DOCSLIB.ORG

The Southern Integration and the European Union Model

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Southern Integration and the European Union Model Stephanie Polezzeli FOKUS | 2/2017 The South American Integration Trail: The Southern Integration and the European Union Model The European Union (EU) is a result of the Caribbean. Intra-regional exports amounts action of the Parliament is limited since devastating Second World War in which to a total of $10 billion1 and has increa- its recommendations are not binding. The Europe suffered extensive damage to sed from representing a 4.1% of the total repeated breaches undermine the credibi- build ings and infrastructure, and an over- exports in 1990 to 10.2% in 2006.2 lity and capacity to function properly as a whelming blow to the economy. In order supranational organisation. to secure peace and re-introduce some The community is also composed of the order in Europe, along with human rights organs and institutions of the Andean Inte- In any integration process, political will is and democratic values, the reconstruction gration System. The Andean Presidential a fundamental cornerstone. The Andean of the European economies was conside- Council is the highest-level body of the Community countries frequently reach red as a fundamental cornerstone. After Andean Integration System and is made trade agreements with non-member coun- the war, Europe enjoyed a long period of up of the Heads of State of the Member tries prioritising national interests at the uninterrupted integration together with Countries. It issues guidelines on the expense of the sub regional bloc. For ex- an intensive economic growth. diffe rent spheres of Andean sub-regional ample, Colombia and Venezuela, when the integration. The Andean Council of Foreign latter one was still a member, signed trade This focus will shed light on forms of Ministers formulates the Member Coun- agreements with Mexico, with the Caribbe- regional integration in South America tries‘ foreign policy on matters of sub-re- an Community (CARICOM), with Argentina by highlighting the different integration gional interest. The Andean Community and with Chile. Moreover, Colombia, Peru models and by providing a comparison to Commission, composed of a plenipoten- and Ecuador have a trade agreement with the European model. tiary representative from each Member the European Union.5 Country‘s government, is in charge of the The Andean Community of Nations formulation, execution, and evaluation of Mercosur the Andean sub-regional integration poli- The „Andean Community of Nations“ cy in the area of trade and investment. The The „Southern Common Market“ (Spanish (Spanish acronym: CAN) was created in General Secretariat is the executive body acronym: MERCOSUR) was created in 1991 1969 when Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and coordinates the integration process. when Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uru- Peru and Chile signed the Cartagena The Court of Justice is the judicial authori- guay signed the Treaty of Asunción. Agreement and is the oldest integration ty of the Andean Community and reviews process in the region. Venezuela joined the the legality of the acts of all the Bodies and In 2012, Venezuela became a full member market in 1973 but left the CAN in 2006, Institutions and settle the existing disputes and Bolivia signed the Protocol of Accessi- after Colombia and Peru announced free between countries, citizens or countries on. Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Ve- trade agreement negotiations with the and citizens. The Andean Parliament is the nezuela have already ratified the adhesion United States of America and searched a System‘s deliberating body, it represents of Bolivia, which is waiting for the support place in the MERCOSUR. That shift was a the peoples of the CAN and promotes the of the Brazilian National Congress. change consistent with the foreign policy Andean Sub-regional integration process.3 of President Hugo Chávez that priorities The bloc is the world‘s fifth largest econo- sub-regional integration and south-south The supranational nature of several of its my and encompasses 295 million inha- dialogue. Chile left the Community in 1976 bodies and Institutions, as well as the fact bitants living in a total area of 15 million due to economic policy differences, speci- that any individual can refer to the General square kilometers.6 It has a combined GDP fically regarding tariff policies. The CAN‘s Secretariat and / or the Andean Court of of nearly $3.5 trillion.7 main achievement has been the creation Justice without previously exhausting all of a Free Trade Zone that was completed in domestic judicial instances differentiate Total trade increased from $100 - $125 bil- January, 2006. this integration process from others