Witham, Nicholas David (2012) After the New Left: U.S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Witham, Nicholas David (2012) After the New Left: U.S Witham, Nicholas David (2012) After the New Left: U.S. cultural radicalism and the Central America solidarity movement, 1979-1992. PhD thesis, University of Nottingham. Access from the University of Nottingham repository: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14112/1/580281.pdf Copyright and reuse: The Nottingham ePrints service makes this work by researchers of the University of Nottingham available open access under the following conditions. · Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. · To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in Nottingham ePrints has been checked for eligibility before being made available. · Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not- for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. · Quotations or similar reproductions must be sufficiently acknowledged. Please see our full end user licence at: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/end_user_agreement.pdf A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the repository url above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact [email protected] AFTER THE NEW LEFT: U.S. CULTURAL RADICALISM AND THE CENTRAL AMERICA SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT, 1979-1992 By Nicholas David Witham Dissertation submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies February 2012 Contents Abstract iii Acknowledgements v Introduction - Rethinking Radical Politics in the 1980s: Cultures of Central America Solidarity 1 Section I: Intellectual Culture Chapter 1 - Walter LaFeber, Gabriel Kolko and the History of American Empire 30 Chapter 2 - Verso Books and Transnational Solidarity 64 Section II: Press Culture Chapter 3 - Liberal Anti-Interventionism at The Nation 104 Chapter 4 - The Guardian, the Solidarity Movement and El Salvador 143 Section III: Screen Culture Chapter 5 - Anti-Interventionist Cinema at Hollywood's Margins 185 Chapter 6 - Feminist Documentary Filmmaking and Central American Revolutionary Struggle 224 Conclusion - Cultural Legacies of Central America Solidarity 263 Bibliography 275 ii Abstract After the New Left: U.S. Cultural Radicalism and the Central America Solidarity Movement, 1979-1992 examines how the work of intellectuals, journalists and filmmakers combined with that of transnational solidarity activists during the 1980s to negotiate the legacies of the U.S. New Left and create a radical anti-interventionist movement forged around opposition to the policies of the Reagan administration in Central America. The case studies examined include the revisionist historiography of Walter LaFeber and Gabriel Kolko, transnational debates about the meaning of "solidarity" in the pages of several important publications by Verso Books, anti- interventionist journalism at left-liberal magazine The Nation and radical weekly newspaper the Guardian, and political filmmaking including Haskell Wexler's Latino (1985) and Oliver Stone's Salvador (1986), as well as feminist documentaries When the Mountains Tremble (1983) and Maria's Story (1991). Detailed historical analysis of each case study casts light on the relationship that developed between cultural work and political activism during the 1980s, a relationship that helped to sustain the U.S. left through a long and difficult period of Republican ascendency, economic restructuring and decline in trade union militancy. Ultimately, whilst the individuals and institutions examined often used their work to provide representations of the ideas and impulses of the Central America solidarity movement, they also played a sometimes unanticipated role in the constitution of anti- interventionist politics. In other words, the cultural work of intellectuals, journalists and filmmakers played a role not only in reflecting political processes, but also in 111 helping to shape them. Analysis of the uses to which U.S. cultural radicalism was put in the immediate period "after the New Left" therefore provides an excellent opportunity not only to engage with the complex legacies of 1960s radicalism in recent American history, but also to rethink the question of the relationship between radical culture and activist politics. IV Acknowledgements I must first thank my supervisors, Sharon Monteith and Tony Hutchison, for their generous advice and support throughout the time it has taken me to research and write this thesis. I would not have been able to complete it without the financial assistance provided by a doctoral award from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), as well as travel funding from the British Association for American Studies, the Eccles Centre for American Studies at the British Library, and the University of Nottingham Graduate School. I am also glad to acknowledge the editors and anonymous reviewers at Left History and U.S. Studies Online, where sections of Chapters 1 and 5 were first published. At