Black Pastoralists, White Farmers
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Black pastoralists, white farmers: The dynamics of land dispossession and labour recruitment in Southern Namibia 1915 - 1955 by Jeremy Gale Silvester A Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Department of History School of Oriental and African Studies University of London July, 1993. 1 ProQuest Number: 11010539 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11010539 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 tiOCIVo^ ?a/us ^ ABSTRACT. The dissertation examines the dynamics of rural economic struggle within the reserves and on white commercial farms. The supply of farm labour during the period 1915-1955 can be seen as an equation with a number of variables. Black pastoral communities in southern Namibia sought to retain control over their land and their labour. In contrast, the administration sought the division of land amongst a new wave of white immigrants and the recruitment of local black pastoralists as farm labourers. The ‘state apparatus’ available to enforce legislation in the early years of South African rule was initially weak and local labour control depended largely on the relationship between individual farmers and their workforce. The mobility of stock was essential to black pastoralists and denser white settlement increased the constraining influence of cartographical reserve borders. The State described these as ‘labour reserves’ and effectively prevented the emergence of black farmers who might rival their white neighbours. Yet case studies of the Bondelswarts and Berseba reserves show how economic differentiation influenced the shape of political resistance. The pattern of rapid white settlement in southern Namibia was initially inspired by a political, rather than economic agenda. The drought of 1929-1934 was a turning point in the economic history of the region. The subsequent transformation of the white farming community into the primary source of revenue within Namibia was strongly linked to the successful expansion of the karakul industry in southern Namibia. The alienation of land and the increase in the quantity and quality of white farmers stock was a crucial factor in the detrimental revision of the terms of employment of local workers on farms. The growing prosperity of white farmers in the region resulted in a change in the composition of the labour force with increased reliance upon migrant labour from northern Namibia. 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank all those that have given me academic, financial and domestic support during the course of my studies, and particularly Birkbeck College for dealing with working students with such sympathy and understanding. The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without their support and, although it is impossible to list all those who have contributed to my work, I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the support of some individuals and organisations in particular. I would like to give a particular mention to my Supervisor Dr David Anderson who has been a constant source of encouragement throughout the academic journey and helped me through the rougher patches. I would also like to thank Brigitte Lau and all the staff at the State Archives in Windhoek who helped to locate sources and collected so many heavy volumes with a smile. Helena Kashima also gave invaluable help in arranging interviews in Northern Namibia. I would like to gratefully acknowledge the financial assistance provided by the University of London, the Goldsmith’s Company Trust, theLindley Studentship, the Silman Trust and the Scholarships Sub-Committee at Birkbeck College. I must particularly thank the Harold Hyam Wingate Foundation for awarding me a Wingate Scholarship and Number One Housing Co-operative for providing cheap accommodation and Neo for the use of her word processor during the writing up of my thesis. I would like to thank my family for their support, Ginni and Nicholas for helping with the binding and Jane the map-making. Last, but not least, I would like to thank all the friends who provided assistance, information and accommodation for me during my stay in Namibia. A special thanks must go to Jacki and Toros Boois who welcomed me into their family and provided a warm and supportive environment for my studies during my stay in Namibia. I would also like to thank Caroline Laberloth, Paul and Saar Andreki, Pauline Kanases, David Sampson, Vicki Richter and the Shippiki family. 3 CONTENTS. Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 3 Contents 4 List of Maps, Tables and Charts 7 Abbreviations 8 Note on Terminology 8 INTRODUCTION. 