in lion in 2000 to $325 - $400 billion in 2014.8 Latin America.4 These intra-regional figures are relatively The community comprises 103 million in- low when compared to European trade. habitants and a total of 3.7 million square Although conclusions of the decision- kilometers. The community has 20% of making bodies and the Court of Justice The MERCOSUR comprises one of the the world‘s total biodiversity, 10% of the are binding, Member States do not tend largest freshwater aquifers in the world, planet‘s freshwater resources and 35% of to abide them due to the lack of enforce- the Acuifero Guarani, and the largest rain- all the forests of Latin America and the able sanctions. Furthermore, the scope of forest, the Amazon jungle. Furthermore, it 1 South American Integration FOKUS | 2/2017 contains Petrobras, PDVSA and numerous which implies, on the one hand, that there between Heads of Government, without energy resources, both renewable and is no entity capable of imposing a higher being able to articulate a clear instituti- non-renewable. degree of discipline resulting in a low de- onal architecture. In addition, despite its gree of implementation of the common aspirations, the bloc relies mainly on the The Treaty of Asunción provides the free rules. The decisions emanated from its participation of Central American and movement of goods, services and factors organs are not binding until approved by Caribbean countries, and Bolivia.12 of production between countries through the corresponding legislative powers. On the elimination of customs duties and the other, due to the lack of supranational The Union of South American Nations non-tariff restrictions, the establishment of rules, the market enjoys a relative flexibility a common external tariff and the adoption in the negotiating process. The “Union of South American Nations” of a common trade policy in relation to (Spanish acronym: UNASUR) was created third States.9 Its Common External Tariff covers appro- in April 2007 as a legacy of the Community ximately 85% of intra-regional trade and of South American Nations (Spanish acro- According to Article No. 1 of the Ouro is equal to national tariffs for 35% of total nym: CSN). The CSN aimed to integrate the Prêto Protocol, the decision-making bodies trade by MERCOSUR countries.10 MERCOSUR and the Andean Community are the Council of the Common Market, countries. UNASUR comprises 12 South the Common Market Group and the MER- The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, COSUR Trade Commission. The Council, Our America - Peoples‘ Trade Treaty Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, comprised by the Ministers for Foreign Peru, Surinam, Uruguay, Venezuela and Pa- Affairs and the Ministers of Economy of the The creation of the “Bolivarian Alliance raguay. Panama and Mexico are Observer States Parties, is the highest organ and is for the Peoples of Our America” (Spanish States. The Constitutive Treaty, signed in responsible for the political leadership and acronym: ALBA) was proposed in 2001 as a 2008, entered into force in 2011. decision-making process. The executive platform for economic, social, political and organ is the Common Market Group, cultural integration of the peoples of Latin According to the above-mentioned Treaty, which is composed by representatives of America and the Caribbean by the former the objective of the Union is to build „an the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and integration and union among its peop- of Economy and Central Banks. It has the the former Cuban President Fidel Castro, les in the cultural, social, economic and power to propose measures for applying after Mr. Chávez objected to the proposal political fields“ the trade liberalization programme and of the Free Trade Area of the Americas. coordinate macroeconomic policies. The It has a population of approximately 400 MERCOSUR Trade Commission assists the In 2004, Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez million inhabitants, equal to nearly 65% Common Market Group and is respon- signed the protocols for its foundation. of Latin America population and a surface sible for ensuring the implementation of In 2006, Bolivia joined the Alliance and area of 17 million square kilometers. The common commercial policy instruments the proposal of the Bolivian President Evo GDP of UNASUR accounts for 5.6% of agreed by the States Parties for the func- Morales of a Peoples‘ Trade Treaty (Spanish world GDP. 13 tioning of the customs union. acronym: TCP) was incorporated. A TCP is an “exchange instrument based upon soli- The regional bloc represents the world‘s Furthermore, the protocol states that the darity and complementarity between the fourth largest economy after the United institutional structure is comprised of the countries, intended to benefit the peoples States, China, and Japan.14 Joint Parliamentary Commission, the Eco- as opposed to the Free Trade Agreements, nomic and Social Consultative Forum and that are geared to increasing the power UNASUR comprises four bodies. The the MERCOSUR secretariat. The MERCOSUR and the domination of the transnational Council of Heads of State and Government Parliament was constituted in 2006, as enterprises”.11 Trade and investment are is the highest organ and establish policy a substitute for the Joint Parliamentary not considered an end in itself but inst- guidelines towards the South American Commission, and represents the interests ruments to reach a just and sustainable integration.