Nottingham, I have benefitted from the suggestions and opinions of Richard King, Christopher Phelps, Matthew Pethers, Robin Vandome, Maria Ryan, Bevan Sewell, Graham Thompson and, even since his departure to Dublin, Dan Geary. Furthermore, the support provided by the Postgraduate Professional Development Program in the School of American and Canadian Studies has been invaluable, especially the comments, friendship and hospitality of Mark Storey, Ian Evans, Keith Nottle, Tim Foster, Michael Collins, Theo Sweeting, Zalfa Feghali, Rachel Walls, Fran Fuentes, Hannah Hawkins and Rachel Williams. During an AHRC Library of Congress scholarship at the Kluge Center in Washington, D.C., Mary-Lou Reker provided inspiration with her stories of time spent in Nicaragua during the 1980s, and several librarians and film archivists ably supported me. Whilst in Washington, I also benefitted from the intellectual sustenance v that arose from sharing a workspace with Matthias Freidank, and from Scott McLemee's kind offer to impart his memories of the Central America solidarity movement, which resulted in an introduction to the cultural and political work of Ed Asner and Bruce Cockburn, amongst other things. During the course of another overseas visit, this time to Madison, Wisconsin, I was warmly greeted by Jennifer Ratner- Rosenhagen and Paul Buhle, and skilfully sustained in my research by Harry Miller and his team of archivists at the Wisconsin Historical Society, the collections of which are a treasure trove for historians of the American left. In Ithaca, Walter LaFeber generously provided his advice over lunch; in Boston, Bradford Martin offered kind words of encouragement, as well as the proofs of his book on the "Other Eighties"; and in Sheffield, Ellie Shermer helped to get me thinking about the ways in which my thesis could be of interest to political historians. I am also grateful to Mike Davis and Pamela Cohen, who generously responded to my questions via email without having met me in person. On a personal level, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to David, Alison and Louise Witham for their never-ending supply of emotional support and reassurance, as well as to Ellis, Kathleen and James Armstrong for the generous encouragement and relaxation they have offered in Essex and, more recently, Texas. My friends in London and elsewhere, most notably Ben Melton, Russell Coombes and Manni Sasani, have lightened my mood on numerous occasions and have therefore played a crucial, if unintended, role in helping to get this thesis finished. But my final and most sincere acknowledgement must go to Rebecca Armstrong, whose love and support has helped me every step of the way. vi No matter how strong a social or ideological system, it cannot control everything within its domain. Many people feel powerless before a media-government combination that rumbles on inattentively. And yet, the presence of a fledgling alternative to this combination has appeared in America, and in many ways has made its contribution to the emergence of a counter-politics, which, while it is limited to the ideological and cultural realm, is nevertheless of inestimable significance. Edward Said, "Irangate: A Many-Sided Crisis" (1987) vii Introduction Rethinking Radical Politics in the 1980s: Cultures of Central America Solidarity In October 1986, American Marxist literary critic Fredric Jameson traveled to Nicaragua to interview Tomas Borge, who was at that time Interior Minister in the Sandinista government that had ruled the country since the culmination of a long and protracted revolution in 1979. In making his political pilgrimage to Central America, Jameson was by no means unique: during a similar period, many thousands of U.S. journalists, intellectuals and activists traveled to the region to experience life in revolutionary Nicaragua, or to learn first hand about the guerrilla movements that had taken up arms against the U.S.-backed oligarchies that ruled EI Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras.' Taken together, these travelers formed one important sector in the Central America solidarity movement that emerged during the late 1970s and retained a presence within the U.S. left until the early 1990s, comprising a loose coalition of leftist, peace, and religious groups united around a commonly held opposition to U.S. foreign policy in the region. Upon his return, Jameson's interview with Borge was published in the British Marxist journal New Left Review (NLR). Introducing the piece, he made clear that his central interest in travelling to Nicaragua was to learn J In one estimate, the number of activists who travelled to Nicaragua during the 1980s was 100,000 alone. See Roger Peace, "Winning Hearts and Minds: The Debate over U.S. Intervention in Nicaragua in the 1980s" in Peace and Change 35: 1 (January 2010) p.
Recommended publications
  • Rothbard's Time on the Left
    ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Left in the Sixties: Political Philosophy Or Philosophical Politics?