9 Structure 16 Sources 18 Notes - Introduction 20 CHAPTER ONE: Creating Labour Reserves: The Legislation of Alienation and Confinement. Introduction 22 The Reserve and Labour Policy of the German Colonial Regime. 24 The Military Administration, 1915-1920 28 The Native Reserves Commission of 1921 36 - Labour reserves 38 - Controlling the black pastoralists 39 - Reducing the factor costs of black farm labour 40 - The problems of urban areas 40 - Reproducing the labour force 41 The Evolution of Labour Policy 42 The Chronology of Labour Control 46 - Limits on the freedom of movement 46 - Mechanisms for the control of black labour 47 - Controls on black stockowners 49 - Measures concerning the financing of the reserves 54 - Restrictions placed on the black urban population 56 The Spread of the Reserve Network 58 The Management of the Rural Labour Force 63 Conclusion 77 Notes - Chapter One 78 4 CHAPTER TWO: The Economy of the Reserves. Introduction 86 The Spatial Context of the Reserves 95 Mobility and Constraint 105 - Mobility and control 105 - Constraint 106 Black Pastoralists, White Farmers 111 The Impact of Grazing Fees on the Reserves 117 Drought and the Destruction of the Pastoral Economy 119 Recovery and Restriction 126 The Stock Market 131 Drought and Differentiation in the Reserves, 1940-1955 134 The Reserves and Selectivity in the Labour Market 138 Conclusion 140 Notes - Chapter Two 142 CHAPTER THREE: The Political Dvnamics of the Reserves. Introduction: The Cloak and Dagger of Tradition 154 The Struggle of Leaders for Authority and Autonomy 158 The Struggle to Maximise the Size and Quality of the Reserves 165 The Struggle over Ethnic Identity 168 The Evasion of Regulations 176 The Struggle for a Voice: The AME and the UN 183 Case Study: The Bondelswarts Rising of 1922 192 Case Study: Berseba Reserve and the Rise and Fall of Diederich Goliath, 1933-1938 201 Conclusion 208 Notes - Chapter Three 209 CHAPTER FOUR: The Social and Economic Development of the White Farming Community in Southern Namibia. Introduction 223 The Pattern of German Land Distribution 231 Farmers without Farms: White Land Use, 1915-1918 233 Land Settlement, 1919-1930 240 Drought and Depression 257 Survival Strategies and State Support 262 Problems and Priorities for Recovery 266 The Conversion to Karakul 271 World War Two and the Second Wave of Land Settlement 275 Drought and Recovery 278 5 CHAPTER FOUR: Continued. Conclusion 282 Notes - Chapter Four 284 CHAPTER FIVE: The Dynamics of the Farm Labour System. 1915-1925. Introduction 295 Defining and Defying Labour Agreements 298 Wage Labour 313 Conclusion 319 Notes - Chapter Five 320 CHAPTER SIX: The Rise of the ’Indispensable* Migrant Farm Worker. Introduction 325 The Decade of Desolation, 1926-1935 326 The Introduction of Long Distance Migrant Labour 332 Recruiting Migrant Workers as Karakul Shepherds 335 The Control of Farm Worker’s Stock 340 The Launch of SWANLA 342 The Drought of 1946 346 The Engagement of Local Farm Workers, 1946-1955 347 Symptoms of Resistance by Migrant Farm Workers 349 SWANLA’s Control of Farm Labour Recruitment 353 Conclusion 357 Notes - Chapter Six 359 CONCLUSION 372 BIBLIOGRAPHY 373 6 LIST OF MAPS, TABLES AND FIGURES. FIGURES. 1. Black Population Distribution, 1930 and 1935 59 2. The Genealogy of the Bondelswarts Leadership 194 3. Length of Residency of White Stockowners in Warmbad District, 1919 238 4. Prices for Karakul Pelts, 1924-1955 252 5. Comparison of Flock Composition on White Farms in Gibeon District, 1930 and 1937 272 6. Exports of Karakul Pelts, 1924-1955 274 7. Pattern of Land Alienation, 1920-1955 277 8. The Comparative Contribution of Agriculture and Mining to Gross National Product, 1946-1955 281 9. The Distribution of Migrant Labour, 1927-1945 336 10. Black Population Distribution, 1936 and 1946 343 11. The Distribution of Migrant Labour, 1946-1954 354 MAPS. M l. Namibia showing reserves in the Police Zone, 1955 61 M2. Southern Namibia, showing Districts and Reserves 69 M3. Unoccupied Farms Bordering Berseba Reserve, 1930 100 M4. Portion of Gibeon District, 1921 103 M5. White Settlement in Warmbad District, 1911 108 M6. White Settlement in Warmbad District, 1921 109 TABLES 1 . Scale of Grazing Fees for Reserves, 1924 50 2. Proposed Scale of Grazing Fees for Reserves, 1927 52 3. Scale of Grazing Fees for Reserves, 1946 54 4. The Expansion of the Reserves of Southern Namibia 62 5. Summarised Duties of Reserve Headmen, 1929 75 6. Land Alienation in the Southern Districts, 1913 98 7. Comparison of Flock Size of Wealthiest Residents of Berseba Reserve, 1930 and 1935 124 8. A Summary of AME Demands, 1948 190 9. The Captains of Berseba (c. 1860s - 1938) 203 10. Advances made to Settlers in Gibeon District, 1921-1931 249 11.