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Venezuela's Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations And
    Area: Latin America - ARI 54/2006 (Translated from Spanish) Date: 30/5/2006 Venezuela’s Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations and the Consequences for Regional Integration (Part I) Carlos Malamud ∗ Theme: The unexpected announcement by Venezuela of its decision to withdraw from the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), plus the nationalisation of Bolivian hydrocarbons, have further shaken the already unsteady scenario of South American regional integration. Summary: The President of Venezuela took advantage of a meeting with his colleagues from Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay on 19 April 2006 to unexpectedly announce the country’s withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations (Comunidad Andina de Naciones or CAN), the sub-regional integration block formed by Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, whose annual trade turnover totals close to US$9 billion. Ten days later, Bolivia’s President Evo Morales announced the nationalisation of the country’s hydrocarbons. Venezuela insists that withdrawal from the CAN was a direct result of the immediate harm it would be caused by the free trade agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia and Peru. Regardless of the real reasons behind Commander Chavez’s attitude, Venezuela’s move sent a deep shudder of concern through other CAN members and further stirred the already choppy waters of regional integration in the continent. In the Andean Community, Colombia and Peru held Chávez responsible for withdrawing from the block, Bolivia clearly aligned itself alongside Venezuela and Ecuador took a more neutral stance, although it defended the process of regional integration. Theoretically, Venezuela’s withdrawal from the CAN should imply a greater and more active role for the Bolivarian regime in Mercosur, which has not pleased Argentina and Brazil, who are suspicious of attempts by Chávez to align with the smaller countries in the block, Paraguay and Uruguay, which in turn have their bones of contention with the two major players.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade Agreement Between the European Union and Colombia and Peru
    Trade agreement between the European Union and Colombia and Peru European Implementation Assessment STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Editor: Anna Zygierewicz Ex-Post Evaluation Unit PE 621.834 – July 2018 EN Trade agreement between the European Union and Colombia and Peru European Implementation Assessment On 29 November 2017, the Committee on International Trade (INTA) of the European Parliament requested authorisation to undertake an own-initiative report on the implementation of the trade agreement (TA) between the EU and Colombia and Peru (2018/2010 (INI). Santiago Fisas Ayxelà (EPP, Spain) was appointed rapporteur. This European implementation assessment has been provided to accompany the work of the INTA committee in scrutinising the implementation of the agreement. This European implementation assessment (EIA) consists of two parts. The in-house opening analysis (Part I) outlines the process leading to the signature of the trade agreement between the EU and Colombia and Peru. It also presents the socio-economic situation in Colombia and Peru and relations between the EU and Colombia and Peru, as well as relations between the EU and the Andean Community. The research paper prepared by external experts (Part II) presents a detailed analysis of trade in goods and services and foreign direct investments. The paper also evaluates, in detail, the implementation of the trade and sustainable development chapter of the trade agreement in both Colombia and Peru. Finally, the paper provides recommendations for the improvement of the implementation of the trade agreement. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHORS Part I: The opening analysis has been prepared by Dr Anna Zygierewicz, Ex-Post Evaluation Unit, EPRS.
    [Show full text]
  • South-South Cooperation: a Challenge to the Aid System?