    American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 6, No. 4; August 2016 The New Left in the Sixties: Political Philosophy or Philosophical Politics? Frédéric ROBERT, PhD Assistant Professor of American Studies Université Jean Moulin-Lyon III France Abstract This paper analyzes what the New Left, a multi-faceted protest organization which emerged in the Sixties, was all about. It presents its slow evolution—from the Old Left to the New Left—its main organizations and the different stages it went through to become the main counter-power in the United States striving to transform American society. The paper also insists on the philosophical and political aspects which gave birth to the New Left, while showing to what extent it was different from the Old Left, mainly because it favored direct actions, deemed more effective by its members than time-consuming ideological debates. Introduction The fact that a New Left exists in the United States today (…) is the proof of a reality which manifests itself both in society at large and in the political arena. What this New Left is is more difficult to say, because there is very little unity between the various organizations, programs, and ideological statements which form the phenomenon usually referred to as ‘the Movement.’1 According to Massimo Teodori, a historian and political scientist, it is particularly difficult to understand the American New Left which emerged in the Sixties. It is even more complicated to analyze it. Paradoxically enough, it also found it difficult to analyze it because of the numerous strategic and ideological changes it went through.
    [Show full text]
  • SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
    NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class.
    [Show full text]
  • A New History of Leviathan
    A NEW HISTORY OF LEVIATHAN A NEW HISTORY OF LEVIATHAN Essays on the Rise of the American Corporate State EDITED BY RONALD RADOSH AND MURRAY N. ROTHBARD A Button Ngjijfly Paperback E. P. DUTTON & CO., INC. | NEW YORK | 1972 Copyright © 1972 by Murray N. Rothbard and Ronald Radosh All rights reserved. Printed in the U.S.A. First Edition Individual Copyrights William Appleman Williams: "A Profile of the Corporate Elite." Printed by permission of the author. Copyright © 1972 by William Appleman Williams. Martin J. Sklar: "Woodrow Wilson and the Political Economy of Modern United States Liberalism." Reprinted from Studies on the Left, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Fall, i960), by permission of the author. Copyright © i960 by Studies on the Left. David Eakins: "Policy-Planning for the Establishment." Printed by permission of the author. Copyright © 1972 by David Eakins. James Gilbert: "James Burnham: Exemplary Radical of the 1930s." Printed by permission of the author. Copyright © 1972 by James Gilbert. Leonard P. Liggio: "American Foreign Policy and National- Security Management." Printed by permission of the author. Copyright © 1972 by Leonard P. Liggio. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, includ- ing photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without per- mission in writing from the publishers, except by a reviewer who wishes to quote brief passages in connection with a review written for inclusion in a magazine or newspaper or broadcast. Published simultaneously in Canada by Clarke, Irwin & Company Limited, Toronto and Vancouver.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Left Historians and the Historiography of the Cold War.
    THC NEW LEFT HISTORIANS AND THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE COLD WAR James Viggo Jensen B.A., University of British Columbia, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF I .: THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department History @ JAMES VIGGO JENSEN 1975 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY April 1975 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name : James Viggo Jensen Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: The New Left Historians and the Historiography of the Cold War Examining Comit tee : Chairman : J.M. Bumsted Ian Mwidge Senior Supervisor C.G. Reed, External Examiner Department of Economics & Commerce Simon Fraser University Date Approved : 28 April 1975 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICEhSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis or dissertation (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its -own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate ::udies. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thes is /~issertation : The New Left Historians and the Hi~toriographyof the Cold !Jar. Author : James Viggo Jensen (name) April 28, 1975 (date) l? T)Ct"" CT .
    [Show full text]
  • In Socialism's Twilight: Michael Walzer and the Politics of the Long New
    In Socialism’s Twilight: Michael Walzer and the Politics of the Long New Left David Marcus Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 ©2019 David Marcus All Rights Reserved Abstract “In Socialism’s Twilight: Michael Walzer and the Politics of the Long New Left” David Marcus In Socialism’s Twilight is a study of the thought and politics of Michael Walzer and the travails of “democratic socialism” in the second half of the twentieth century. Using the methods of intel- lectual and political history, it situates Walzer’s political theory and criticism in the context of what might be called the “long New Left,” the overlapping generations of radicals that stretched from the beginning of the Cold War to its end and that supplemented the left’s traditional com- mitments to socialism with a politics of national liberation, radical democracy, and liberalism. By doing so, the dissertation hopes to trace the development not only of Walzer’s own commit- ments but also those of the socialist left. Caught in a period of frequent defeat and bitter contro- versy, socialists found themselves forced into a state of constant revision, as they moved from the libertarian socialism of the 1950s and 60s to the social democratic coalitions of the 1970s and 80s to the liberalism and humanitarianism of the 1990s and 2000s. Opening with the collapse of the Popular Front after World War II, the study follows Walzer’s search for a new left with radi- cals around Dissent and through his involvement in civil rights and antiwar activism.
