand....” Many Americans agreed with Paine, and came to believe that the United States' virtue was a result of its special experiment in freedom and democracy. -
Synthesis…Comparing Sources… Woodrow Wilson
Unit 6, Period 7 Part 1 Name:_______________________________________________________________ Class Period:____ Synthesis…comparing sources… Woodrow Wilson Skill 9: Synthesis Historical thinking involves the ability to develop meaningful and persuasive new understandings of the past by applying all of the other historical thinking skills, by drawing appropriately on ideas and methods from different fields of inquiry or disciplines, and by creatively fusing disparate, relevant, and sometimes contradictory evidence from primary sources and secondary works. Additionally, synthesis may involve applying insights about the past to other historical contexts or circumstances, including the present. Proficient students should be able to … Combine disparate, sometimes contradictory evidence from primary sources and secondary works in order to create a persuasive understanding of the past. Apply insights about the past to other historical contexts or circumstances, including the present. One important way to practice this historical thinking skill is to analyze two different sources or viewpoints on one event or era. Just as historians pull information from a plethora of different sources, we must also consider more than one source when analyzing history. In an essay, this skill will enable complex conclusions. On short answer questions, you may be presented with two sources then have to analyze them. AT LEAST ONE OF YOUR SAQs ON THE AP EXAM WILL BE SYNTHESIS! Such a task, when analyzing secondary sources, also requires an appreciation of historiography and realizing that history isn’t necessarily what happened in the past. It is our perception of what happened in the past. The story changes as perspectives change, but the goal is the same: to better understand the past. -
SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class. -
Witham, Nicholas David (2012) After the New Left: U.S
Witham, Nicholas David (2012) After the New Left: U.S. cultural radicalism and the Central America solidarity movement, 1979-1992. PhD thesis, University of Nottingham. Access from the University of Nottingham repository: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14112/1/580281.pdf Copyright and reuse: The Nottingham ePrints service makes this work by researchers of the University of Nottingham available open access under the following conditions. · Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. · To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in Nottingham ePrints has been checked for eligibility before being made available. · Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not- for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. · Quotations or similar reproductions must be sufficiently acknowledged. Please see our full end user licence at: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/end_user_agreement.pdf A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the repository url above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact [email protected] AFTER THE NEW LEFT: U.S. -
Populist Paranoia: the Roots and Style of Agrarian Reform Throughout the Late Gilded Age by Jordan Rosman Advisor
1 Populist Paranoia: The Roots and Style of Agrarian Reform throughout the Late Gilded Age By Jordan Rosman Advisor: Rogers Smith This thesis is submitted in fulfillment of Bachelor of Arts Degree Department of Political Science with Distinction College of Arts and Sciences University of Pennsylvania 2017 2 Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank Dr. Rogers Smith, my thesis advisor and the director of the Penn Program on Democracy and Constitutionalism, for his continual guidance and time devoted throughout countless meetings, seminars, and back-and-forth emails. Dr. Smith first sparked my academic interest in the Gilded Age and revisionist history in his American Constitutional Law class. This year, he encouraged me early to embrace an interdisciplinary approach towards this research, which made the thesis process an extremely vibrant intellectual undertaking. Though Dr. Smith was originally skeptical of my thesis (and probably still is), I know no one more dedicated to intellectual tolerance and honesty than Dr. Smith. He showed the utmost respect for my own ideas and opinions, for which I will always be appreciative. I would also like to thank Dr. Doherty-Sil for her leadership and guidance during the fall honors seminar. She effectively cultivated a sense of community among the class, which allowed me to critically engage with fellow friends and students. I also owe much appreciation to Dr. James Hrdlicka and Dr. Shenila Khoja-Moolji for their guidance and help throughout the DCC seminar. I also owe an additional thank you to Dr. Steven Hahn for piquing my interests in and passions for popular politics.