    South-South Cooperation: A Challenge to the Aid System? The Reality of Aid Special Report on South-South Cooperation 2010 The Reality of Aid South-South Cooperation: A Challenge to the Aid System? is published in the Philippines in 2010 by IBON Books, IBON Center, 114 Timog Avenue, Quezon City, 1103 Philippines [email protected] www.ibon.org Copyright @2010 by the Reality of Aid Management Committee Layout: Jennifer T. Padilla Cover Photos: unescap.com, xanthis.files.wordpress.com Printed and bound in the Philippines by IBON Foundation, Inc. All rights reserved ISBN 978-971-0483-50-1 The Reality of Aid Network The Reality of Aid (RoA) Network exists to promote national and international policies that will contribute to new and effective strategies for poverty eradication built on solidarity and equity. Established in 1993, the Reality of Aid is a collaborative non-profit initiative involving non- governmental organisations from North and South. The Reality of Aid regularly publishes reliable reports on international development cooperation and the extent to which governments, North and South, address the extreme income inequalities and structural, social and political injustices that entrench people in poverty. The Reality of Aid has been publishing its reports and Reality Checks on aid and development cooperation since 1993. The Reality of Aid Global Management Committee is made up of regional representatives of all its member-organisations. Antonio Tujan, Jr. Chairperson / Representing Asia-Pacific CSO partners IBON Foundation/Chairperson of the Steering Committee RoA-Asia-Pacific Brian Tomlinson Vice Chairperson/Representing non-European Canadian Council for International Cooperation Country CSO partners (CCIC) Vitalice Meja Representing African CSO partners Coordinator, RoA-Africa Secretariat Ruben Fernandez Representing Latin American CSO partners Asociación Latinoamericana de Organizaciones de Promoción al Desarrollo, A.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
    CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • South-South Economic Cooperation: Motives, Problems and Possibilities
    SOUTH-SOUTH ECONOMIC COOPERATION: MOTIVES, PROBLEMS AND POSSIBILITIES Amitava Krishna Dutt Department of Political Science University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA [email protected] December 2013 Over the last fifty years or so, and especially in the last decade or so, calls for increases in South- South economic cooperation and interaction have intensified with a view to promoting Southern development. This paper examines the main motives behind this call and the analytical approaches underlying them, discusses whether recent trends in South-South interaction have fulfilled the expectations of its advocates, and explores the possibilities that exist for increasing such cooperation and interaction for Southern development. Prepared for presentation at an URPE session on South-South economic integration and development at the ASSA meetings in Philadelphia, January 4, 2014. 0 1. Introduction Calls for greater South-South economic cooperation leading to more economic interaction between less- developed countries (which are collectively called the South) in trade, capital movements, technology transfers, and other spheres, have a fairly long history. Ever since the independence of many Southern countries, and the growing recognition that trade with more-developed countries, the North, South-South trade was advocated by many scholars and policymakers focused on Southern development. Recently there have been renewed calls for greater South-South cooperation and interaction, especially through the promotion of South-South trade and capital flows (see, for instance, Asian Development Bank, 2011, Thrasher and Najam, 2012). A great deal of effort has been expended by Southern countries to increase South-South interaction, with Southern governments playing an important role in promoting regional integration within the South.
    [Show full text]
  • Working Towards a Just Peace in the Middle East
    KAIROS Policy Briefing Papers are written to help inform public debate on key domestic and foreign policy issues No. 16 February 2009 What Kind of a “New” Bretton Woods will Emerge from the Crisis? John Dillon s the world undergoes the greatest financial tutions not only failed to prevent the current crisis crisis since the 1930s, political leaders of but also contributed to it by encouraging the deregu- Avarious persuasions have been talking about lation and liberalization of financial markets. convening a new Bretton Woods conference to re- The original Bretton Woods conference estab- design the global financial system. The rhetorical lished the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to calls for a new Bretton Woods sound appealing. But oversee the financial system and the International it is not at all clear whether a new, more just and Bank for Reconstruction and Development (now sustainable order will emerge. Currently minor re- known as the World Bank) to assist with post-war forms that will only shore up an unjust economic reconstruction. Over their 64 years of existence order seem more likely. these two institutions have evolved in directions In this briefing paper we shall first look at how that would not be recognizable by their founders. the monetary system established at Bretton Woods, The IMF no longer has sufficient resources to act as New Hampshire in 1944 that had achieved relative a true lender of last resort. The World Bank has stability broke down in the early 1970s and was re- strayed from its mandate of funding genuine social placed by deregulated financial markets.