    [Show full text]
  • William Appleman Williams| Progressive, Consensus, New Left Historian
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1996 William Appleman Williams| Progressive, consensus, New Left historian Bradley J. Fogo The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Fogo, Bradley J., "William Appleman Williams| Progressive, consensus, New Left historian" (1996). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 4093. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/4093 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. # Maureen and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of IVIONTANA Pennission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. ** Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature ** Yes, I grant permission No, I do not grant permission Author's Signature Date Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. William Appleman Williams; Progressive, Consensus, New Left Historian by Bradley J. Fogo B.A. The University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1992 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 1996 Approved by: Chairperson Dean, Graduate School 5- lS-16 Date UMI Number: EP36361 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]
  • Love's Labour's Lost: a History of the Question "Why Is There No Socialism in the United States?"
    Portland State University PDXScholar University Honors Theses University Honors College 2014 Love's Labour's Lost: A History of the Question "Why is there No Socialism in the United States?" Alexander M. Dunphy Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/honorstheses Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Dunphy, Alexander M., "Love's Labour's Lost: A History of the Question "Why is there No Socialism in the United States?"" (2014). University Honors Theses. Paper 41. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.93 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. LOVE’S LABOUR’S LOST: A HISTORY OF THE QUESTION “WHY IS THERE NO SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES?” by Alexander M. Dunphy An undergraduate honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science in University Honors and History Thesis Adviser David A. Horowitz Portland State University 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………..………………...1 PART ONE: Roast Beef and Apple Pie Radicals and Reformers in an Irreconcilable Reality, 1900s-1940s………………............………8 PART TWO: No Feudalism, No Socialism Consensus Scholars and the American Ethos, 1950s-1960s………..………..………………..…30 PART THREE: History from the Bottom Up The New Left’s Search for a Usable Past of U.S. Socialism, 1960s-1970s…...…….……..……46 PART FOUR: The End of History and the End of Exceptionalism Cultural Studies, Neoconservatives and Socialism’s Plight, 1970s-2000s.…..…............….....…69 CONCLUSION ..………………………………………………………....…..………....………87 BIBLIOGRAPHY ……..………………...……………...………………..……………....……..93 INTRODUCTION There are certain questions in the intellectual discourse of a nation that never seem to go away.
    [Show full text]
  • A Think Tank on the Left: the Institute for Policy Studies and Cold War America, 1963-1989
    University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations August 2015 A Think aT nk on the Left: The nsI titute for Policy Studies and Cold War America, 1963-1989 Brian Scott uelM ler University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Mueller, Brian Scott, "A Think aT nk on the Left: The nI stitute for Policy Studies and Cold War America, 1963-1989" (2015). Theses and Dissertations. 1014. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/1014 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A THINK TANK ON THE LEFT: THE INSTITUTE FOR POLICY STUDIES AND COLD WAR AMERICA, 1963-1989 by Brian S. Mueller A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee August 2015 ABSTRACT A THINK TANK ON THE LEFT: THE INSTITUTE FOR POLICY STUDIES AND COLD WAR AMERICA, 1963-1989 by Brian S. Mueller The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2015 Under the Supervision of Professor J. David Hoeveler For American intellectuals, the Cold War involved a battle far more important than the ones taking place in faraway lands. While the nearly half-decade conflict never degenerated into a nuclear war, the combat between intellectuals resembled a nuclear explosion at times.
