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The Roots of Radicalization in Belgium

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The Roots of Radicalization in Belgium June 26th, 2018 Jean-Charles Micieli s2100002 When Criminology Engages in Terrorism Studies: The Roots of Radicalization in Belgium Word count: 17 000 Leiden University Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs - Master in Crisis and Security Management Supervisor: Dr. B.W Schuurman - Second Reader: Dr. M.C.A Liem Table of Content Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 2 State of the Art ........................................................................................................................... 4 Methodology/Data Collection .................................................................................................. 13 Discussion/Analysis ................................................................................................................. 20 Group dynamics - Networking ............................................................................................. 21 Kinship dynamics ............................................................................................................. 21 Friendship/Comradeship/Collective Identity ................................................................... 24 Demographical and geographical dynamics ....................................................................... 26 Skills transfer from criminality to terrorism / Criminal background ................................... 34 Ideological dimension .......................................................................................................... 42 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 46 References ................................................................................................................................ 49 1 Introduction The rise of the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (Islamic State – ISIS) has had physical, ideological and societal repercussions which have affected various areas of the world. It is difficult to measure the genuine impact of this phenomenon on every stakeholder across different societies, given both the specificity and complexity of the subject. Nevertheless, the rise of the so-called Islamic State has highlighted another phenomenon in specifically western societies: “homegrown terrorism”, the radicalization of nationals of western countries who commit attacks in their home countries, known collectively as “homegrown terrorists”. Since 2015, terrorists have killed more than 300 people and have wounded thousands more in terrorist attacks across the European continent (Klausen, 2017). The phenomenon of “homegrown terrorism” began to emerge following the 2004 train bombings in Madrid (Bhatt & Silber2007). A clear link arises from the fact that most of the attackers were nationals or residents of those countries affected by terrorism. The impact of these attacks is broader than it seems, highlighting social strains that are so deeply rooted in western societies that preventing radicalization has now become the focus of many State governments in western countries. As such, “homegrown terrorism” can be seen as a significant factor in countering terrorism in the West. The concept of radicalization is often referred to in the context of “homegrown terrorism”. As Schmid (2013) contends, radicalization is the process preceding an increased use of political violence. The concept of radicalization is subject to strain debates among scholars and specialists with regards to both its genuine signification and its position within the broader concept of terrorism (Kundnani, 2012; Schmid, 2013; Sedgwick, 2010). Some of the complexities of “homegrown terrorism” include the identification of its roots and the multiple and diverse motivations of its protagonists. An important question remains unanswered concerning Islamic radicalization: Does the prevalence of homegrown Islamic terrorism in Western Europe have more to do with religion and Salafi fundamentalism, or with the social exclusion of Muslims and a generational revolution in response to this exclusion? There is a clear fragmentation in both political and academic debates concerning this question, with certain scholars siding on one or either side of the argument, while others propose a mixture of both being the source (Cottee, 2011; Kepel, 2016; Roy, 2015; Sageman 2005). The academic debate at hand will serve as basis for further analysis of the phenomenon with a focus on Belgium. 2 Many European countries have indeed been confronted with the phenomenon of citizens or residents becoming radicalized and eventually committing terrorist attacks. Some western nationals have even left their home countries for the purpose of fighting in the war zones in Syria and/or Iraq and are known as “Western Foreign Fighters” (Bakker & de Bont, 2016). Some of these individuals eventually try to return either to resume a ‘normal’ life far from Islamic extremism or to perpetrate further acts of terrorism. Some others have tried to reach Syria and/or Iraq but have been arrested during the process. This is particularly prevalent in Belgium, the European country with the most foreign fighters per capita, with a contingent of 470 individuals who left as of January 2016 and of 60 individuals who attempted but failed to reach the war zones (Bakker & De Bont, 2016; Coolsaet, 2016). In addition, Belgium has been both directly affected by and indirectly involved in terrorism in the recent past, with terrorist attacks in Brussels (Jewish Museum 2014, Zaventem and Malbeek 2016) and the Paris attacks (2015) which were, for the most part, organized on Belgian soil (Kepel, 2017). The Belgian case is therefore notably interesting. This study identifies patterns of radicalization among young Muslim individuals in Belgium by focusing on radicalization in the region of Brussels between 2012 and 2016. This will be seen in the light of ‘Differential Association’ theory (Sutherland, 1947) which emanates from criminology. This paper will assess the impact of three broader categories on the process leading to radicalization. The first category, group dynamics / networking takes into account factors such as kinship, comradeship and friendship. The second category, demographical and geographical dynamics, studies the social and societal strains that may serve as starting point for radicalization. The third category, skills transfer from criminality to terrorism, underlines the prevalence and importance of the criminal backgrounds of terrorists. This study will further address the ideological and religious dimension behind Islamic radicalization, and will eventually assess the extent to which the application of ‘Differential Association’ theory is valid for better understanding the subject at hand. As such the following research question is proposed: “To what extent can the phenomenon of ‘Homegrown Terror’ and ‘Islamic Radicalization’ by individual members of the ‘French-Belgian Jihadist Network’ between 2012 and 2016 be explained by ‘Differential Association’ theory (Sutherland, 1947)?” 3 State of the Art This section consists in a review of the existing literature of the concept of Islamic radicalization and “homegrown terrorism”. The rationale behind the choice of definition of radicalization will also be addressed in this section. In addition, the major features of ‘Differential Association’ (Sutherland, 1947) theory will be explained. The aim of this chapter is to identify the major trends in the existing literature which will serve as groundwork for further discussion. There is no universally accepted definition in academia or political discourse for the concept of radicalization (Cottee, 2011). However, the term has largely been used in the media in the context of terrorism and ‘homegrown terrorism’. Schmid (2013), contends that the term radicalization is in essence a context-bound phenomenon in which global, sociological, political, psychological and ideological drivers all have an equal footing (Schmid, 2013). This plurality facilitates a variety of approaches when dealing with the concept of radicalization. A general tendency in the literature tends to see radicalization as a process leading towards the use of violence. This process implies an escalation in parallel with a radicalization of behaviors (Kundnani, 2012; Schmid, 2013; Sedgwick, 2010). From this point of view, “radicalization entails a change in perception and a rising animosity towards certain social groups or societal institutions and structures” (Schmid, 2013). Neumann (2013) describes radicalization as ‘what goes on before the bomb goes off’. This approach and choice of wording does align with the general definition of the concept by the public, however, it neglects to highlight the lack of consensus regarding the definition, as well as the multiple features inherent to a concept as complex as radicalization. This study could have used the definition of radicalization used by the Belgian Coordination Unit for Threat Assessment (CUTA). According to the CUTA, radicalization can be understood as “a process during which a person or a group of persons experiences such influences that this person or this group of people will, at some point, be mentally molded or disposed to commit terrorist acts” (Plan R – The Action Plan Against Radicalism, 2016). Although this definition addresses many factors specific to the concept of radicalization and has a binding link with terrorism
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