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Powers, Global Governance and the Relevance of BRICS
    1 Regional Powers, Global Governance and the relevance of BRICS Dr. Sudip Chakraborty Associate Professor in Economics A.C. College NORTH BENGAL UNIVERSITY P.O.& Dist. JALPAIGURI WEST BENGAL INDIA-735101 E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The paper justifies the optimism of new global order. The global financial crisis that had erupted in the US during 2008 battered the global economy. The disaster paved the way for rethinking on changes in the architecture of global governance. The fragile political and economic global situation triggered by the crisis led to emergence of regional power confederacy, particularly within the developing world. Consequently, the importance of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS), within the global governance structure has gone up. The steady emergence of BRICS in global politics has been mainly based on their excellent economic performances. This development on economic front coincides with increasing cooperation and coordination and formulating common positions on global political issues. BRIC(S), as a united entity, is expected to shape global governance in the 21st century. The influence already demonstrated by these emerging nations will surely continue to redistribute the balance of power in international financial institutions in favour of developing nations. Though the future of BRIC(S) cannot be predicted with certainty, its combined efforts and the results of its meetings thus far reflect the potential of the group of emerging nations to change the existing distribution of power around the globe. Key words: global economy, regional powers, international financial institutions 2 INTRODUCTION The emergence of regional powers during the end of the last millennium seems to unsettle the current global order.
    [Show full text]
  • Sucre Protocol
    SUCRE PROTOCOL THE GOVERNMENTS OF BOLIVIA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PERU AND VENEZUELA; AGREE through their duly authorized plenipotentiary representatives to the following amendments to the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement (Cartagena Agreement): Article 1. – In Article 2 replace the term "gross national product" by "gross domestic product." Article 2.- Substitute the following text for Article 3: "Article 3.- The following mechanisms and measures, among others, shall be used to achieve the objectives of this Agreement: The intensification of integration with the other regional economic blocs and of political, social, economic, and commercial relations with extra-regional systems; The gradual harmonization of economic and social policies and dovetailing of national laws on pertinent matters; Joint programming, the intensification of subregional industrialization and the execution of industrial programs and other forms of industrial integration; A more advanced trade liberalization schedule than the commitments arising out of the 1980 Treaty of Montevideo; A Common External Tariff; Programs to accelerate the development of the agricultural and agribusiness sectors; The channeling of internal and external resources to the Subregion to finance the investments that are needed for the integration process; Programs in the field of services and of the deregulation of intra-subregional trade in services; Physical integration; and Preferential treatment for Bolivia and Ecuador. The following economic and social cooperation programs and actions shall be carried out in coordination to complement the above-cited mechanisms: Programs designed to expedite scientific and technological development; Actions in the field of border integration; Tourism programs; Actions for the use and conservation of natural resources and the environment; Social development programs; and Actions in the field of social communication Article 3.- Eliminate Article 26c).
    [Show full text]
  • Latin America and the Caribbean
    LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN The EU’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean are multifaceted and conducted at different levels. The EU interacts with the entire region through summits of the heads of state and government, while agreements and political dialogue bind the EU and the Caribbean, Central America, the Andean Community, Mercosur and individual countries. LEGAL BASIS — Title V (EU external action) of the Treaty on European Union; — Titles I-III and V (common commercial policy; development cooperation and humanitarian aid; international agreements) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. REGION-TO-REGION RELATIONS A. The summits The first summit between the EU, Latin America and the Caribbean was held in Rio de Janeiro in June 1999 and established a Bi-regional Strategic Partnership. The most recent biennial summit, held in June 2015 in Brussels, was the second between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños, CELAC). The summits strengthen links between the two regions at the highest level and address issues on the bi-regional and international agendas. Debates have focused on topics such as democracy and human rights; fighting poverty; promoting social cohesion, innovation and technology; and the environment and climate change. The Brussels summit adopted a short political declaration, a longer declaration on the different aspects of the partnership and an EU- CELAC action plan, based on the priorities established by the recent
    [Show full text]