    [Show full text]
  • The Free University of New York
    The Free University of New York: The New Left’s Self-Education and Transborder Activism Toru Umezaki Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Toru Umezaki All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Free University of New York: The New Left’s Self-Education and Transborder Activism Toru Umezaki This dissertation addresses the unique history of the Free University (School) of New York (FUNY), 1965-1968, in the context of the American radical movement that occurred amidst the international upheaval of national liberations. The Free University of New York was founded by young radical intellectuals who were inspired by the struggles for self-determination that were taking place in Third World countries. Radicals concerned with Third World liberation movements created the anti-Vietnam War group May 2nd Movement, from which the Free University was born. Although FUNY only existed for a short period of time, from 1965 to 1968 it functioned as a center for radical education and politics for intellectuals in leftist circles within New York and in the United States as a whole. The uniqueness of the Free University lay in its experimental education and in its instructors’ activities beyond the U.S. borders. The radical education at the Free University clearly reflected the interests of New Left intellectuals in the Sixties in America. The transborder activism of the Free University instructors included organizing an international pacifist movement against the U.S. involvement in the War in Vietnam, discussing the meaning of liberation with European intellectuals, and importing the idea of national liberation from the Third World revolutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Kedftining the PAST
    KEDftINING THE PAST LSSdySin Diplomatic History in HonorofWilliam Applemanlliams William Appleman Williams REDEFINING THE PAST [ssdys in Diplomdtic History in HonorofWIIidm AppIemdnIIidms LI1tJ 1)\'Lt\'(I .irdn'r ri Oregon State University Press Corvallis, Oregon The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. LibraryofCongress Cataloging in Publication Data Redefining the past. Bibliographies: p. Includes index. 1. United StatesForeign relations-2Oth century. 2. Williams, William Appleman. I. Williams, William Appleman. II. Gardner, Lloyd C., 1934- E744.R42 1986 327.73 86-8427 ISBN 0-897071-348-5 © 1986 Oregon State University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Contents Introduction vii Acknowledgments viii About theAut hors ix Part One William Appleman Williams: "Doing History is Best ofAll. No Regrets." 3 William G. Robbins "The Tragedy ofAmerican Diplomacy": Twenty-Five Years After 21 Bradford Perkins Revisionism Revisited 35 Ivan R. Dee William Appletnan Williams and the CrisisofPublic History 45 David W. Noble Part Two 63 Theories of Imperialism 65 Carl Parrini The Foreign Policy ofAntislavery, 1833-1846 85 Edward P. Crapol "Europe First" and its Consequences for the Far Eastern Policy of the United States 105 Fred Harvey Harrington The Evolutionofthe Monroe Doctrine from Monroe to Reagan 121 Walter LaFeber Herbert C. Hoover and the DreamofCapitalism in One Country 143 Patrick Hearden Freda Kirchwey: Cold War Critic 157 Margaret Morley TheAtomic Temptation, 1945-1954 169 Lloyd C. Gardner "Every System Needs a Center Sometimes" An Essay on Hegemony and Modern American Foreign Policy 195 Thomas McCormick WritingsofWilliam Appleman Williams A Bibliography 221 Notes 227 Index 255 Introduction History as a way of/earning has one additional value beyond establishing the nature of reality and posing the questions that arise from its complex- ities and contradictions.
    [Show full text]
  • Red Roots, Radical Fruit : Children of the Old Left in the Civil Rights
    RED ROOTS, RADICAL FRUIT: CHILDREN OF THE OLD LEFT IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT AND THE NEW LEFT By Elise McCurties A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY History 2011 ABSTRACT RED ROOTS, RADICAL FRUIT: CHILDREN OF THE OLD LEFT IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT AND THE NEW LEFT By Elise McCurties Children of the Old Left were leading participants in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left. During their childhood these individuals often participated in their parents’ political activities and many developed their own organizations to support Old Left causes. Like their parents, young leftists were persecuted for their activism during the McCarthy period. Red Diaper Babies (RDBs), children raised by parents associated with the Communist movement, and their peers from other Old Left organizations were followed by FBI agents, attacked on the playground, and harassed in the classroom. When these young activists entered college in the Sixties, they helped start or joined social movements that supported these Old Left values learned during childhood. These radical youth were instrumental in starting some of the major protest organizations of the decade, most notably Students for a Democratic Society, the Free Speech Movement, and later the Weathermen. In addition to their participation in the New Left, radicals participated at all levels of the Civil Rights Movement in the North and the South. As a result of their childhood experiences, these young activists differed significantly from other white non-leftist volunteers and their experiences help expand historians’ understand of white activism during the Civil Rights Movement.
    [Show full text]