  • SOUTH BULLETIN Published by the South Centre ● ● 13 May 2013, Issue 72 China’S President Xi Pledges Support for South Centre
    SOUTH BULLETIN Published by the South Centre ● www.southcentre.org ● 13 May 2013, Issue 72 China’s President Xi Pledges Support for South Centre The Chairperson of the Board of the South Centre, former President of Tanza- nia H.E. Benjamin Mkapa, met with the new President of China H.E. Xi Jinping, when he visited Tanzania. President Xi pledged to continue to support the South Centre to promote South-South cooperation. XinhuaNews ·Pages 2-3 South Centre Conference: The Board and Council of The South in the Global the South Centre Hold Economic Meetings in Geneva Crisis Pages 3-5, 15-18 Pages 6-14 Investment Agreements: The First BRICS towards a A New Threat to the TRIPS South Bank? Flexibilities? • Pages 23-25 Pages 19-20 BRICS Bank: Doing LDCs Request to Extend WTO Development Differently? -TRIPS Transition Period Pages 20-21 Pages 27-28 South Centre Chairperson Holds Meeting with President of China Xinhua News Agency Report of the Meeting between Chinese Presi- dent and South Centre Chairperson AR ES SALAAM, March 25 D (Xinhua) -- Chinese President Xi Jinping on Monday met separately with Ali Mohamed Shein, leader of Tanzania's Zanzibar, and former Tan- zanian President Benjamin William Mkapa. In a meeting with Mkapa, Presi- dent Xi praised the former Tanzanian president as an old friend of China, as Xinhua well as an advocate and a witness of the China-Africa and China-Tanzania South Centre Chairman Benjamin Mkapa greets China’s President Xi JinPing in Dar Es Salaam. friendship. he Chairperson of the Board ment that China has achieved, Thanks to the joint efforts by gen- T of the South Centre, former which has fortified his determina- President of Tanzania H.E.
    [Show full text]
  • The Andean Community at the Crossroads
    Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas Discussion Paper Number 16 Natural Resources & Foreign Investors: A tale of three Andean countries Leonardo Stanley April 2008 The Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas, founded in 2004, brings together researchers from several countries in the Americas who have carried out empirical studies of the social and environmental impacts of economic liberalization. The goal of the Working Group Project is to contribute empirical research and policy analysis to the ongoing policy debates on national economic development strategies and international trade. The project also brings more prominently into U.S. policy debates the rich body of research carried out by Latin American experts, as well as their informed perspectives on trade and development policies. Hosted by Tufts' Global Development and Environment Institute, the Working Group Project has four initiatives. The Working Group’s web page is http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae/WGOverview.htm Leonardo Stanley is an economist at Universidad de Mar del Plata and a visiting researcher in the Department of Economics at CEDES. He has previously worked in the Programa de Teoría Económica at Instituto de Desarrollo Económico y Social in Buenos Aires. Leonardo Stanley received his MA in Science in Economics from Queen Mary & Westfield, London University, and a Diplome d’Etudes Approfondies from Universidad de Evry Val-d'Essone. © 2008, Leonardo Stanley and the Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas Natural Resources & Foreign Investors: A tale of three Andean countries Leonardo Stanley Introduction Over the past 25 years, Latin American governments have undertaken a structural-adjustment process including, among other actions, the elimination of trade barriers, privatization of large public domestic firms, and deregulation of markets.
    [Show full text]
  • EU Trade with Latin America and the Caribbean Overview and Figures
    EU trade with Latin America and the Caribbean Overview and figures IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Authors: Gisela Grieger and Roderick Harte Members' Research Service PE 625.186 – September 2018 EN This publication provides an overview of trade relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries and groupings. The EU has fully fledged agreements with two Latin American groupings (Cariforum and the Central America group), a multiparty trade agreement with three members of the Andean Community (Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), and bilateral agreements with Chile and Mexico. Since November 2017, a new agreement governing trade relations with Cuba has also been provisionally applied. In addition, the EU is currently modernising its agreements with Mexico (with which it has reached an 'agreement in principle') and Chile. The EU also has framework agreements with Mercosur and its individual members (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay). The agreement with the former will be replaced, once the ongoing negotiations on an EU-Mercosur association agreement have been completed. This publication provides recent data on trade relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries and groupings, compares the main agreements governing trade relations that are already in place, and analyses the rationale behind the ongoing negotiations on the EU-Mercosur, EU-Mexico and EU-Chile agreements. This paper has been drawn up by the Members' Research Service, within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament. To contact the authors, please email: [email protected] Original manuscript, in English, completed in September 2018.
    [Show full text]